Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 23 April 1883 — Page 4

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THE DAILY JOURNAL. IST JNO. C. NEW & SOX. For Rates of Subscription, etc., see Sixth Pacre. MONDAY, APRIL 23, 1883. Ninety-six reasons are urged by the defense in the Gougar-Mandler case why the court should grant anew trial. There are liinety-six thousand why the case should never be heard of again. Carter Harrison has found a champion in the person of Mrs. Jane Grey Swisshelm. She says he is not half so bad as he is painted; that he is a Kentucky erentleman and a statesman. Jane has forever ruined her chances of becoming a member of the Iroquois Club. Major Henry D. McDaniel, of Macon, Ga., rushes into print to deny “the infamous rumor” that he was “connected with the Union League, in name or in sympathy.” Either the Major is a fool or he has for constituents men who have le irned nothing since the early days of 1865. The American pottery “monopoly,” built up by protection during the past twenty years, sells its products from fifty to sixty per cent, cheaper than it did in 1860, when the English had no American competition. Thousands of skilled workmen are employed at good wages. There are some, however, who favor free trade at the expense of American industries. The convention to be held in Philadelphia this week will probably be the largest gathering of representative Irishmen ever held in this country. For several weeks the branches of the Land League in the different cities have been selecting delegates to represent them, and while the leaders are hoping for a harmonious session, there are indications that this hope is not based on very substantial grounds. The New Albany Ledger, the Democratic organ of Southern Indiana, the section of the State where tne Democratic party has its heavy majorities, remarks that “a little coterie of men gather together, shout free trade sentiments and claim to represei t Democratic sentiment in this country. They represent a very small minority composed principally of a little mutual admiration party and a few of the class who always follow wherever the born is blown the loudest.”

Senator Vest, of Missouri, Ims been engaged to appeal a case to the United States Supreme Court involving the question whether prohibition is not repugnant to the federal constitution. The case comes from Kansas, the party in interest being Peter Mugler, a brewer of Salina, who claims that he has the right to make and sell beer because his brewery was erected and established prior to the adoption of the prohibitory amendment, and if lie is now compelled to stop the work for which his brewery was built, it is in effect depriving him of his property without jufct compensation. The Kansas Supreme Court held that by virtue of the police power of the State, as interpreted by the United States Supreme Court, the prohibitory amendment was constitutional; but Judge Brewer, in a separate opinion, held that if the brewery was operated solely for the use of the proprietor there could be no interference, for the State could not say what a citizen should eat or drink, and if the brewery was operated to make beer for the individual use of the proprietor, before the State could close it they must pay him for its depreciation in value. These questions are of vital and paramount importance and interest, in view of the present status of the temperance agitation, and it is well that they should go to the court of final resort for authoritative settlement. Senator Vest is confident of a decision from the Supreme Court to the effect that all prohibitory liquor laws are void, as violative of the Federal constitution, basing his hopes upon the recent changes in the personnel of the court, and upon anew and more complete presentation of the facts and principles involved. Mr. Chamberlain, of the British cabinet, made a recent speech at Manchester, in which he discussed the Irish question in a very suggestive manner, in view of the fact that he is a member of the government, and may be held to speak in a somewhat authoritative spirit. Mr. Chamberlain replied to Lord Salisbury, the Conservative leader, who had advocated the exertion of force, and depreciated the nervelessness of Mr. Glnditone’s policy. Mr. Chamberlain said the government had a right to claim credit for their success, and to ask that fair-minded opponents should acknowledge that that success was due to the fact that, while the}' had fairly administered the law, they had also I’ecognized the substantial grievances of the Irish people, on which their discontent was founded, and they had made extraordinary assorts to remove the grievances. Force was ao remedy for discontent, and force alone had never removed the causes of discontent. He did not conceal the fact that there was much more to be done. There were other Irish grievances which called for the earnest and speedy consideration of Parliament and the government, and the time was coming, and it would come shortly, when they would ©nee more have to turn their attention to the greatest of all political problems of the time, and the task would never be complete until they had succeeded by just and equal laws and wise administration in enlisting on the side of the English government and the English people the interest and influence of he bulk of the Irish nation. This s the talk of a statesman, and It would

bo well for those who are criticizing the government of Mr. Gladstone to accept Mr. Chamberlain’s statements for what they are worth. The stubborn nature of the obstacles to be surmounted by the present premier are not likely to be properly considered; but, on the one hand, he has to deal with turbulence and crime the most provoking and dastard, while, on the other, he is opposed by the sullen hatred and stolid pride of the British people. Under all the circumstances, probably Mr. Gladstone is doing the best he can; but, as it seems to us at this distance, the weakness of his policy is the very temporizing which may, after all, be an imperative political necessity. Even in our own recent history there was a similar weakness m our government in treating with armed rebellion, but it is generally accepted now by impartial students and thinkers that what was judged to be by some the weakness and timiditj’ of Mr. Lincoln’s administration was, after all, its real strength and power. General Dick Taylor, a brotlier-in-law of Jefferson Davis, and a Confederate leader of prominence, has lately given expression to his surprise that the Southern people should have committed two fatal mistakes when they had the control of the government in their own hands. To use his own language: “The first was that we did not substantially destroy the protective features of the tariff in the winter season of 1857 and 1858, bj' an act which provided a rapid sliding scale to free trade. Asa Democratic measure, we could have passed such a law und held it tight on you till it closed the furnaces, workshops, woolen and cotton mills, and steel and bar iron works of the whole North and West, and scattered your workmen over the prairies and Territories. When the war was ready for you, you would not have been ready for the war. You could not have armed and equipped and put in the field a large army or built a navy. You would have been without supplies, machinery and workmen, and von would have been without money and credit.” The second error, according to General Taylor, was in the withdrawal of the Southern members from Congress. To quote again the fluent General’s words: “how in the we blundered in these two respects I cannot understand, except upon the hypothesis of an overruling providence.” It is a notorious fact that the system of free trade was in the interests of the slave oligarchy. It fostered the plantation system, made the South a dependency on the English market, preserved the necessities of cheap and ignorant labor, and hence, when tne war came, England was almost universally the sympathizer with and supporter of the South and its institution of slave labor. The Southern congressmen, with their free-trade ideas, were England’s most effective allies. The great, prospering, manufacturing North, with an independent, freedom-loving population, afforded no particular field for England's mercantile and industrial propaganda. Better a Southern slave empire, with great cotton plantations and slave lords, dependent for even the clothes upon their back", than to have the whole country dominated by the spirit of Northern energy and diversified industry. It is not hard to understand the secret of British sympathy with the South. England is a nation of shopkeepers, and the English statesmen and people simply wanted a market in which to sell goods. It is utterly beyond intelligent comprehension how sensible men can rail at a system which has made the United States a free and independent nation, in harmony with the declaration under which the political umbilicus was severed between the colonies and the mother country.

“A political sage” is quoted in the Cincinnati Enquirer as giving utterance to the following: “What utter folly it is for the Democrats to think of making the tariff an issue in either the presidential campaign or the election of Speaker. The tariff can only be revised by legislation. I admit that it is iniquitous, even as amended by the last Congress, still the Democrats are tieci up. No matter what may he the desire to correct existing abuses, the House, though it is Democratic, cannot accomplish anything, because the Senate is Republican to checkmate it, and the President is alsou Republican. What would be wisdom on the part of the Democrats would be to elect a Speaker outside of either Randall or Carlisle, as both represent extreme views on the tariff, and take one who occupies the middle ground. The Democrats can make a national platform to carry the country on a commitment io a policy of the abolition of internal taxes, retrenchment in public expenditures, and the compulsory performance of tne contracts entered into by land-grant railroads. A plank in the Democratic platform of *a tariff for revenue only’ means the loss to the Democracy of States it must necessarily carry to elect a President. Such a plank would make Ohio and Pennsylvania certainly Republican, and possibly Indiana, Connecticut and New Jersey.” Mr. John L. Rupe, Republican candidate for mayor of Richmond, lias seen fit to address the people of that city in a public card. The most important matter discussed in his letter is the matter of public buildings und the question of taxation. Mr. Rupe has oeen charged with advocating an expensive city hall, but this he denies, and says, “I do not know of any citizen who would now advocate the erection of expensive new buildings.” And he continues: “My belier is, that there is nothing which will more certainly insure the healthy growth and prosperity of our city than sucii un economical administration of our municipal affairs, ns that the rate of taxation shall never be increased, but shall be reduced even below the present rate. My knowledge of the public business leads me to believe that with careful management nil reasonable public improvements may be made and continued as the city shall grow’, our obligations may be promptly met as they mature, the current expenses of the city paid ami the burdens of tuxation ut the same time lessened.” Mr. Rupe’s programme is that of a sound and sensiblo man, rot a balloonatic, and it is one we want to see strictly maintained in Indianapolis.

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL, MONDAY, APRIL 23, 1883.

Healthy, permanent, substantial growth is j not Required because of tawdry, meretricious shells called public buildings, nor because ' outlying farms are cut up into building lots, ; marked SSOO each on a plat, and the real es- j tate assessment “quilled” into fabulous proportions thereby, while every man fondly imagines himself a millionaire endowed with 1 the Midas touch. To oppose a policy that | would result in such a condition of affairs may be regarded as “old fogyish” in certain j mushroom quarters, but that is the policy which builds up a city, and builds it permanently and to stay. Jonah’s gourd is not a sample of growth to be envied or emulated. And it may be remarked that when the election for the city of Indianapolis comes around there will be a large number of people looking for men for mayor, and councilmen, and aldermen with the opinions and judgment of Mr. Rupe, of Richmond. The London Daily Telegraph gives the foliowing picture of nail-making and nailmakers in England. We invite such men as the editors of the Courier-Journal and of the News to read it, and then tell us that the condition of laborers in Europe and in America is about the same, and that Mr. Robert P. Porter’s letters from the manufacturing centers of England are gross exaggerations and caricatures. The Telegraph says: “There is no more wretchedly remunerated employment in the kingdom than nailmaking, or one that in consequence of the starvation prices paid, is more frequently interrupted by strikes. It spares nobody; mites of children out of school hours, caii, in their small way, assist, and the poverty of their parents makes them glad to avail themselves of even their puny help; delicate girls, mothers who are nursing their babies, aeed women, bent and feeble, and who all their lives have been, in a manner of speaking, chained to the forge drudgery in the midst of snuite and smoke, still po on hammering and filing and tugging at the bellows until their strength utterly fails them. Then they retire for a brief spell to the work-house and thence to the churchyard. It is a marvel how, on the scanty wages they are enabled to earn, they contrive to exist at all. I remember a poor soul at Cradley, a widow, who. with the assistance of her eldest daughter, a girl of thirteen, maintained by her chainmaking the entire family, seven in number. The hovel in which her forge was fixed adjoined the squalid little tworoomed cottage where she was supposed to reside, hut, to use her own words, she “might, except for sleeping purposes, as well almost be without it, since it was only on Sundays that she did not live with the children in the smithy.” And never did I set my eyes on more deplorable little objects than the latter were. Not one of them, including the girl who attended to the fire and bellows, wore either shoes or stockings, though no shoeleather could have been blacker than their feet, the remainder of their bodies being but a few shades lighter in complexion. It was a mere waste of soap, the mother averred, even if she had money to spare for its purchase, to attempt to keep them clean. Being next to naked they could not go into the street, and their only plav-place was among the coal slack and ashes. On Sundays, however, she gave them ‘a reg’ler good scrubbing,’ and on the same day of rest she washed their rags while they remained in bed, and dried them, somehow, so that they might wear them again on Monday morning. She told me that, working at the forge from' 6 in the morning urffil 10 or 11 o’clock at' night, and with her daughter’s assistance, she was able to earn about five farthings an hour, or one and eightpence or ninepencea day. Ten shillings a week exceeded the average, and out of this she had to pay two and ninepence rent for the cottage and the ‘hearth,’ or smithy hovel.” Will some railer against protection be kind enough to point to a single spot In the United States to equal this, bad as the poverty and distress to be found in our cities confessedly are. But there is nowhere in this country a place where honest, unremitting labor is thus rewarded, and we challenge the contrary.

Tub kindergarten, its purpose and its methods, is becoming more and more a matter of interest to the general public, yet it is but little understood and appreciated os yet. A writer in the Pniladelphia Press states its aims to be: “Physical development, manual skill, forming the habit of clear thinking, order, Drecision, concentration, freedom and grace of movements, command of language, facility and correctness of perception, cultivation of taste and a deep love and reverence for all that is good and beautiful. Its means are, besides those too subtle to name, gymnastic exercises, singing, play, exercising the senses and giving the child daily opportunity for self-activity. The results are what they must be, according to the great immutable laws of nature, to which thechild is as well subject as the blade of grass. They can only be produced in their completeness when home, kindergarten and school work together as a harmonious whole; when every mo'her is a kindergartner, and when every child goes from its mother's arms to the kindergarten, and then to a school conducted on the same principle. Many generations may pass until the ideas of the new educational system find their realization, ami until their influence pervades all classesof society.” The kindergarten is not intended as a substitute for either the home or the school, but to bridge the gulf between both, harmonizing and extending ail that is good in the model home, and preparing the child physically and mentally for the school. Before it can fulfill its mission fully, there must lie more model hollies, that is, more model mother?. Our young girls must receive a preparative training for this most important of all vocations. It is almost universally acknowledged now that education ought to begin with the child’s first cry iii the cradle, and that the few first years of the child's life are of the greatest importance. It is, therefore, in the mother’s hands to lay the foundation on which the kindergarten can build with true success. The tendency of educational methods is all in this direction—from the kindergarten in infancy to the school in childhood in which industrial education is given, and then into the great, busy, bustling, active world to compete for u living. Tiik lowa Supreme Court has rendered its second decision in the prohibition amendment case, adhering to the former opinion. Chief Justice Day delivered the judgment of the majority, and Justice Beck delivered a dissenting opinion. Until the full text of both decisions are received intelligent comment cannot be made; but judging from the

telegraphic abstract, the majority of the court have gone to even more remarkable lengths than before. The Globe-Democrat of yesterday says: “The court thus a second time shows its ability to strain at a gnat and swallow a camel. It pays tithes of mint and anise and cummin—the minor technicalities of routine legislation—and neglects the weightier matters of equity, the voice of a large majority of the people of lowa clearly expressed at the polls on a question about which every voter was exceptionally well informed. The law is a noble profession, but, somehow or other, it has a tendency to shut the eyes of the average man to broad principles of justice.” “What was said about protective taxes or the tariff by the Republican convention of 1860 which nominated Mr. Lincoln?”—New York World. Is it possible that the World does not know? This is what was said by the Republican convention that nominated Mr. Lincoln, and which correctly set forth one of the fundamental principles of the Republican party: “12. That while providing revenue for the support of the general government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires such an adjustment of these imposts as to encourage the development of tne industrial interests of the whole country: and we commend that policy of national exchanges which secures to the working men liberal wa;es, to agriculture remunerative prices, to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their skill, labor and enterprise, and to the nation commercial prosperity and independence/] “The Indianapolis Journal is mistaken in the opinion that the Democrats of Tennessee 7/ill ‘rush with alacrity’ to tiie advocacy of a 7eri!T for revenue only. They will do nothing of the kind.”—Nashville Banner. The Indianapolis Journal wrote it “sarkastikal.” We have no idea that the Democrats of Tennessee will “rush with alacrity” to the tariff-for-revenue-only nonsense, which seems to have a fatal fascination for debilitated statesmen and stand-pipe “relormers.” “The average weekly wages paid in English potteries is $8.69, while the average weekly wages paid in American potteries is $18.50. Let us assume for the moment that these figures are correct. They show that what tlie English can do for $8.69 costs us $18.50. But if this is the case, of course the English can sell their product to us fur cheaper than we can make it. Manifestly then we would save money by buying it from the English. —Evening News. Is that what you are driving at in attacking the tariff system?

A New Yorker, for a number of years connected with shipping, is of the opinion that vessels will yet be built 1,000 feet long. It is said that the Messrs. Mclver retired from the direction of the Cutiard Steamship Company because they favored still larger vessels in opposition to the views of their fellow directors. A ship of the length above named would contrast with u railway locomotive about like the National Capitol won'i with the hut of a Digger Indian. It will be built some time. ■ ~ - Oscar Wilde say 9 there is no deep and profound passion in America. ‘‘You see,” says Oscar, “there can he no question of deep love wheVYit is of the slightest consequence to a man Whether, he catches a tram or not. Everyone is anxious to catch trains in America, you know.” Can it he that the girls who wrre admired by Oscar Were drivcu to this extremity iu otder to get rid of him? To prove that Mrs. Langtry is a success, Mr. Abbey presents a table of receipts for the twenty-four weeks of her engagement in America, the total being $229,663 58. Avery complimentary testimonial to the English rival of American beauty. But what the public would like to know is. whence came those eight odd cents. Inmates of the Philadelphia House of Correction are fed upon shadowy mutton, cur from sheep which weigh nine pounds each, seven of which are boue, and so poor that “you could see to read u paper through them.” The object is probably to correct any teudouoy to fatness iu Philadelphia criminals. The President had a chill while )>c was on board the Tallapoosa, and everybody was very much alarmed. If Mr. Arthur had been a Booster he would have filled ills vest-pocket with “kiueen” capsules before going on a fishing trip, and would havo looked upon a few chills us a part of the fun. In introducing Mr. Colfax to his New York audience, last week. General Grant stated that It had been his good fortune to have known Mr. Lincoln from 1864 until his denth, and he had never heard him relate an anecdote that might not with perfect propriety be repeated ic a mixed company. “MRS. Abner I. Benyon and her eleven children are Haul to have left Newton, Mass., for South America, there to loin her husband, ilie runaway prescient or the Boston Pacific Bank.” —Boston Herald. Mr. Benyon’s creditors will smile grimly when they learu this, and softly whisper “Retribution.” Gen. George B. McClellan started on a visit to Ktchmoud, Va., early iu the war, but did not get there until last week. All quiet ou the Potomac. ABOUT PEOPLE. TnERB are only two Irish dukce, but the race will not probably soon becoino extinct, for one of them, Abercorn,lnts fifty-seven grandchildren and five great-grandchildren. A HOKBE-TIIIKF In a Western prison complains bitterly that the chaplain is a Presbyterian, while he w'iis brought up a Methodist. He feels that bis theological “horse sense” is suffering. There are altogether 872 baronets in Great Britain and Ireland, soino of whom ore very poor. The Bank of England and the Orleutnl Bank both have baronet clerks. Another is ic the Irish police. It is reported that Admiral Baldwin will go to Cronstadt In the United Stated steamer Lancaster and from there to Moscow, where he will represent the United States government at the coronation of tile Czar, Popular heller ascribes the surname or Guelph to the royal family of England. On the contrary, it is Wittlu, the faintly cognomen of the House of Sixotiy. When the Queen married Prince Albert of Coberg-Gotha she took the surname of her husband. There is u dark-red line on the matting of the lloiiHe of Commons, about a pace from tho benches. It was originally intended to prevent members drawing their swords on each other, and it Is to-day considered out of order for a member, when debating, to outstep it by more than six inches. Judge James Lawrknson, the veteran notary of the. Posioffice Department nt Washington, tells tho following story of Gldoon Granger, of Connecticut, who was Postmaster-general many years ago. Starting from homo for tho capital, ho said to the boy who was selling tiokets for passage in the fltagn coach: “I am the Post-master-general. You must let me rido free."

“Are you, really?” “Yes." “Then gimme your hat;” and seizing the hat the boy wrote on it with chalk. “Pans this man free;” and Mr Granger rode all the way to Washington on, or rather under, that unique pnss. An undertaker in Philadelphia advertised for a full-bearded man of middle age aud of good address, and explained that he wanted him to visit families which death had entered to take instructions regarding the funeral, etc., and that there is something about a bearded man that inspires respect and confidence. Dr. Stow, a member of the General Conrt of Massachusetts, astonished bis fellow-legislators by asserting upon the floor of the House that “smallpox is the salvation of the country,” and not only its salvation, but “a judgment sent by the Almighty upon land monopoly, tuoDey monopoly nml transportation monopoly.” London World: “Mr. Gladstone astonished tho House the other night by tho unwonted brilliancy of his costume. The Premier was attired in a faultless evenius suit of the latest Parisian cut, and what, with high-heeled patent shoes and sky-blue stockings and gold clocks, his npprarance of exuberant juvenility wus such as to cause the Fourth party to turn palo with envy.” Ex-Governor Joshua L. Chamberlain has successfully passed through a very delicate surgical operation, which was then-suit of a wound received iu tho war of the rebellion. The operation was performed by Dr. Joseph H. Warren, who was assisted by two eminent physicians of Boston. Anesthetics were administered. Dr. Warren reports that all indications point to the General’s speedy recovery*. The Tucson Cilizen heads a list with S9O for a fund to be placed in tho bank at Tucson as a reward for the recovery of little Charley McComas, son of the late Judge McComas, of St. Louis. Charley' was captured by the Apaches after they had murdered his father and mother, at Thompson’s Station, N. M., on the 28th of March, last. Contributions arc solicited throughout the Pacific B|ites and Territories. On Sept. 1(5, 1775, the Virginia Gazette, published at Williamsburg, Va., contained tho following curious announcement of an important social event: “Fairfield, Aug. 29.—Last evoning was married at the seat of Tuaadeus Burr. Eq., by the Rev. M. Elliott, the Hon. John Harcock, Esq., President of ihe continental Congress, to Mi.-s Dorothy Quincy, daughter of Edmund Quincy, esq., of Boston. Florus informs us that •in the Second Panic War, when Hannibal besieged Rome mid was very near making himself master of ir, a field upon which part of his army lay was offered for sale, and was immediately purchased by a Roman, In a strong assurance that the Roman valor mul courage would soon raise the siege.’ Equal to the conduct or that illustrious citizen was that marriage of the Hon. John Hancock, Esq., who, with his amiable lady, hns paid ns great a compliment to America valor, and discovered equal patriotism by marrying now whileull the colonies are as much convulsed as Rome when Huunioul wus ut her Sates."

THE SPIKIT OF THE PRESS. The truth is, no form of property’ or business in the Star.*-, except that, which is of a purely benevolent character, should ii allowed to escape taxation, There should he an effort to approximate. to an equitable tax on all property amt business curn- and on for indivtuuai profit. —Cincinnati Commercial Gazette. Wk apprehend iio immediate danger in this country from dynamite either as u political agent or as the. Instrument of private revenge; and we should be sorry to see a need for ativ such severe law as the British Parliament lias just enacted, rtill no harm would be done by; tiiKlnir reasonable precautions iu the matter.—New York Tribune. The Rlens all round the Democratic horizon are that the only issue between the two parties in tne presidential campaign will be a fierce rivalry In the cause or protection, in which the Democratic orators will prove that the Highest protective tariff is a tariff for revenue only, with revenue from the tariff only*.—Cincinnati Commercial Gazette. The common rough is a rough by instlncr, association and force oT ignorance. If a college man. whose Instincts, associations and enlightenment should make u gentleman of him, prefers to be a rough among rutigliH, he is as much worse than the common rough ns a deliberate perversion of the decencies cau make him.—National Republican. Upon the sanctity and purity of the family circle depend in large degree the safety' and success of onr institutions, i tie he.alt hfulness and integrity of our politics. We cannot emphasize too strongly the belief that whatever debauches marri ige and debases the family tends at tlie same time to the corruption of me whole bodypolitic.—Chicago Inter Ocean. Whatever evils or abuses there may he under the prison contract system they can be remedied without, its abolition, while experience shows it to be impossible under the public account system to supply tho motives and the practical qualifications for a prudent and skillful conductof business, which shall make tho prisons selfsupporting.—New York Times. Recent poor-house exposures in the old Btntes will tend to injure the character of those institutions. When H is taken into consideration that the horrors brought to light have hern pruoticod for years, it will cause people to look to the eleemosynary establishments in their midst, to there iiihv not be something wrong in their conduct.—Cincinnati Journal. Why, with your hand in ills mouth, kick the lion? Why have no bread rather than take thankfully half a loaf? In other words, whv not base Irish police, in and out of Parliament, upon the real Irish situation; the summon not as It ought to be. not as it. may be in the far future, bur ns it is now and promises to remain at least until the youngest child on Irish soil fills all old muu’s coffin?—9t. Louis Republloan. There is nothing in the history of the present constitution of the Democratic party to warrant the assumption or tlie hope that it. would he anymore honest or economical than the Republican party has been. We do not believe it will ever be trusted with power until the force of law and public sentiment are sufficient to prevent ir from making “a clean sweep” of i lie offices. With the spoils out of its reach, it may adopt a public policy that will commend It to tho people.—Boston Herald (hid.) ARK we powerless, then, to restrain the conspirators who are abusing the freedom of America to promote pillage and murder in foreign lands? By no means But the. restraint must be applied not to their •‘froth of words,’* but to their murderous deeds The conspirators timer be allowed to talk as wildly’ and foolishly as they please; but when talkingof crime they proceed to commit it, either openly or secretly, the law must lay Its heavy hand upon them.—Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper. TtlKonief effect of the prohibition law in Maine lias been to drive the poor to all sorts of underbuild expedients to get liquor, wliii * the rich havejUMt its much “tipple** as they want. It has encouraged i ypoerh.v ami trickery among all classes, and lias conferred no compensating benefit upon file community. Maine lags behiiul Its sister States and the neighboring provinces in population, social progress and material development. Its criminal statistics fail to show a decrease iu crime.—Chicago Herald. How Pinch nicer and better would it. be If. Instead of holding 400 to 500 elections in the State annually on the temperance qu si ion, the Legislature should rrovlde by goners! law fora uniform rare for keeping saloons lit SSOO a year, leaving to each locality the privilege of increasing the amount at its pleasure. That would settlo the liquor question for ell time iu this State. It would furnish nil the nmnicipaUties of the State with a remunerative revenue, and reduce t lie number and evils of saloons to the minimum. —Chicago Tribune. The Swedes, Danes and Norwegians are entirely satisfied with one country at a time. They leave the old lands for good on coming t this country’. We never hear of Swedish-Americans, Norwegian-Americans nml D-mlsti-Americans ns wo do of Irish and Gcnmui-AuiericftMs. PimslDlv in their love for this country* and their feeling of entire adoption some Scandinavian-, forgot, r<> state that they were Northmen. They emploved so good English in answering the inrerrogatoi ics or me census-taker that they were put down as native Ainericans.--Culcago Times. The worlds has reached a stage in which tlio old insturions winch are based on urhltrurv power aud inequality must pass away. The demand is growing more imperious every year. In what shape they’ may disappear rest’s upon the wi-dimi of thuso in power. Ir the wisdom is lack lug and there is no yielding to tlm modern spirit, ft force will apciimulaie behind the barrier which will imike a dread sweep when It bus reached the needed height. There are iio such barriers ia the United 81 a lea; hence communism or socialism has no fouudatiou to atuuU ou.—St. Louis Globe- Democrat.

STATE EXCHANGE TABLE. Representat i ve Expressions on Current Topics From the State Press, The True Policy That of Protection-The Temnerance Question Not to be Settled Until the Evil is Suppressed. The Candidate Needed in *B4. Frankfort Banner. The great primal need of the party in 1884, is a candidate who shall bring* fresh blood into the contest, a man who shall bo above factions, a man whose high character will command the respect and cheerful support of the entire party. We want a candidate of the people, a man who, if he has been a soldier, shall also represent political convictions and ideas that are in sympathy with the sentiments of the citizen. . Wc want a leader of Republican principles, a man who is above faction. With such a leader victory is sure. The time to talk about the man haß come. Tne people should canvass the field thoroughly, and public sentiment will crystalize in favor of the proper man. The Protective Theory iu the South. Albion Now Era. The theory of protection to American industries as tlie proper and only safe course to adopt iu the administration of the United .States government is rapidly being embraced by the people of the South, formerly the hotbed of free-trade ideas. That section begins to realize that it has heretofore been acting in direct opposition to its material prosperity and interests in regard to this question, and has resolved to put its shoulder lo the wheel of progress aid help on the grand work of the development of the grand resources of that portion of our country. The Temporizing Democracy. Richmond Palladium. An honest, square, straight-out avowal of principle in a State platform of the Democracy is something unknown in Indiana, and, if attempted, would split the party in twain. It should, therefore, not ben matter of surprise to the Sun and other Democratic papers in other States, to find every shade of opinion expressed by leading Democrats in Indiana upon the most prominent and most thoroughly discussed questions of the times. They are representative men. and faithfully represent the conflicting views of their party. The True Policy lor Manufacturers. Goshen Times. Our true policy is to continue to encourage home manufacturing, and thus produce a home market for all our agricultural productions. With our productive soils, our inexhaustible mineral wealth, our means for producing motive power, our ramifying channels of inter-communication and our never-failing inventive genius, we will soon be able to go into every market with our manufactures, and be under no necessity of asking England to buy their bread and butter of us. A Disfigured Reformer. Lebanon Patriot. Mr. Robert Ingersolls career as an attorney for the star-route thieves has been marked by so many ugly incidents and revelations of his real character that he will hereafter cut a more ridiculous figure than ever on his lecture tours, posing as the high priest of superior morality, the manufacturer of anew system of holy living, and the overthrow of the previously existing religious and moral system. Charge It to the Legislature. Andrews Express. As an instance of the “beneficial results” growing out of the recent session of the last General Assembly, we note the fact of its failure to lower the rate of interest upon school funds. There is a large amount of funds lying idle in Wabash and Huntington, which cannot be loaned at the legal rate—no other rate will he accepted—and the amount thus lost must be made up by direct taxation.

The Temperance Question Always Up. Columbus Ropublican. Men may differ about the best modes o{ promoting temperance, but it is idle to tallc of the question being settled as long as drunkenness exists. No question is ever perma- | nentlv disposed of until it is settled in accordance with the laws of right The tetu- . perance agitation will go on until intemperance is suppressed, if it takes a generation, a century or an age. An Improvement on the Indiana Plan. Kendullvillo Standard. The Ohio Legislature has rather improved on the Indiana plan of handling the temperance question. Instead of a vote on the submission of the prohibition questiou alone, it has given the voters an opportunity of voting directly for license or prohibition, whichever the voters may prefer. It can thus he handled without being embarrassed by party action. The Danger of the Republican Tarty. Noblesville Republican Lodger. If the Republican party goes to destruction it will be because it has felt too secure in its assumption of power. The people ure on the alert, to criticise and weigh the motives and conduct of their representatives. The old partisan feeling which kept a man iu office is dying out. A politician in the future must be a statesman and something more. An Absurd Idea. New Albany Republican. Indiana politicians are getting to be painfully egotistical hereof late. The idea seeing; to have entered their heads that the Republican and Democratic candidates for the presidency will be chosen from this State. The idea i3 too absurd to merit a second thought. Let. the Rattle Proceed, Chicago Inter Ocean. Mr. Moriarity Hendricks is on hand, and the battle may now proceed. He did not show up, it is true, at the great banquet, but then the walking was bad and his toe is sore. Hardly had the solemn reveiers made up their loss of sleep before the ever-alert exGovernor of Indiana came limping ii. to remark that “No one really wants free trade. In my btnte the element in favor of absolute free trade lias no strength at all.” Evidently Thomas would not object to joining Carter in spoiling the Bayard and McDonald nests before the egg-laying begins. He knows a spade from a lightning rod, and how to shovel under his rivals with one while ho keeps the other erect. Speaking Disrespectfully of Watterson. Mucou Tolcariiph and Mossonger (DcmJ It is pleasant to remember that Mr. Watterson is hut a very small portion of the Democratic party, and that lie has but a limited following in his effort to commit the organization to the nonsensical and untenable doctrine of free trade. If the Democratic party proposes to drive out some of its best material and to turn over its leadership to the members and advocates of the whisky ring, it can suffer but one more defeat, ana that will compass its destruction. Persistence Rewardo(l. Phiiuriolphiu Times. Even Mr. Hendricks has declined to boa candidate for president. This shows the value of persistence in a people. Mr. Hendricks was first mentioned iii 18G0. and at each of the five succeeding elections he has been resolutely nut forward by himself and coached by admiring friends. His record is only surpassed by that of Henry Clay, who was seven times a candidate for the presidency in one form or another.