Indianapolis Journal, Indianapolis, Marion County, 14 April 1883 — Page 1

THE INDIANAPOLIS JOURNAL.

ESTABLISHED 1823.

WHEN INDICATIONS. SATURDAY.—Warmer, fair weather taring the day, followed by local rains. MEN’S LIGHT COLORED OR FANCY PATTERN SACK BUSINESS SUITS. We have all the prevailing styles in materials, shapes and patterns in these suits, from pio to $26. WHEN CLOTHING STORE.

KILLED BY MALAGASSYS. A Yankee Trader of Maine Lose* His Life in an Ambush. Bangor, Me., April 13.—Charles Hulett, of Boston, is here looking for the friends of Charles Emerson, whose murder in Madagascar he thus relates: “About twenty months ago I left New York with my partner, Emerson, for Madagascar, to prospect regarding sheep, cotton, and coffee farming. At Durban we chartered the British bark May Queen to convey our merchandise, consisting mostly of cotton goods, to Madagascar. One portion of the cargo was landed at Aloandavaand the remainder at Baton. We started from Moandava into the interior, hiring laborers to carry our merchandise, and trading as we went, paying royalties when demanded. Each night we entrenched our camp and placed sentries, and very luckily this turned out, for one night on the Mangoka river the natives attempted to surprise us, but after several volleys from us they retired. This was but the commencent of our troubles, as our native carriers deserted 11s. We were obliged to abandon our merchandise, and covered it up in the desert. It was eventually lost. We did not, however, give in, but went on with our few remaining carriers, hiring others, and finally reached the coast in safety. In August last we again started into the interior. M. Theodore Perry, a Frenchman, acting as our guide and interpreter. Our party tm'i.harod •Itfbtv, and all want right until we were within about a day’s march of Pullear, eighteen miles north of Nossibe. About 2 o’clock Sept. 10 a shot was fired from a plantation of tamarind trees which skirted our path. Taken completely by surprise, and outnumbered, our native bearers ran for their lives. My partner, Mr. Emerson, was shot dead at the first charge. I was behind at the time, and being sick, was carrying nothing. My servant, one of the Antrios tribe, was carrying my coat and revolver. He was speared in the side aud again in the wrist, but ran for the woods. I followed, but before reaching him was wounded in my right leg and right arm by spears. Directly I overtook my servant; I got the revolver, and one or two shots caused the robbers to halt. The Frenchman (interpreter) pleaded for his life, but they would uot listen to him, and butchered him as he stood, tearing out his arm and nailing it up as a trophy. A bearer was also killed, but the other natives escaped. I hid with my servant in the bush, ana the next day we bribed the natives to carry us to Tullear. I was treated very kindly by a Norwegian missionary at that place. I was taken from Nosside to Durban on a Britisli gunboat. From Durban I proceeded 011 a mail steamer to London. The matter was laid before the American consul at London.” The Milwaukee Trial. Milwaukee, April 13.—Tho Scheller trial is nearing the close, and in every probability the case will be given to the jury on Saturday night. The examination of witneeses for the prosecution closed at noon, and the defense opened witli an argument by Ebbets, who suggested that nothing had been proved. The event of the day was when Linehan, chief engineer of the Newhall, said he had been approached by McKenney, one of the attorneys for the defense, and Adam Both, a saloonkeeper, who pointed out to him the ease with which lie could swear that the gasjet in the elevator shaft caused the fire, and said that he could thereby clear Scheller. The movements of the accused could not be followed any more closely than within an hour of the time of the fire and a block of distance away, being the point at which he was left by Sanderson and Dunbar on leaving the gambling-house of Newbauer & Cos. It was proved that Scheller’s debts at the time were over $4,000, and that he tried to borrow money a few days previous. Indian Excitement in Texas. San Antonio, April 13.—Officers on the western extension of the Sunset route report a panic among the people in the vicinity of Eagle’s Nest, on the Rio Grande river, on account of the raid of a large party of Indians into Texas from Mexico, and supposed to be Kickapoos, who have been depredating in the neighboring republic. Finding their reception too hot, they crossed into Texas. The excitement is said to be intense. Packer, the Cannibal, Convicted. Denver, April 13. —At Lake City, this morning, the jury in the case of Alfred G. Backer, charged with murdering five companions in the San Juan country in 1872, returned a verdict of guilty. A motion for a new trial, on the ground that the murder was committed on an Indian reservation, and, therefore, that this court had no jurisdiction, will be made this afternoon. A Fatal Picuic. Little Rock, Ark., April 13.—A Gazette special from Demott, Ciiiest county, says: “Yesterday morning, six colored children, Jiv\ng on f’eddicard’s place, went to a picnic in tne woods, and wfjeds for salad, PP6l?ed them and mistakenly put in strychnine for seasoning. All partook, and to-day three died and the others are understood to be dying.” Tr you are suffering with comrh, ootd, or hoarseness, take Cough Bush; it will cure you In kftw Hawn-

INDIANAPOLIS, SATURDAY MORNING, APRIL 14, 1883—TWELVE PAGES.

A CONDEMNED ASSASSIN.; Conclusion of the Trial of Brady for the Murder of Burke. The Defense Fail to Establish An Alibi—The Judge's Charge to the Jury—A Verdict of Guilty Returned. He Is Sentenced to Bo Hanged in One ftlonth from To-Day. Probability of a War Between France and China—Further Arrests of Fenians and Socialists. THE DUBLIN ASSASSINS. Conviction and Sentence of Brady—To Hang on May 14. Dublin, April 13.— The trial of Joe Brady was continued this morning. The defense called a clerk named Kennedy, who swore that he spoke to Brady, who was accompanied by a girl, on Domineck street, between 5 and 7 o’clock, on the evening of May 6. He recognized Anne Meagher, who testified yesterday that she was with Brady on that evening, as the girl. Witness said he also met Brady the following day. The latter declared the murder would ruin the cause of Ireland. Upon the conclusion of Kennedy’s testimony, the defense announced that they would call no other witnesses, and the argument of counsel for the defense and prosecution followed. Dr. Webb, Q. C., leading counsel for the prisoner, said he begged to submit a respectful protest against any evidence being allowed in this case which would bear upon the existence of conspiracy prior to May 3, even though evidence were excluded by that means which would throw light on a plot existing before that date to murder Burke. The only exception to this pr ; nciple would be that evidence which concerned the words and acts of the prisoner might, with propriety and according to rules of evidence, be admitted. In support of this position Webb cited various authorities, running from the time of Edward I. down tojthe present. Ho said: “The prisoners were first arraigned before this tribunal on a charge of conspiracy. This was followed up by the more serious charge of murder. I contend that such a combination of charges is unprecedented in the history of criminal cases.” The court reminded Dr. Webb that the present indictment was not conspiracy and murder, but a single indictment for murder. Dr. Webb continuing, said: “An indictment for conspiracy to murder, Your Honor, may only be based upon evidence going to show that there was a design to murder some definite person. The law regulating evidence of aiders and abettors in cases of conspiracy could not be made to apply to the present case.” Sullivan, for the defense, in his argument, supported these views. Porter, for the prosecution, replied that the evidence given by Kuvanaugh yesterday against Brady was only of the kind which related to his own doings prior to the murder. In fact, it simply showed that Kavanaugh received his instructions as to driving and waiting from Brady.

ARGUMENT FOR THE DEFENSE. Adams, for the defense, declared that the change in Kavanaugh’s evidence yesterday—his sudden discovery that it was Smith, and not Delaney, whom he drove to the scene of the murder with Carey, was, as any could clearly see, a story concocted between him (Kavanaugh) and Carey. There were other discrepancies between the evidence given by the informers and that of the other witnesses by whom the Crown sought to back up their perjuries. With one solitary exception, no witness for the Crown had ever set eyes on Brady before the 6th of May, yet they now claimed with one accord that they were able to recognize him as the man whom they saw in Phoenix Park that day. If the jury believed these witnesses to be mistaken, then the case rested solely on the suspicious evidence given by the informers. Tiie doubtful character and unreliability of their evidence were too clear to be commented on. If the jury would set the evidence of the inneent girl Meagher against that of the infamous Carey, liar and hypocrite—yes, liar and hypocrite, and murderer, too, by profession, as well as practice—they would undoubtedly declare, in accord with the facts, probabilities and evidence, that Brady was not guilty. The court here said the points raised by Dr. Webb against tbe introduction of evidence could not be sustained. Adams, closing for the defense, said: “Heaven forbid that I should ever be arraigned before a tribunal of public opinion as the defendant Brady has been, in advance of a regular trial. Brady’s case has been prejudged, his guilt has been presumed in a manner the most scandalous on record. Let uot the jury be led away aud prevented from doing justice] because the crime is awful in its nature, but let them consider solely the question, whether Brady is guilty. Let them bear in mind that the chief evidence against him conies from persons who spoke to save their necks. Such evidence must ever be regarded with great suspicion.” He went on to say that the principals in the conspiracy had fled to the United States and France before Carey and Kavanaugh had given their testimony in the Kilmainham examination. crown’s reply. Naish, for the Crown, in reply, said: “The circumstances of tbe crime are not doubted. It is equally conceded that it was the fruit of a conspiracy and not a matter of personal revenge. For this reason the Crown has been able to adduce evidence of the existence of a conspiracy. The account of its organizations, its objects and plans, given by Farrell, was such as could never have been concocted by the most skilful lawyer. The counsel then traced the connecting links of the evidence. It had been shown that Brady was absent from his work on the sth and Oth of May. The book of the time-keeper established this fact. It- was also proven that he made inquiry for Burke on the sth of May. This appeared from the undisputed and indubitable evidence of the lodge-keeper’s wife. The fact that Kavanaugh amended his evidence did not discredit that witness, but proved his veracity and fortified his

previous statements. If Carey and Kavanaugh had been engaged in concocting evidence they would have sworn to the same story in minor as well as major details. Naish took up the evidence of the various witnesses who swore to having seen Brady in Phoenix Park, dissected it carefully, and maintained that it furnished the strongest possible proof that Brady was there. He held that there was an utter failure on the part of the defense to establish an alibi for Brady. The .evidence of Little was so entirely at variance with the actual facts that it stood alone. This closed the speeches, and Judge O’Brien began his charge. Commenting on the evidence adduced by the defense to prove an alibi, he said: “There was nothing, so far as .could be discovered, to fix the particular evening of the 6th of May in the mind of Miss Meagher. Evidence tending to prove an alibi was frequently resorted to or invented, especially by women, when its production would assist their friends. Reviewing briefly the evidence oi Kennedy and Little, he dwelt upon the evidence of the latter to make the time at which he saw Brady fit in as being before 9 pm. The testimony of this witness was open to some comment, as was that of other witnesses for the defense, namely: he was declaring that what occurred one day would actually happen on the other day. Passing on the evidence of the informers, the judge said: “Although Carey had every conceivable motive and inducement to give in evidence statements calculated to serve his own purpose, he had told a straightforward story, and one which did not spare himself. The jury were exhorted to consider, however, if he had been detected in’ swearing falsely, the Crown would be justified in proceeding against him the same as against the other prisoner. The same general rule was applicable to all There was no evidence to support the suggestion made in the speech by Counsel Adams that the persons present in the park as principals were now all safe in France or the United States. The reverse was the case. The evidence went to show that those men who were in the park with the object of murder, were Invincibles, although L some of the persons cognizant of the plan and not there might not have been members of that brotherhood. In concluding his charge, ne asked the jury to dwell on the evidence with that solemn consideration of its points which was due, and decide whether any reasonable doubt existed as to the guilt of the accused. In making ud their verdict they should set aside all the prejudice, all the weakness that frequently influences our judgment and biases our words. He expressed the hope that they would be influenced by divine inspiration. THE VERDICT AND SENTENCE. The jury then retired. They did not remain long away, for, after about forty minutes, they sent word that they had reached an agreement, and being summoned back to their benches, announced, amidst breathless silence in court, that Joseph Brady was guilty or murder. The judge finished his charge at 3:13, and the verdict of the jury was rendered at 3:56. When the verdict was read a deep but suppressed murmur went round the court-room, and Brady, who up to this time had been singularly composed and free from emotion, turned ashen pale. Dr. Webb started up to make a motion, and after complete silence had been restored, and before the judge pronounced sentence of death, said in an impressive voice: I desire to move for arrest of judgment. He alleged that under the crimes act the jury which heard the case and had just given in its verdict was not legally formed; that the prisoner had not received notice that he was to be tried before a special jury. The motion was denied by Judge O’Brien, who now said to the prisoner: “Have you anything to say why sentence of death should not now he pronounced upon you?” Brady responded in a loud, clear and firm voice: Tam not guilty of tne charge which these informers have sworn on me. These men would swear away the life of any one to save their own.” Sentence was then pronounced that on the 14th of May next Joseph Brady be hanged. After the sentence. Brady, who had recovered his composure, rose in his seat and with solemn vehemence protested his innocence of the crime. After making the last disclaimer he was hurried from the courtroom by tiie officers. On the street the announcement of the verdict had been received with marks of the utmost disfavor and condemnation. Great crowds of people had waited impatiently about the doors of the tribunal until the conclusion of the trial, and now were packed still closer about the building in hopes of getting a sight of the condemned man as he was taken to jail.

Featherstone’* “Cure for the Gout." Cork, April 13.—Featherstone, Carrnody and O’Herlihy, arrested for conspiracy to murder, were before the magistrate again today. Evidence was produced of the finding on Featherstone of a document headed, “Cure tor the gout,” but which was really a receipt for manufacturing explosives; also a letter in O’Herlihy’s handwriting asking Featherstone to forward two carboys of nitric acid. A telegram from Glasgow asked that the prisoners be further remanded. — ■■ ■ —♦ JOHN BROWN. Queen Victoria’s Tribute to Her Late Faithful Servant. Her Majesty in the Court Circular. We have to record the death of Mr. John Brown, the Queen’s personal attendant, which took place at Windsor Castle at 11:15 on Tuesday evening, the 27th instant, of erysipelas. This melancholy event has caused the deepest regret to the Queen, the royal family and al! the members of the royal household. To Her Majesty the loss is irreparable, and the death of this truly faithful and devoted servant has been a grievous shock to the Queen. In 1849 Mr. John Brown entered the Queen’s service as one of tbe Balmoral gillies, and by his careful attention, steadiness and intelligence he rose in 1858 to the position of the Queen’s personal servant in Scotland, which, in 18G4, was extended to that of constant personal attendant on Her Majesty on all occasions. During the last eighteen years and a half he served Her Majesty constantly, and never once absented himself from his duty for a single day. He had accompanied the Queen in her daily walks and drives, and all her journeys and expeditions, as well as personally waiting on her at banquets, etc. An honest, faithful and devoted follower, a trustworthy, discreet and straightforward man, and possessed of strong sense, he filled the position of great and anxious responsibility, the duties of which he performed with such constant and unceasing care as to secure for himself tbe real friendship of the Queen. GENERAL FOREIGN NEWS. Probability that France and Cblua Will Engage in War. Paris, April 13.—A telegram from Hong Kong, dated the 11th, says the French Minister to China had arranged the Tonquln affair satisfactorily in December, but the [Continued on Second l*uge.J

TEE IROQUOIS WARRIORS. Celebration of Thomas Jefferson’s Birthday by Chicago Democrats. An Elaborate Banquet, at the Palmer House, Accompanied by Unlimited Quantities of Eloquence. Senator Bayard on the Dangers of Centralization and Monopoly. Colonel Breckinridge Discourses Eloquently of “Manifest Destiny," and Editor llurlbert Demolishes the Tariff. PRELIMINARY. Covers for Four Hundred—Some of th% Decorations. Chicago, April 13.—The banquet of the Iroquois Club took place at the Palmer, and covers were laid for 400. Members of the club were each assessed $7 to defray the cost. There were handsome floral and bunting decorations, exquisite music and the feast was merry-making attended with that dignity, however, which the presence of a Bayard can hardly fail to inspire. Among the decorations of the banquet room was a superb painting of Thomas Jefferson, to commemoate whose birthday the banquet is given. The portrait has an interesting history. It was painted from life by Sharpless, the London artist, whose celebrated painting of General and Martha Washington attracted so much attention twenty-five years ago, when discovered in England, and again last year when they were brought to this country. Os the statesmen of those times, Bharpless painted only Washington, Jefferson and Adams. Those of Washington and Jefferson remained in the Carey family in England, the head of which was an intimate friend of Washington until reverses of fortune and other causes have compelled the present owners, their descendants, to consent to the sale. The portrait of Jefferson was sold recently for $5,000 to Mr. James Hill, of St. Paul, president of the Manitoba Railway Line, and by him it has been generously loaned to the Iroquois Warriors to decorate their banquet hall. Among those who had confidently been expected to be present as speakers were Henry Watterson, of Kentucky, and exGovernor Palmer, of Illinois, who were detained by unforseen circumstances. Letters of regret were read from Wade Hampton, General 11. W. Slocum, of New York; Judge Stephen Field, of the United States Supreme Court; Hon. W. R. Morrison, of Illinois; Governor Curtin, of Pennsylvania; Abram S. Hewitt, of New York; General Winfield S. Hancock, General George B. McClellan and Hon. Samuel J. Randall. At the conclusion of the menu, Mr. Erskme M. Phelps, president of the club, introduced the Delaware senator.

THE SPEECHES. Senator Bayard’s Response to the Toast, “Our Country,” Chicago, April 13. — Senator Bayard, of Delaware, in response to the toast, “Our Country,” after paying a compliment to the city of Chicago and the company assembled, and summarizing the greatness of the nation and its records, said: Standing thus upon the highlands of vision, realizing tho material forces placed In our care, how important, how dignified, become the duties of each American citizen, how vast the interests committed to his charge; for we cannot disguise the presence, uor lesseu the weight upon the memoere ot a democratic republic of individual as well as collective responsibiltiies to administer well and wisely so great an empire, so vast a body of human interests; and the soul of our country is the spirit of justice and liberty, finding expression under equal laws, for the preservation of which tiie written oouscituttou of our Uuiou was ordained and the free institutions of our government founded. Left free and unfettered to proemim and exert themselves, the intelligence and faculties of mankind have indicated by their results iu this country the wisdom of nou-iuter-ference by the government, either to assist or obstruct the exercise of individual effort or faculty under the regulation of equal laws in just such a mode aud direction as the possession of conscious power and inclination hy the individual should instruct. Hence we have seen iu America the children of adversity and poverty growing strong in their contest with circumstances which elsewhere would have proved an insuperable bar, but uuder tho equity of our American system become guides and Instructors to success, tests for growing abilities, aud encouragements to high and honorable aspirations. The enduring greatness of our country is founded upon what is really elevated anil great iu the minds and hearts of our people. Let us never forget that we have embarked our hopes on trust, and not upon distrust iu human nature; upou what It contains of strength and worth, and not upon its weakness and depravity; upon the belief that the instinct of selfpreservation, left free to recoil from natural and necessary errors and mistakes, will not repeat them, aud that with free and recurrent opportu nities Tor popular elections, misconduct in rulers and mistakes in publlo policies can und will be corrected aud remedied under peaceful, orderly and effective forms of law. Aud can we be mistaken in the present Indications, mauifest and abundant, that we are soon to witness in tho election of 1884 a splendid and potential proof of wisdom and power to redress grievances, reform unwise policies, rebuke corruption, aud purify and strengthen popular institutions by driving out of the temple of our liberties the mercenary and machine politicians who have betrayed popular Trust and disgraced and degraded the administration of our government! Gentlemen, the era which includes our lifetime Is one of remarkable forms of combination, of results of invention, in the production of material wealth reaped, and of facile distribution of that wealth, and the hrlngiug of the whole world into such close and intimate relations that tho former conditions of human intercourse are changed, and the problems are bewildering in number and Importance. As presented to our view, time and space are no longer obstructions to the world’s intercourse. Tim telephone Jias already brought the lips of New York close against the ear of Chicago, and “to girdle tho earth in forty minutes” would bo to-day au unpardonable waste of time. Never in human history was the creation of material wealth so easy and marvelously abundant. Its consolidation under the forms of Incorporations Is creating vast units of power, which result in monopolies und absorb and overthrow individual aud independent rivalries. Ilereiu are dangers it will behoove us gravely to contemplate, and consider what forces shall bo suinmoned to counteract them. A SERIES OF OONITNDRUMS. The great question which attends this creation of wealth Is, “What will we do with it!” Are we to be content with makiug this laud of ours one great wealtli-fuctoryt Is that the be-all

and end-all! Are wo to travel over tlio same lowlands of luxury, effeminacy, consumption and deoay as the nations aud governments that have risen ond fallen before us ou the plains of bistoryl Ou what do we build, and for what do we build! Wh;it greatness do we seek to achieve? To what do our institutions tend! Is it the creation of mere wealth, or is it the advancement and elevation of the human race? Shall we not light up our pathway of progress as a people with more of Justice, more of benevolence, more or the higher attributes that stir within our hearts aud dignify our manhood? The Greeks called men anthropos, “One with face turned upward,” and what shall be tue use of all our wealth-creating inventions if they do not turn man’s face upward, and ereute a higher range of personal feeling, ambition and ac tion for our people? Strong fortresses,chains of mountains, rugged frontiers and deep seas do not or themselves protect a country, ft is a living wall of brave hearts and willing arms that constitute its sure and cheap defense. The strongest fortress in the known world is the rock of Gibraltar, and for nearly two centuries it has been held by main force by the hand of an alien and stranger—a menace and an abiding reproach to the kingdom aud people who surround it—because a braver and a boldei hand than its natural owners has taken and withheld it from them. The essential integer of our country, the chief principle of the American government, the germ of our greatness as a people, is independent, fearless, Individual man—the founder and head of a family whose social and political influence enlarges itself from the family into tne State, for the family is the birthplace and nursery of the fireside virtues bred at home. Honor, truthfulness and courage, self-denial und modesty, charity and honesty, these are the qualities which enlarge their iullueuces from home to the neighborhood until they permeate the community, pervade the State, aud public sentiment at last becomes imbued with the spirit of personal worth and integrity. In the ultimate settlement of the gravest affairs of nations these are questions upon wbicli men must rely for safety and good order, and under the form of government we have adopted the need for their cultivation aud ascendancy seems greater even than elsewhere. They must be represented somewhere in our government; therefore, whether you call it local self-govern-ment or home rule, I am deeply impressed with the necessity for its restoration in full force in the broad Union, equally for the streugth and safety of the Union as well as of these pillars of the States of which that Union is composed, and upon whose integrity it depends; and this is one of the most important duties of the political party to which we are attached. A proper regulation of two opposing forces—centrifugal and oentrlpetal—maintains a true equilibrium, and tor the last twenty years the latter force has been overexercised and the former weakened by disuse. Centralization of power and action is ail obvious result of the invention of steam and the telegraph, and the safety of our popular institutions demands decentralization—a distribution of power, and its exercise for local selfgovernment by those whose daily lives aud Interests are to be affected by it. THE RIGHT OF LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT. Home rule, or local self-government, it a right and necessity for an American citizen, aud it is the intent and meaning of our written constitution of Union. The strength of a Btato depends upon the number of upright, independent, selfrespectiug individuals it contains; and in our Democratic theories of government, all invasions of individual freedom of conscience and action not essential for the preservation of social order and the protection of individual aud publlo rights, are unwise and unwarranted. All tendencies of legislation which, ignoring individual responsibility, substitute governmental control in matters social aud personal, tends to weaken the powers of the individual, and enfeebling them by disuse, to lessen their agency in good government. In this mischievous substitution of governmental power in matters social and personal lies the objection to sumptuary laws, to inference with conscience in social *aml religious affairs, and to invasion of tlie domain of private opinion and personal liberty which seeks to impose penalties for anticipated acts aud offenses; this spirit of unwise and unjust interference by the government is the objection to lawn which, under tUe name of taxation, favor certain classes of occupation at the cost of others, and abridge that freedom of contact and commercial intercourse which an enlightened and enlarged sense of self-interest should control. It is, in fact, the principle of socialism, of communism, of paternal oversight by the government, substituted for individual endeavor, guided by intelligent self-interest and restrained by individual uouscieuce. It is to promote a healthy sentiment aud habit of selfreliant manhood that the Democratic party throughout tho Uuilcd States insist upon the fullest degrees of individual liberty of conscience and action consistent with the public safety and rights of others, nnd for that reason wo deprecate all unnecessary interference with the rights of looal self-government and all class legislation by the general government which assumes guardianship and protection over the business of a private citizen aud functions of control over matters of domestio aud local interest. We must carefully and jealously insist that the true germ and real basis of greatness of the country should not be obscured and overlooked, and publio control allowed over matters properly belonging to private jurisdiction. We need* this cheek upon the centralizing influences ot consolidation of wealth and power, and the tyranny of party organization, all of which tend to wither individual manhood and conscience, and absolve men from a sense of personal duty and obligation.

Col. Breckinridge on “Manifest Destiny.” Col. W. C. P. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, responded to the toast “manifest destiny,” and after speaking at some length on the probabilities of the future of the great republic, concluded with the following glowing peroration: “We celebrate the natal day of one who was neither soldier, orator, poet, artist nor divine. No sectarian is culled by his uaiue; no graves or blood-stains sanctify Ins triumph; no listening crowds were driven into an act of heroism by the wondrous power of his speech; no songs of his cheer the cottage of tiie humble nor illuminate the closet of the cultured: nor did his genius add u picture, or bust, or monumental pile to the treasures of mankind. Yet ho wears a deathless name. In the presence of orators whose eloquence was never Mil-passed—-bv the very side of matchless Patrick Henry, the freeman of orators und tho orator of freemen, this silent man stands conspicuous. In an era which gave Washington to freedom and Bouaparte to glory, this swordless man achieved immortality. For hundreds of years the songs of the free have been sweeter aud happier because of him, and at a symposium of the gifted he would sit au equal and honored guest. All who love religious liberty do just honor to this prophet of universal toleration, and keep fresh his unfading memory with sweet charity and unceasiug gratitude. He, more than anv man of his day, foresaw the mauifest destiny or his country, and he more than any other one so shaped the policy of the country so as tr. realize that destiny.” Referring to tho condition of America in Jefferson’s day, the sneaker said: “Less than a million people", scattered along a thin fringe of the Atlantic, had homes in tho New World and acknowledged allegiance to the King or Great Britain,” “Compare our republic and these peoples with the rivals of 1743, the French and the Spaniard,” said the speaker, “this is what no one foresaw on that spring day in 1743, hut this Is what Jefferson did afterward foresee and labored to produce. The form of government actually adopted under the constitution framed by Jefferson was not precisely in all its details what ho preferred, but the pervuslve power residing in its principles was such that with his guidance it wrought thV desired result. It became and would remain, if his disciples were put iu power, an indissoluble union or indestructible States. With such aj government expansion was possible, aud neither number nor size of tho {.States nor extent of poimlattou or territory needed to cause alarm. Logically,” said the speaker, “a hundred sovereign States, with a full population, could be united nndeV AQoh a constitution based on such underlying principles.” Arguing that Jefferson’s fundamental belief was faith in the people, the speaker said: “The Democrats, our founders, were progressive; they believed in tho people, they trusted the people, they were the true Radicals. We were the party of progress, and to win we must again become the party of progress.” He desired the simple oreert of the fathers—the Federal government—supreme In its sphere or limited and delegated powers, the Btate governments sovereign in their sphere, no imposition of tax for other than a public or governmental object, sound currency based on coin, absolute protection for Americans at home and abroad, cordial relations with all the world ou tho recognised condition vhut

PRICE FIVE CENTS.

no foreign power shall have a foothold on this continent. With this creed Democracy would be reinstated as the ruling force of tho republic.” Th Democratic Press. In the course of his response to the toast, “The Democratic Press,” William Henry Hurl bert, editor of tiie New York World, said: Now, what best promotes cheaper production —the wisdom of governments, or the free competition of individual energy and enterprise! The Republicans toll us that tariff commissions and committees of ways and means must be left to devise plans for cheapening production in America aud bettering the condition of tho American people. Really! How many of the busy, active and prosperous citizen of Chicago whom I see before mo to-night owe iheir success to tariff commissions and committees of ways and means! Suppose the government at Washington were reduced to-morrow to its original functions of raising just enough money to meet the absolute neccesaary expenses of the public administration. Would the nianufacturerH and merchants and railway men and shippers and laborers of Chicago think the end of the world had come? Would they sit down anil suck their thumbs, and wait till Congress should take up again tne business of protecting American Industry, teaching AiucritmuH how to cheapen production and saving Americans from being t urned by the pauper labor of Europe? * * * N6t uutil 1824 was the idea of government interference with the business of manufacturing made a principal instead of an incidental purpose of an American tariff. With that came the first period iu our tariff history. In 1833 this so-called protective system or 1824 broke down dismally. From 1833 to 1842 camo tho second period of our tariff history, nine years of prearranged, gradual reduction in the tariff rates, down to the limit of an average of 20 per ceut. on home values. In 1842 the Whigs, the true founders of the Republican party, being iu power, forced up the average rate to about 30 per cent., and so brought ou that battle of 1844, in which Clay was defeated by Polk nnd which opened the way to a great Democratic financier and statesman, Robert J. Walker, or Mississippi, for establishing that reformed revenue tariff of 1840 which went without serious challenge through three successive presidential elections iu 1848, 1852 and 1856, and under which the commerce, the industry and the prosplrity of the country and of all sections of the country steadily advanced until the storm of the oivil w’ar broke upon us in 1861. Then it was that, under the stress of an absolute and exciting necessity to raise money for fighting out a terrible war, tbe fourth great radical change iu our commercial relations with mankind was forced upon us. Then it was that protection, the old English idea of the House of Hauover, got the better of the American idea of free trade and fastened upon the country the hold which only to-day the country is rising to shake off. Must not the Democratic press to-day emphasize these facts! Must it uot show that protection as now recognized iu tins country never made its appearanoe in our laws until after one exhausting war in 1821; that the system as then established broke down of its own weight within nine yeurs, and. was abandoned by its inventor, Henry Clay, and that it never again intruded itself upon Congress and upon our legislation until the outbreak of another aud more terrible war in 1861! Asa Democratic Journalist, and open of course to correction and conviction, I challenge any successful denial of the statement that wherever an opportunity has existed iu our history for a clean, clear vote on protection as, a system, the Democratic party has uniformly stood firm on the proposition of constitutional law, which, down to the passage of the Bill of Abominations in 1828, was vindicated by Daniel Webster, that proposition being that if the power to levy protective taxes is derived from the revenue power it is of necessity incidental, and that as tho incident cannot go beyond that to which it is incidental, duties levied uot for revenue only but avowedly for protection, cannot constitutionally be levied by Congress. Hon. James 0. Broadhead, of Missouri, replied to the sentiment, “Thomas Jefferson,” in an eloquent eulogy. Colonel W. F. Vilas, of Wisconsin, dwelt at some length in glowing terms upon “The Democracy, Past, Present and Future.” Hon. Lyman Trumbull, of Illinois, replied to the toast “The Constitution.” Judge Trumbull favored checking centralization of power and going back to the principles of tire fathers. He claimed that the Republicans had overriden the Federal constitution by protecting certain favored classes, G. P. Wheeler, of New York, president of the Free-trade League, responded to the toast “A Tariff for Revenue Only.” Autograph Letter from Mr. Jefferson. Following Senator Bayard’s speech, William Henry ilurlbert, with a few prefatory remarks, presented the chib witli the subjoined autograph letter from Thomas Jefferson, never before published: Philadelphia, March 24, 1783. Dear Sir—The delegates are sending an ex m ens to Virginia with intelligence received this morning, but as I do not know whether they will have leisure to drop a line to you, I will undertake to communicate to yon the general tenor. A vessel arrived here this morning, express from Cadiz, with dispatches from Count d’Estaing aud Marquis Fayette, annouircing that the preliminaries of peace were settled between all tbe belligerent powers in January. Not having their extracts from the articles before me, 1 can’t give you a minute detail of them. Their general tenor, however, as to territorial changes produced by the war is that the thirteen States ure severed from Great BiHaiti, tho Florida* ami Minorea ceiled to Spain, 'Tobago and Miguelon to France, and the French p,.rt- of rile Newfoundland coast to Great Britain. There may be some changes in the East ludies which my recollection docs not suggest, but they are trifling, if any. This vessel was sent on tbe rare possibility that she might arrive sooner than the one from Brest, which we may hourly expect with tiie authenticated instruments. Peace being made, there is no further occasion for peacemakers. I shall therefore leave this in a few days, but am not certain whether l may not nay a visit to General Washiu.ton at headquarters before I set luy face southwardly, l j beg leave to present my respects to Mrs. Pendleton, and to assure you of tiie siiuerlty, I .am, dear sir, your friend and servant, T. Jefferson. Tiie letter addressed ro Hon. Edward Pendleton to be left at the Bowling Green, r.roinm. Sigueil, • Davidson.

Suit Under tho Civil Right* Bill. Kansas City, Mo., April 13.—Cmsar Carringer, Robert Walden, Henry Warren ami William Free, four colored citizens of Andrew county, brought suit here to-day in tho United States Circuit Court against Peter Christianson, of Savannah. Andrew countv, a tavern-keeper, asking damages of SSOO each. Tiie plaintiffs allege that Christianson refused them accommodation in his house in November last. They wanted dinner and proffered payment in advance. The proprietor said they might eat in the kitchen or wash-house, but refused to admit them to the dining-room, wherefore they bring suit, claiming damages under the provisions of the civil rights bill, passed March 1, 1875. The case will be heard at the May term. Damage ly High Water iu Vermont. Bellows Falls, Vt., April 13.—The river is eating away the banks, and a large force of men is at work endeavoring to save the dam and abutments of the Sullivan railroad bridge. If the abutments go, the entire water power becomes useless, and the village of North Walpole endangered. Both trestlebridges at Barr Junction and Salina Crossing are carried away. Tbe rain last night was the heaviest since October, and the snow is melting rapidly. The roads over the Orange hills are impassible. Tiie bridge near Sorel, Quebec, on the northeastern division of the Southeastern railroad, is carried away; it cost about $2-3,000. Business Failures of the Week. NkmiYurk, April 13. —The business failures for the past seven days, as reported by R. G. Dun & Cos., mercantile agency, numbeV ISO, as against 107 last week and 182 tho 1 week previous. The distribution is a$ follows: New England States, 14; Western, 54; Middle, 26; Southern, 41; Paciflo State? and Territories, 10; New York city, 12. and Canada, 32. Total, 180.