Indianapolis Daily Herald, Indianapolis, Marion County, 21 February 1868 — Page 2
DAILY HEKALD.
I j /V !<• It l) 1C V 1C 1.1 X . ICaitOT.
(OFFIOB—HEKALD BHILDIHO. iu 1-2 I'.aki Waablnston Street.
1'BIUAY MOKNINO.
FEBRUARY 21
DEMOCRATIC STATE TICKET.
For Governor, ’FliGina* A« Hondrlclie. of MarlonFor Lieutenant Governor, Alfred P. Edjrenon. of Allen. For Secretary Of State, IthUliEN C. KISE.of Boone. For Aiulitorof State, JOSKriI V. UEMUSOAFFBB, of Franklin. ForTre^nrer of State, •TAMES B. RYAN,of Marion. For Clerk of Supreme Court, • NOAH S. I.AROSE,of Cass. For Reporter of Supreme Court, M. A. 0.1’ ACKAKD.of Marshall. For Superluten lent of Public Instruction, JO IN It. PHILLIPS, of Daviess. For Attorney General, SOLOMON CLAYPOOL, of Putnam. For Electors at Large, JOHN’ It COFFROTH, of Huntington, 11 A! I,Ess \Y. HANNA, of Vigo.
Contingents,
.1 \s > win
1 ii-t Di'tric’—Tboinas II. Cobb, of Kr
S. sproulc, of Vamlerb
>N P. IIKOWN, of Jackson, liiAJI M. FRANKLIN,of Ont
For District Electors,
h"-' Contingent—R
socoml Disirlct—C. S. Dobbins, of Martin, t .atingent—Jonas G. Howard, of Clarke. Third Pist-ict—James Gavin, of Decatur. ( tnl i ii gent—El ban an C. Devora, of Jennings. Fourth District-John 8. Reid, of Fayette. Conti n tent—Ben jam! i L. Smith, of Kush. Firth District—John M. Lord,«f Marion, i nutingent—Cass Bylleld, of Johnson. i \th Pi-tri. t—A. B. Carleton.of Lawrence, contingent—s.iiuucl It. Hauull, oi Sullivan. s voith District-T. F Davidson, of Fountain, t. mlingcnt—It. II. Dally, of Carroll. i: ehth Pi^rict-lames F. McDowell, of Grant. Cuntmgeiil—N. IF Liitsday,of Howard., Ninth l>i*trtct—John Coterlck. of Allen. ( out ingent—Samuel A. Siioalf, of Jay. Tenth Pi-trict-p. II Main.of Elkhart. ( oiitiitgeut —E. Van Lung, of Noble. Eloventli District—Not appointed. j’rop.lllon to Pay Band*.In UreenImclt. lie <1 Oil need by Kcpubllcan
I o a V e i> 11 o n •
Tim convention in strong terms approved the conduct ofO. 1’. Mot:ton foi six years past, arul by so doing endorsed the following sentiment uttered by him In his Columbus speech.
Sshl MWttloX:
“The black cloud of repudiation Is already above the horizon, its bosom charged with the lit id lightning* of dishonor and destruction, noil it is only waiting for a breiza—a Detnocratie bret z to spread It over the land.” As t?io resolution endorsing MoitTOX is among the last adopted, we must take It that the I i.t utterance of the radical party Is very decidedly in opposition to greenbacks. Verily the Tlemoeratie hrcize Is blowing, ami lias already become a tornado carrying everything before it. Already tha radical party is prostrated. Tin* Nutionnl Honor in Danger. .The radical platlorui makers, alter voting the resolution to pay bonds in greenbacks, became a'armed at their own aetton, and then wrote the res8lution endorsing Mokton. They doubtless had bel'i-cTbem-the Senator's t'elunibtisspeech, in which he said: “I. ttue urge noon the repudiitnrs, how ever, that, their ell irts to repudiate lie made ie;aui-t tlie bonds directly, and not through this medium id irredeemable greenbacks. It i< true, to repudiate the bouds would destroy Urn national honor.’* That resolution endorsing Morton has saved the national honor, but at the same tium, the greenback plank was completely dc-.
t:i! Ilshed.
I ~r Hi" viuiteal eonvenlien di elarcs “T'lie inti itien of the ciirreney unnecessary, unwi.e and i jurious The insl resolution of the convenlii.ii uni|Ualifiedly endorsed Morton for six .v-ars past, .and thus made his acts a part ot the platform. Ou tbo ITih of S -ptemb t, ISuT. bis celebrated letter on the tinaiH-es Wus puii'.ishod in the .leurual. la that letter lie s •s tliat any attempt to pay the bonded di bt In Hilvaiice by heivy taxation, or liy Inti ding the currency, wilt he tinuceissury, unv. ise and injurlnus." I pon that plank the radical parly of ludinna lus planted itself.
Do ISnilicnla Hell eve in l iter I) c -
tiriivllI !
Monrov sai 1 in his O ilumbus speech tliat 1 ho-e w!io f avor p lying the debt in grecntiai ks ‘•lielieve in lilt' r depravity, and upon that lo.und th ir last ho[»e for life and power.” Acmnling to MoltroN the Uepuhltean parly in Indiana have lucam.e utterly depraved We suspect a majority of tho voters of Indi-
noa avail so dceiiio next October.
■ ~r ‘ Tho projinsliir n to pay the public ale' ; in advance Is UhiifccPMary, Impracticable and ih siriiclive, and would result In benefit ' to none, unless it would be the gold gamblers,
and they
n \v n
wMorton's Finance l.etter. The radicals do not wish a further Issue of greenbacks, and therefore Indorsed Senator Mokton,well knowing thai they can read hia letter on finance to tho bondholders to prove that they arc with them.
m, unless it would be the gold gamblers, my would ultimately be‘hoisted by their letard,’ as they were at the close of tho
I In p IV 1,11 'lliaeks,'*—
“ VhoPier infi ition of the currency would bn aP'tided with another ascent and descent of prices, am] with immense disasters to the uati m."—J/orfo.i'a Letter on FinancesJIOKTON has been endorsed by the convenli«n, and the radical party of Indiana is oppo- I to a further Issue of greenbacks. •'< i eof the latest forms in which repudla1' ", i, i- vn It. horrid front is the proposl.
idT Hie whole national d'bt. In -Morton's Columbus Speech.
The radical convention,yesterday, endorsed Morton, and of entree endorsed thatsentitni t. H Is the 1 :st plank In their platform. An tnfetligcnt “Colored Member.” A correspondent writing from New Orleans, relates the iolliiwleg incident Illustrative of iiitelligenen and [i rsonal Importaneo of a negro member of the Louisiana Illaek-and-Tan
Convention:
1'P'in entering tho ears at I’onehatoula. on the g I instant, for New Orleans, on the New 0 i un, I ickson and Great Northern Kail. ( i id.th" first thing I saw was Bill Butler, a ufgg r ue tuber of the nienagerio, occupying a m it. i u-the stove leisurely, pretending to 1 ■ i 1 a ne v-p qeir upside down, every now •■. I 'll :• easiiier a emtemptuous glaneeat a i eiib. r of passengers, who kept up a perfect i : r at his sfu;Mity. Filially tiiuiing the w I. d" ear ha I i night tho same cue, and all ciis v r * irtad upon him, ho furiously put I I t he e i" h" if bv deni ■luling. 111 a Very augi y in inner: “ Wli it all you while fellers in •• I m ghing a‘? I want you to understand ]'m‘nuiie ob your eimune.n niggers; ISe one ob (In l onve tioh members, an.I 1 order you all to st >|i laughing In my presonce.” This only Inereisell the mirth, and a general yell was tho result,. riil« infuriated the darkey, an I hu.lett th • ear, soon appearing with the eonduc'.or who, when told the j >kc, heartily jilii'iil in Hie laugh himself, at the same time * in; the di 1< ■ a to II he was not satisfied viili the passengers in that ear, ho could reP or fin i in r f rwaid to tliec.r nlottcd'for ii" . i> oi"ii invi'iition 15 II dcciiucd to aei . mid l"uJ , 'I U]i his paper. IJ a \v C e nc r u 1 l.rc H>I<1 Jeff. Iluvla of <l>n foil <>i fort I'ulnsltl. 1 n n 1.1m in Pe Leon's I otters in the Now York
t it i/." il.
An 1 If re, rn ii len .ltng little episode rcI 1. g i * G ini I Lee, wlpmi 1 have ni vir . ,, —.‘. ii , in y no', tie out < f place. Iniiiiedtati'ty mt' v n v tying my niipoinlmont l was with the I’.a -nii nt, iu his puvatu cald1.1", when Geii' i .d I,-o came in With a tele.
ilrussing
Davis, raid:
: i i ue i!isp . h j i his hand, aud. calmly ad. ireoing Mr. Davis, raid: “ I have route news •.. iti SiViiutiili. Mr. J’i'esident.” Mr. Davis I .e 1 upiiuli kly, a shadeof anxiety on his
id r. ‘ ’
-e: “
I vexation
e.'S, i iillt
t ee. and replied: “ I hope it is good news.” • I regie'to ray it is not,” cilinly replied iieiief!I Lee; “I'ott Pulaski is taken.” A . il id. f \exation pas., d over the worn face ol tee Pres'.... nt “Suollld this hifve been, Geu- . I i. ■ ? Y"U kito v tit it. fort aud examined its di I'eu-es .a short ltiii.» rinec.” “ in my judgment it ivhs impregnable,” aaUI General i. ■ . and thru bo w. nt on to state what those .I uses wore, adding, with his habitual fair. Our loriirniation, us yet, is too aciinty iw us to Judge of the no rtts nl the case. This tiling only is certain: the fort has sur-
r edered.”
U'h it rirttck in ■ ma t in ibis interview was Cm liiautier in which these two leaders took this reverse; the unshaken fortitude, the aljnort Indtau stoicism displayed by General b e, aud the absence of nil petulant complaint on liu' i n t of the Prc-idiiit, It was a lesson in sr lf.ro mm and mid digidty, for lioth doubtirsi it it noire tii iu they eared to sltow or to confess to < tell tidier. At the tun • Genet il Lee, unworn liy tho unxietii s iiud privations which afterward ^ngi il bint “ > r lindly in appearance, was, I think, one ol the haiylsoimst men 1 had ever r n. The w'Ui'e hcaii, which now gives a patriarchal dignity to his appearance, he did not then wear. IPs Lieu was c.lostdy shaven, aud a sm ill, dark inu.-tache shaded jhis up]ierl!(i. liotb In face and form he looked like a young lii in, while.-the stately -tigtire, carried with niililtry crectne-s- induced one who passed him by to turn and look again. A lady iu Pennsylvania was married the other day, ami at the conclusion of the wedding ceremony became blind,—iVete York Hun. * v
GREAT
3M O RT O I*’ RECONSTRUCTION
SPEECH.
FAVOUABLE CONDITION OF TUE COtTXTET. Fellow Ciluent: I desire, in the first place, lo remark that to me the general condition of the country is moft promising and favorable. I know there are those who take gloomy views of what is called the work of reconstruction, but to me the prospect seems highly encouraging. The war terminated suddenly, and the submission on the part of the people of the southern States has been more complete and sudden than I had expected. From all I can learn I believe that all ideas of secession and further resistance to the Government of the United States, or the continuance or rc-establishment of the institution of slavery, are effectually and forever banished from the minds of the great majority of the southern people. There is much exasperation of feeling down there, and there will be for months to come. There are many persons who take narrow views of this war, who, smarting under the humiliation of defeat, are deeply exasperated, and arc uttering disloyal speeches and making threats for the future; but for tho great body of the southern people, and especially that class of men who control southern politics, I believe all furthor ideas of secession or the establishment of the Southern Confederacy are effectually banished, and that there is now no more danger of secession in South Carolina or Georgia, than there is iu the State
o. Indiana.
Wo can not expect that Ihc people of tho rebel Stales have corao to love us, or that they will come to love us in a few years. We can
i«mo Inviolate; provided, that special application may he made to tho president for pardon by any person be-
to tho president for pardon by any pen
longing to the excepted claaeea, and such leniency will
liberally extended as may he consistent with the
be ill and t
again
In tastbnony
and caused the seal of
i facts
ly extended aa may be consistent with the peace and dignity of the United States.
The secretary of State will establish rales and regulations for administering and recording said amnesty oath, so as to Insure its benefits to the people and to guard
ainst fraud.
whereof, I have herennto set my hand
th* United States to be affixed.
MR. LINCOLN'S PLAN. So (hat Mr. John apt
taking the oath eight classes permitted by Mr. Lincoln; and so far bis plan Is more stringent than Mr. Lincoln’s was. Mr. Lincoln, in his plan of reconstruction, declared all persons should have the right to vote for delegates to the couventions which might be called in the States lo form State constitutions, who had taken the oath prescribed by him and who were lawful voters according to the laws of the State in which they resided before the passage of the ordinance of secession. Mr. Johnson has made precisely the'same condition. Mr. Lincoln provided for the appointment of provisional goveruors, giving to them the power of calling State conventions, with a view of forming State constitutions, for the purpose of being received back into full practical relations with the government. Mr. Johnson did the same. Each required that the constitutions thus formed should be republican in form. Mr. Lincoln put forth no requirement or condition that was not equally coutaincd in Mr. Johnson’s proclamation. Their plans of amnesty and reconstruction can not be distinguished from each other, except in the particulars I have already mentioned, that Mr. Johnson restricts certain persons from taking the oath, unless they first have a special pardon from him, whom Mr. Lincoln permitted to come forward and take
not expect that a people who have been so the oath without it; and in the further differcompletely subjugated, that have so nearly ence, before mentioned, that Mr. Lincoln re-
lost everything they had, should come to us and live in harmony with us iu the length of time that has elapsed since the close of the war. But the great point now to be considered is the question whether there is any longer itf the southern States nn intention to secede from the Union and resist the authority of the government of the United States, or to establish a southern confederacy. I say l believe that that idea has been extinguished forever. Things have changed very much in the south from what they were before the war; and if there are those in the north who expect that parties will resume their old relatioua— t'.iu‘. uii'' of the parties of the north can ever sustain again to the south the relation which it sustained before tbo war began—if such expectations nro cherished, they had better 4ie banished at onco and forever. Slavery, the tie that bound that party together, north and south, has gone, never to be restored, and
quired one-tenth of the people of the State to show a willingness to take the oath, while Mr. Johnson has said nothing whatever about that. This was Mr. Lincoln’s favorite policy. It was presented by him to congress on the 8th of January, 18C3, acccompanied by a message. Iu the course of Ihc next year, 1801, on several occasions, Mr. Lincoln distinctly presented, again and again, this policy of amnesty and reconstruction to the people of the south. It was his settled and favorite policy at tho time he was nominated for reelection by the Union convention nt Baltimore, last summer; and in that convention the PARTY SUSTAINED HIM ANDSTROXGLY ENDORSED HIS WHOLE POLICY, OF WHICH THIS WAS A PROMINENT PART. IfcirMR. LINCOLN WAS TRIUMPHANTLY AND OVERWHELMINGLY ELECTED UPON THAT POLICY,-”©8 nod eoon after his
-..o w — , . election, in Deccmbor, 1801, in his last annual instead of being but one party iu the south, message to congress, he again brings forward substantially, as we had before tho war, we j this same policy of his and presents it to the shall hereafter have divided pallid^ in the nation. And again, on the 12th of April, south, as hitherto we have had in the north; ( only two days before his death, he referred and I should not be surprised myself, if iu t to and prejoated this policy of amnesty and the course of a few years tlie southern States, reconstruction. That speech may be called sucli as South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama and his last speech, his dying words lo thifi peoother States I might mention, should become pie, and I desire to refer to it. Y’ou remem-
the most radical States in the Union; and I should not be at al 1 surprise I if even the State of South Carolina should grant the right of suffrage to her colored population belore
Indiana does to hers.
her the occasion. It was after Richmond had been evacuated. It was the day after they hud received the news of Lee’s surrender. Washington City was illuminated. A large Crowd came in front of the White House and Mr. Lincoln spoke to them from one of the
ANDREW JOHNSON following in the rooTSTEPs 1 w i ni j ow3 . n e referred to the organization of of Lincoln. ! Louisiana under hifi plan of amnesty and reMr. Johnson was elected by the Union party I construction, and, in speaking of it, he gave of this nation, and is entitled to have that 1 ike history of his policy. He said: party support his administration, unless he “in my anminl inr«i»go of rvrombor, ism, uni nrshall commit some important error, or shall ci.inpiinyit'K tbe nn* Imiattun, I preM-iiteJ .•» pUn of redepart, in some important o.d vital par,leu 'I lar, from tho principles upon wnicn lie xyns by tho executive government of the nntiGii. J h^Mictly elected. An impression has gotten abroad in wateil that this was a plan which might lawilbly be
the north that Mr. Johnson ha. devised some j
new policy by which improper facilities are , be admiueil to seat* hi cwiKreo* fruui aticli States.**
granted for the restoration of the rebel States, !
and that ho is presenting improperly end un- | rebels can not hold orricn. necessarily hurrying forward the work of re- j w:int t0 mite one remark right here. It is construction, and that he is oflenng improper SR id that under Mr. Johnson s policy of refacilities lor restoring those who have been en- . construction, the men who originated and cargaged in the rebellion to the possession ol llioir { r j e j on ( | ie ppbidijcm can be returned to seat* civil and political rights. It is one of my pur- j n con gress as senators and representatives. poses here this evening to show that so Jar as las Th(1 geil( | omPn wh , ) , B i k t i 1!U way forKCl that policy oj amnesty anil reronstrue/wn is concerned. on , he . J(1 of j, |lyi jbC”, congress passed an he has absolutely presented nothing new, but that , nc t w lil c l, has never been repealed and is now he has simply presented, and is simply continuing j ^ | u n f orcc ttn( l effect, prohibiting any perthepolicy which Mr. Lincoln presented to thena- sou frora i. 0 iji ng any Federal office, high or lion on the hth of December, 18b->. Mr John- \ j ow ^ greai cr smai^ who has, directly or insou s amnesty proclamation dillers from Mr. jirecily, been concerned in this rebellion: ami Lincoln s in ^some restrictions it coutuins, j ti,e re i s n o ilauger of tho rebel leaders going which Mr. Lincoln s did not contain. IIis , j n j a congr ess, unless the members of that plan of reconstruction is absolutely and simply body shall prove recreant to their trust and that oj Mr. Lincoln, nothing more or less, witli | a ji t0 e „f orc p a i aw now unrepealed upon the one difference only, that Mr. Lincoln ,0 - 8 t a t„| 0 books. Mr. Lincoln reierrod to the act quired that one-tenth of tlie peopde of the dis- . 0 f congress, and said distinctly that he claimed 'o.vtI States shonld be willing to embrace bis , no p 0 , Tr r to influence the aJmtssiion of memplan of reconstruction, whereas Mr. Johnson bers of congress, anAno power to bring forsaj's nothing about the number ; but. so far | war j a man and pul him in office who had ns it has been acted upon yet, it lias been , been disfranchised aud rendered ineligible by done by a number much greater than one- . an ac ^ 0 f congress. ■Mr. Johnson has never loo'h. f 0 r a moment claimed that lie oouid do such
1 believe the one thing tint has contributed
purposes, under our constitution, as I hove before poiuted out, carries with It the right to vote for president and vice-president and
a thing. The act of congress was binding upon Mr. Lincoln, and it is no less binding upon Mr. Johnson; and it has not been proposed by the plan of cither to interfere with the operation of a statute or bring any man into congress or into the possession of any Federal office who has been made ineligible
by law.
MR. LINCOLN An AIN.
‘ This plan," says Mr. Lincoln, speaking of his plan of reconstruction, “tha plan was, in advance, submitted to tho cabinet and ap-
tnore to cast suspicion upon Mr. Johnson s plan than anything else is the fact that it has been, to a gr-at extent, endorsed by the Democratic party. That may be regarded by very many as a suspicious circumstance, but I nm sure Mr. Johnson is not responsible for it. The Democratic party could not live mioiiier year upon the policy on which they h ive been acting—tho policy of opposition to tho war, and against tho suppressing of an insurrection aimed nt tho life of i be government . Now that the Cause of the Union li is triumphed,
the Democratic | -.rty finds tint n can no Ion- j pr'o^d by every 'mem'bcr”of H~“'One oMhem ger stand upon its old g-oun I ; and hence in gu(?g e Stc d that I should then apply the emnnNew lurk, iu the recent pfmocrntic < unven- : c i,, a (i on proclamation thereto, except in parts lion, they not only adopted a 1 uton platform, of Virginia and Louisiana, and that 1 should
resident at tlie time in the county, parish, or district in which they shall offer to vote. negro srrrnAOE under the assumption
of congress.
I call your attention to the fact that congrecs itself, only a little over a year ago, W HEN IT ASSUMED TO TAKE THE W HOLE QUESTION OF RECONSTRUCTION OUT OF THE HANDS OF THE PRESIDENT, expressly excluded the negro from the right of suffrage in voting for the men wbc were to frann the new constitutions for the rebel States. Not only that, but it went on to state what the constitutions should contain, and provided that if the constitutions to lie formed by these conventions should conform to the provisions of this bill, then thoee States should be entitled to come back at once. What were these conditions? They only required that the constitution should contain three things: First it shall contain a provision to the effect that no person who has held or exercised any office, civil or military, except offices merely ministerial, and military olfises below the grade of colonel, State or confederate, under the usurping power, shall vote for, or be a member of, the legislature, or governor. In other words, the bill required that these conventions should exclude from tlie right of suffrage in tlie south all persons who had been in the rebel army above tlje rank of colonel, thereby conceding very plainly tiiat tbey might give the right of suffrage to all persons below Uiat rank. The bill provides, secondly, that involuntary servitude must be forever prohibited, aud the freedom of el} persons guaranteed in such States; and that no debt or obligation created by or under Hie sanction of the usurping power, shall be recognized or paid by the State. These were all the conditions that were imposed upon the constitutions to be framed un'dor the Henry Winter Davis bill. It simply required, if you please, that the constitution of South Carolina should not,give the right of suffrage to any man who bad held office in tho rebel army above the rank of colonel ; that involuntary servitude should bo abolished, and that they should not assume any Confederate debt, but it did not require that any provision be made to confer the right of suffrage upon the negro at any time, it did not require that they should make provision for the education of the negro, or for giving him the right of testifying in courts of justice, or for preserving in any particular way what may bo called his civil rights. Mr. Lincoln, as you remember, refuted to sign that bill. Dc put it in bis pocket. Though it had received a majority in both houses, being passed in the house by a vote of seventy four to seventy-six, and by a much larger vote in the senate, il /ailed to become a law. Some of you may, perhaps, remember the angry manifesto put forth, in consequence of Mr. Lincoln’s course iu that matter, by Mr. Davis and Mr. Wade, and you will not forget that the result was to create strife aud division in the ranks of the
Union party.
JOHNSON AND LINCOLN
If Mr. Lincoln had not refused to sign that bill, there would to-day be an agj. of congress on the statute books absolutely prohibiting negroes from any participation in tlie work of re-organization, and pledging the government in advance to accept of the constitutions tbat might l>e formed under the bill, although they made no provision for the negro beyond the fact of his personal liberty, if that bill had become a law and the rebel States had formed their coni'Hint ions under it, simply guaranteeing the negro his persona! liberty, but making no provision for suffrage or any other rights, they could present their member* of congress, and you could not keep them out, except by trampling on one of Hie acts of congress. But Mr. Lincoln refused to sign it, giving his reason for doing so, ai:d it is only another act for trhieh ire ought to thank him. Po that while Mr. LincoU did not require negro suffrage in his plan of reconstruction, we here have a solemn act of Congress absolutely prohibiting the negro from any participation in the reconstruction of the southerh States. Now, how is it with Mr. Johnson? Mr. Lincoln required that they chouid come back to the Union*ith constitutions free from slavery, j Mr. Johnson ha» said so time and again—ho said it to the South Carolina delegation. Ho said to the freedmmi s delegation : • “It is one condition of the re-admission of these States, that slavery shall be forever extinguished, and that the rights of the freedmen shall be preserved and respected.' I am very glad to see that many of the southern 8tatcs arc making commendah!* prograsj in this matter of
the abolition of slavery. 1 see tiiat tho con- j jt j 8 simply thplr mijfortune, and the crime
Then he goes on to discuss one or two other questions. Again:.
In obtain!
jbtaming guarantees must rely upon acts ratiier irofessions, and light our footsteps by the “lamp ►erience.** Therefore, wo turn from recent reN» lH to constant loyalists. This Is only ordinary prudei TLi those who have fought ageinat us should be dUfi clUed, so those who have fought for us should be
franchised, and thus a renovated 8t cure on an unfaltering and natural l
* * * 'il take
nee. fan-
us should be enwill be built se-
For a while
(hall be tail. In the pious book* of the east It Is declared that the greatest mortifleatlou at the day of Judgment will be when the faithful slave Is carried Into Paradise
and the wicked master eent to bell; a sal of condition* appears In the gosne hlbited as suffering the palna of dai
nt to bell; and this aame reverIn the gospel when Dives ia
Ivea ia exwhile the
bosom.
from the admission of that doctrine, (and I proposo to nrguo that ot some other time,) WOULD BE THAT WE WOULD BE CALLED UPON TO PAY - THE REBEL DEBT. If we admit that these States were out of the Union for one moment, and were to be regarded ia the light of belligerents, it would be insisted upon at once that when we took them back we to6k them with their debts, as we would take any other conquered province or State. I do not propose to argue that question any further at this time. “MASTER LT -1 ARGUMENT AGAINST EXTENDING
SUFFRAGE TO NEGROES.
The question of negro suffrage is one which threatens to divide us to some extent, and is surrounded with many practical difficulties. I reject in advance, all schemes of colonization, as they are impracticable, whether upon this continent or any other continent. We have no right to insist upon colonizing the negro. He is an American, born in this country, and he lias no other country. When he desires to emigrate, he has a perfect right to do so, but bis emigration must depend upon his own volition. I believe that the time will come, when every man in the country, white and black, will have the right of suffrage, and that suffrage should not depend upon color; that there is nothing in that which should make a distinction. 1 believe that in the process of years, every man, whatever his color, whether in Indiana or in South Carolina, will come to enjoy political rights. [Ap-
plause.]
The right lo vote carries with it the right to hold office. You can not say that the negro has a natural right to vote, but that he must vote only for white men for office. The right to vote carries with It the right to be voted for. When that right is conferred, you can make no discrimination, no distinction against the right to hold office, and the right to vote in a State carries with it the right to vote for president and members of congress, and for
all federal officers. The right o> suffrage be- in tho rebellion you will-except, perhaps, ing conferred in South Carolina, for State in the S t aleg of Tennessee and Luisiana-^
exclude twenty out of every twenty-one white men in the southern States. That will be about the average. In some, the disproportion would be greater, but we may safely say, that omitting Tennessee and Louisiara, that policy would exclude twenty out of twenty-one, giving only one white vote out of every twentyone male adult inhabitants of the southern
States.
the
sal of conditio
hlbltad as suffering the pains of damnation, beggar of other days is sheltered in Abrah.in
And again ;
All thi by an
especially providing that hereafter there shall be no de-' nlal of the electoral franchise, or any exclusion of any kind on account of color or race, but all persona (hall be equal before the law. At tbla moment, under a just Interpretation of the constituUon, three-fourths of the States actually co-operating In the national government, are sufficient for this change. The words of the conatitntlon are, that amendment* sha'I be valid to ail intenu and, purposes, when ratified by three-fourth* of the legislature! of the several States, or, according to practical sense, by three-fourths of the States that nave legislatures. If a State has no legislature, it can not be counted in determining thia quorum, as it Is not counted in determining the quorum of either house of congress, where precisely the same question occurs. Any other Interpretation recognizes the rebellion, and plays into its hands by conceding its power, through rebellious contrivance, to prevent an amendment to the constitution
essential to the general welfare,
In other words, Mr. Sumner's proposition isjhis: That all persons who have been connected with thia rebellion, shall be excluded from the right of suffrage and from all political power for an indefinite time, and that the negroes of tho rebel States shall be enfranchised and have full aad equal political powers conferred upon them. Tbat is Mr. Sumner's broad proposition. I am sure I have stated it fairly. Let us consider for a very few minutes what would be the adoption of this policy. If yon exclude from the right of suffrage every man who has been oonoerned
INDIANAPOLIS.
S- S X DT ic X* E-V , j
Manufacturer and dealer in
TrnnKs t Vatiaom, Traveling i
Bugs, Etc.,
Whole
lesale and retail. No. 23 South ^Illinois street, Indianapolis. Repairing done on short notice Trunks made to order.
janSSdAw*i3m
members of congrciis,
in regard io the question of admitting the freedmen of the southern States to vote, while I adaait the equal rights of all men, and that in time all men will have the right to vote, without distinction of color or race, I yet believe that in the case of four millions of slaves just freed from bondage there should be a period of probation and preparation before tbey are 1 rouglit to the exercise of political power. Let us consider for one moment the
condition of these people in the southern | „ “ <’o.r ! *uo«..se au u.o negroes in u.eee States. You can not judge of tha general | State,i - y° u "*»» least twenty negro condition of the freedmen and negroes upon T0,M 10 one while vote, and m Hie work of tho plantations bv what we hear of tho schools 1 ^constructing the States of South Carolina, V ... i _» ,,:i. ,i i n s.ii■ _i ... I Alabama and r londa, you would have a larger
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No. 7Z S. Meridian St., Indianapolis. ffSy Finlay A Wilder's celebrated
To.edo Ale for Sale.
raterl
AS
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EFFECT Of NEGRO SUFFRAGE IN THE SOUTH— NEGRO STATE GOVERNMENTS AX'D NEGROES IN
OFFICE EVERYWHERE.
If you enfranchise all tho negroes In those
V. in TSCU A: mt lkvo.N, Do- 27 East Georgia Street, Ke .'p all grade* of <3 <> .A*. !
irir Ml.
At lowest market i
a cu
Give them
AS
established at Hilton Head, Norfolk and other places, where a few enthusiastic and philanthropic teachers are instructing the negroes. I have no doubt many of them are making rapid progress, but these arc only as one in many thousands. Ninety-nine out of every hundred of the negroes in the south live on the plantations, and you can not judge of tha condition of the great mass by those who live in the towns. Y’ou must consider the condition of the whole mass. What is that condilion? Perhaps not One in five hundred—l may say one in
thousand
five hundred U worth flvedollars in property of any kind. They have no property, personal
7»”• "7.'".....-..or
proportion—perhaps thirty colored votes to one white vote. Now, l ask you, what is to be the effect of that? The first effect wilLbe to erect colored State governments. Under such a condition of things, the negro would uo more vote for a white man than you would vote for a black man. They would no more elect a white man than you would elect a black man. Human nature m the ^ame, whether in a white or colored skin. There could , be nothing that would confer more pleasure ;
, than the j man of his
laving secured power. :
they would retort upon us that which we have -
or real. They have just come from bondage, I w ”7’‘ ,clu . l ! and all they have is their own bodies. V? upon them. If you give Their homes are on the plantation, of these lhela th . e ' ol '* , the - v w,U .! 1 * ct men of ^* ir
zz6jzz£!’»i2ir&£i, s?
them until within the last few months never , ^ ^ (o offi J ? J ’ L . nder Mf Suniner . g ! off the plantation—most of them netrer out . .... * . , , . \
^Kai^ii-j T:;: So.vfo
Sr. rAN VOL' IWBIVk’tHAT A ' 7“!.?P" ^ I">''« r l' '7 BODY OF MEN, WHITE OB BLACK, WHO That ,he y win 'Mro*® that power by HAVE BEEN IN THIS CONDITION. AND ^.rowncolor, >’ absolutely . THEIR ANCESTORS BEFORE THEM, ARE | cer,a,n ' lhal hu “ l ‘“ »»ture the QUALIFIED TO BE IMMEDIATELY LIFT- 8 “ ue un, ’ er complexions—that tho El) FROM THEIR PRESENT STATE INTO j ne « ro «» ar « not differently constituted from THE FUft. EXERCISE OF political 1 °. ur ? elTes ’ and lh ‘ l th 7 !' av , e 1,k '. I ” lS8,ons
POWER, NOT ONLY TO GOVERN THEMSF.LVKS AND THEIR NEIGHBORS, BUT
TO TAKE PART IN THE GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES? CAN THEY BE REGARDED AS INTELLIGENT OR INDEPENDENT VOTERS'' THE MERE STATEMENT OF THE FACT FURNISHES THE ANSWER TO THE QUESTION. To say that such men—and it is no fault of theirs,
but, with one single exception, they nominnted Republicans for the offices ; and that exception was John Van-Buren, who had been everything by turns and nothing in partic-
ular
JOHNSON AND LINCOLN COVr tRED. I propose, for a few moments, to contrast the i an of reconstruction adopted by Mr. Johnson with that proposed liy Mr. Lincoln in 1803, and we shall find several very important consequences, at least so far as tho public mind is concerned, to flow from this comparison. Mr. Lincoln, in his policy of reconstruction presented to congress in his message of December 8, 1803, prescribed an oath of allegic”ce, to be taken by those who were entitled lo take it under the proclamation. I propose to read that oath and contrast it with the one which Mr. Johnson's proclamation requires. It is in the follewing language: Mto solemnly swear. In the presence of Almighty Goif^lal I will henceforth faithfully aupport, protect anrt ilefeini the Constitution of the United Slates and tho Union of the Stall s thereunder ; and that I will, in like manner, abide by and faithfully support all acts of congress passed during the .xisling rebellion, with reference to slaves so long and so far as not repealed, modified or held \ ud by congress or by decision of the supreme court; and that I will, in like manner, abide by and faitbrully support all proclamations of the president made during the eximing rebellion, so long and so far ns not modified or declared void by tho decision of tho supreme court; so help me God. That is Mr. Lincoln's oath as prescribed in his proclamation. I will now read Mr. Johnson's oath, and you will find it is more stringent than Mr. Lincoln's, inasmuch as he leaves out this clause: “So long and sp far as not modified or declared void by the decision of the supreme court.” Mr. Lincoln’s oath was objected to because it was said il might perhaps leave room for mental reservations referring to the action of congress and the supreme court. Mr. Johnson’s oath saysI do solumnly suvenr. or affirm, in tho presence of Almighty God, that I will henceforth faithfully defend the Constitution of the United States anti the Union of the Staten thereunder; ami that I will, in like manner, abide by and faithfully support all the laws and proclamations which have been made during the existing rebellion with reference to the emancipation of slaver.; so help me God. Mr. Johnson required that oath to bo taken, leaving out the provision Mr. Jfincoln made, which was said by many to weaken it. Mr. Lincoln excluded certain classes of persons from the benefit of his amnesty. I shall read in your hearing tlie classes of persons whom Mr. Lincoln would not permit to take the oath nor have the benefit of amnesty, except ns they might first receive special pardon from hiui.° They wore:
Virginia and Louisiana,
drop the suggestion about apprenticeship for freed people, and tiiat 1 should omit the protest against my own power in regard to ad. mission of members of congress; but even h approved every part and parcel of the plan, which lias since been employed or touched by
the action of Louisiana."
Here Mr. Lincoln, just before bis death, gives the history of his plan of reconstruction. He says it was submitted tp every member of his cabiuet. Aud who were the members of bts cabinet nt tiiat time? C'bief-Jus-tice Ulmso, Edwin M. Blanton aud William II. Seward were among them; and surely the endorsement of such men as these must give additional weight to any measure. Mr. Lin-
coln goes on:
Tho now confttitution of declaring emand* e whole State, practically appllea tho proc-
y exempted. It does i
, and Ih alletit—ai t tho ndmUsiori
member* tocongreiw. Aa It applied to Louisiana, member of congress fully approved the plan of thi sage. I received many commendations of the plan, wri ten and verbal, and not a single objection from any pr fwHiked emancipationist, until after news was received Washington that the people of Louisiana had begun to tuovo iu accordance with it, from about July, 1301. In conclusion, upon this subject, bo used
the following language:
"Such has been my only agency In the Louisiana movement My promise la made, us I have previously stated ; but as bad promises are better broken than kepi I shall treat this as a bud promise, and break It ‘icksn
I shall be convinced that keeping It Is advi lublic interest; but I have not yet be
nation for the tarnation to tb
adopt apprentb could not well
iat part previous
Icesblp for freed people,
otherwise —about
ns it i of
every
le mcH-
i, writ-
t.
uken - erse to
yet been eo Con-
or shall have been protended civil or
domestic or foreign
1. All who nro, or shall hnv diplomatic officers or otberwlsi agents of the pretended confedc *2. AU who left Judicial sti States to the rebellion.
3. All who shall have been military or naval officers of said pretended confederate government, above llie muk of colonel In the array or lieutenant in thi
>f colonel in the army or lieutenant in the navy. Ail who left seats in the congress of the United
State# to aid the rebellion.
5. AH who resli
i aid l
11 who rrxtgncd or t
inmisrionu In the army a evade their duty in reals
anna found a, seamen
r tendered rerignntlons of their
and navy of the United States
heir duty In resisting the rebellion.
0. All who have engaged Ir, any way In treating otherwise than lawfully a* prisoners of war persons fo In the United States service aa officers, soldier
or in any other capacity.
Mr. Johnson, In his nmnesiy proclamation, first makes tbc same exceptions that Mr. Lincoln does, aud in the same language; and he afterwards goes on lo specify eight other classes whom he excludes from the beuefit of the amnesty, which I will nSw read. 1 will commence iu Mr. Johnson's proclamation where he leaves off quoting from Mr. Lin-
coln’s :
7. All person^ who have hcett or are abMUilec* from the United States for the purpose of aiding the rebellio
8. AUjuflitAry or naval officers in the who were educated by the government in
Academy at Wtat Point or
Academy.
9. All persons who held the pretended oi.icea of governors of States in insurrection against the United States. 10. All persons who left their homes within the Jurisdiction and protection of the United Stales and passed beyond the Federal military lines into the so-called Confederate States for the purpose of aiding the rebellion. All persona who have engaged in the destruction
ed States upon the high seas, lave made raids into the Unilea been engaged in destroying the
States.
rvlce
e rebel Her
government in the Military at the United States Kaval
l persona who have engagt
of ihe commerce of the United State a*nl all persona who have made ri
Staten from Canada, or been engaged in destroying commerce of the United States upon the lak^s ami ri that separate',tho British Province* frora the United Sti 12. All persona who, at the time when they seek to obtain the benefit thereof, by taking the oath herein preucrlhcd, arc in military or civil coufliiomcnt or cunuxly, or under bol d of the military or naval authorities or agents of the Unitxd Buies, as priaotioruf war, or persons detained for offsnee* of any kind, JRhcr before or
after their conviction.
13. All persons who have voluntarily participated In ■aid rebellion, and the estimate value of whose taxable
property la over twenty thousand dollar*.
14. All persona who have taken the oath of amnesty aa preacrlbed In the preeldent’a proclamation of December 28, or the oath of allegiance to the Government of the United States since the date of aaid proclamation, and who havs not thenceforward kept and maintained tb*
the publ rinced.'
Now, wo ftn3 Mr. Lincoln, just before his death, referring in warm and strong terms to his policy of amnesty aud reconstruction, and giving it his endorsement; giving to the world that which had never been given before—the history of that plan nnd policy—stating that It had been presented nnd endorsed by every member of that able and distinguished cabinet of 1808. Mr. Lincoln may be said to have died holding out to the nation his policy of amnesty and recoustruction. It was held out by him at the very time tbc rebels laid down their arms. Mr. Lincoln died by the hand of an assassin, nnd Mr. Johnson came into power. He took Mr. Lincoln's cabinet as he had left it, and be took Mr. Lincoln's policy of amnesty and reconstruction as he had left it, and ns he had presented it to tlie world only two days before his death. MR. JOHNSON HAS HONESTLY AND FAITHFULLY ATTEMPTED TO ADMINISTER THAT POLICY, WHICH HAD BEEN BEQUEATHED BV THAT MAN AROUND WHOSE GRAVE A WHOLE WORLD HAS GATHERED AS MOURNERS I refer to these facts for the purpose of showing that Mr. Johnson's policy is not a new one, but that he is simply ca+'tymg nut the policy left to him by his lamented predecessor—SkTA POLICY TIIAT HAD BEEN ENDORSED BY THE WHOLE NATION IN THE RE-ELECTION OF MR. LINCOLN uud had been promulgated to the whole world nearly one year before the ti;;)e of his last
election.
MB. LINCOLN'S DENIAL Of THE ASSUMPTION OF row UR r.Y CONGRESS TO OVERRULE Ills POLTCT. I want to remark one thing more upon that subject. I want to refer lo the action of congress in reference to the question of reconstruction. Y’ou will remember that some time in the month of April, Henry Winter Davis, a very distinguished congressman from Maryland, introduced a bill called the Winter Davis bill. It provided a plan for tho reconstruction of the rebel States, to bring them back into practical relations with the government. It differed from the plan of Mr. Lincoln’s in some important respects, one of which was, that in electing delegates to the State convention that was to rc-organize the State government, he allowed no man to vote who had been concerned in the rebellion in any way. I want to call year attention very briefly to that bill. and show you how far congress was committed by its own direct action to the main points in Mr. Johnson's policy of reconstruction. This bill, a copy of which I have here, provided for the appointment of provisional governors in these States, just as Mr. Lincoln's plan had done, and Mr. Johnson now does. It provided that these provisional governors might call State conventions for the purpose of forming State constitutions, and in this particular also it conformed to Mr. Lincoln’s plan. It then went on to define the question of the right of suffrage for delegates to these oonventibns. It provided that the delegates shall be elected by the loyal white male ciixemof the United Seatei of the age of twenty-one yeari, and
vrution in Alabama lias adopted, by eightythree to three, a provision forever abolishing and prohibiting slavery in that State—and not only so, but requiring the legislature lo make provision for the protection of the freejnien in tbo enjoyment of their civil rights.
[Applause.]
SUFFRAGE—THE TOWER OF CONGRESS OVER IT
DIMMED.
I come now to speak more properly on the subject of negro suffrage. The constitution of the Fnited Slates has referred the question of suffrage to the several States. This may have been right, dr it may have been wrong. I merely speak of the subject as it stands, and say that the questio'n of suffrage is referred by the constitution to the sevrrnl States. It first provides tiiat such persons ns had a right to vote by the laws of the State for a member of. tho most numerous branch of the State legislature should have a right to vote for members of congress. It thou, in another provision, declares that the State may, iu any manner they may see proper, appoint or elect their presidential electors, so that the whole question of suffrage has, by the constitution, from tlie beginning, been referred to the several States. Now, it has b"Ctt proposed by some to avoid tbo operation of this provision by excluding members of congress from the southern States until such time as they shall incorporate negro suffrage in their State constitutions; to say to them: “We will keep you out of your seats until such time as the State from which you come shall amend its constitution so ns to provide for negro ettfirage. THIS IS ONE WAV IN WHICH TO AVOID THE FORCE Olr THE CONSTITUTIONAL PROVISIONS. “masterly" argument against the constitutional THEORY AND TOLICV. There is another plan, and that is the theory which regards the States us being out of the Union, nnd holding them as conquered provinces, subject to tlie Jurisdiction of congress, like unorganized territory ; saying that congress has the power to provide for calling conventions in these States just as in the Territory of Dakota, nnd may prescribe the right of suffrage, and determines who shall vote in electing delegates to these conventions, just as in the Territory of Dakota; that it may then determine whether it will accept tlie constitution offered, ns might be determined in tbe case of any other Territory. I will not stop to argue this question at length, but l will say this, that from the beginning of the war up to the present time, every message of the president, every proclamation, every State paper and every act of congress, has proceeded upon the hypothesis that no State could secede from the Union; that once in the Union, always in the Union. Mr. Lincoln, in every proclamation, went on the principle that this war was an insurrection—a rebellion against tlie constitution and laws of the United States; not a rebellion of States, but a rebellion of the individuals, the people of the several southern States, and every man who went into it, was personally and individually responsible for his acts and could not shield himself under the action or authority of his State. Ho went ou tha principle that every ordinance of secession, every act of tho Legislatures of the rebel States in that direction, was a nullity, unconstitutional and void, having no legal force or effect whatever, and that ns these States were, according to law, in the Union, their standing could not be affected by the action of the people—that the people of these States were personally responsible for their conduct, just ns a man is responsible who violates tlie statute iu regard to tlie commission of murder, nnd to be treated as criminals just as tlie authorities thought proper—that the people of a State can forteit their rights, but that so far ns their action is concerned, in a legal point of view, they had no power to affect the condition of the State in the Union. Every proclamation and every net of co-tgress, have proceeded upon this hypothesis. Mr. Buchanan started out with the proposition Hint this was a rebellion of States. He said wc could not coerce a Slate. Our reply was, we have nothing whatever to do with States; wc will coerce the people of the States, liolding every man responsible for itis conduct. This was our answer to Mr. Buchanan. Upon this hypothesis, wo have just put down the rebellion. But it is now proposed by some that we shall practically admit that the southern States d'l secede—that they did go out of the Union—that tho work of secession was perfect, was accomplised—that the States are out of the Union, that a government de facto was established, and that wo now hold these States as conquered province*, just as we should hold Canada if we were-io invade it and take possession of it. JEFF. DAVIS NOT LIARLE FOR TREASON UNDER THE CONGRESSIONAL POLICY. AS A CONSEQUENCE OF THIS DOCTRINE, JEFF. DAVIS CAN NOT BE TRIED FOR TREASON—not because he is not a traitor, not a violator of the law, but the head of a government dc facto, the ruler of a conquered province—and we have no more power to try him for treason than we would to try the governor of Canada for such an offence, iu case he should f a )i j nto our hands during a hostile invasion of his territory. That is what this doctrine leads to. It leads to a thousand other evils and pernicious things never contemplab d in the nature of our government. THE UNITED STATES LIABLE FOR THE REBEL DEBT UNDER THE CONGRESSIONAL POLICY. Aanother consequence which wou!4 flow
of the nation—to say that such 'men, just emerging from this slavery, are qualified for tlie exercise of political powers, is to make tlie strongest pro-slavery argument I ever heard. It is to pay the highest compliment to tlie institution of slavery. self-stvltifu ation involved in negro sur-
FKAGK.
What has been our practice for many years? We have invariably described slavery as degrading to both the body and tbo soul. We have described it as bringing human beings down to the level of Hie beasts of the field. We have described it ns a crime, depriving tlie slaves of intellectual and moral culture aDd of all the gifts which God has made the most precious, if we shall now turn round and say that this institution has been a blessing to the negro, instead of a curse; that it lias qualified him for the right of suffrage and the exercise of political power, we shall stultify ounelves and give the he to those derlafqtivns uj>oii which we have obtained political power. A “LOOK TO IIOMk"—THE NEGROES OF INDIANA. Let mo' inquire for a single moment, in what condition is Indiana to urge negro suffrage iu South Carolina or in any other State? Ia-i ns consider the position we occupy. We have, perhaps, twcuty-five thousand colored people in this Slate. Most of them can rend and write; many of them are very intelligent nnd excellent citizens—well to do in the world—well qualified to exercise tho right of suffrage and political power. But how stands the matter? Wc not only exclude them from voting; we exclude them from testifying in the courts of justice; we exclude them frora our public schools and wc make it unlawful and n crime for Utcm to come into the Bute of Indiana at any time subsequent to 1880. No negro, who has come into our State since 1850, can make a valid contract; he can not acquire title to a piece of land, because the law makes the deed void, and every man who giveq him employment is liable to prosecution and fine. I sent out the 28th Indiana colored regiment, recruited with great difficulty and at some expense. It has been iu the field two years. It hag fought well on many occasions and won the high opinion of officers who had seen it. We got credit on our State quota for every man who went out. Y’et, according to tho constitution nnd laws of Indiana, more than one-half of the men in tbat regiment have no right to come back again; and, if they do come back, they are subject to prosecution and fine; and any man who receives them or employs them is also liable to punishment. Now can Indiana, in thia condition—with twentyfivo thousand colored men in her borders, to whom she denies suffrage and political power and almost all civil rights—with what fare, I say, can Indiana go to congress and insist upon giving the right of suffrage lo the negroes in the southern Slates r If her congressmen ask to do this, they will naturally be as£ed in turn, what have you done with these people in your
with us—we can not doubt how this power
will be exercised.
Some will say that if they can find colored men qualified, all right. There are enough colored men of education in the north, to go to tbe south and fill every office there: and I have no doubt they stand ready to do it. Here we deny to them almost every right, except that of mere personal liberty, and it is so in Illinoi" and some other of the northern States; and whoa you present to them tbe prospect of ' holding the highest offices in the gift of the people of the southern States, rest assured they will embrace it. Tbey will have colored | governors and colored members of congress, and senators, and judges in tbe supreme court, Ac. Very well; and suppose they do send colored senators and representatives to congress, I have no doubt you will find men in the north who will be willing to sit beside them, and will not think themselves degraded by doing so. 1 have nothing to say to this. 1 am simply discussing the political effect of it. In erery State where- there is a Colored State government, a negro for governor, and a negro for supreme judge, white emigration will reare.’ There will be no more white emigra- j lion to any such Stale. You can t find tbe most anient anti-slavery man in Wayne county, who will go and locate in a State that hss a colored State government. \ ou will absolutely shut off at once, aud effectualiy, all emigration from the northern States, : and from Europe too, whenever that event shall happen. Thus they will remain perma1 nently colored States in the South. The white i men who are now there would remove from them, and would not remain under NUoh do-
minion.
COLORED BALANCE OF POWER. Very well, say some; that is all very well, if we can get the negro to go there, But let me say that in such case tbe colored States would be a balance of power in this country. I ask is it desirable ta have a colored State government? I say it is not. It is not, for many reasons. One reason is, that such States would continually constitute a balance of powe - . They would be bound together by the strongest tie that ever binds men together—the tie of color and of race—the tie of a down-trodden and despised race. As three hundred thousand slaveholders, by a common tie, were able to govern this nation for a long time, so four millions of people, bound together by a much stronger tie—despised by the whole world as they have been—would Constantly vote and together, and their united vote would .. -titute a balance of power that might Control the government of tbe nation. I submit, then, however clearly and strongly we may admit the natural right of the negro—I aubmil it to the intelligence of the people—that colored State governments are not desirable; that they will bring about results that are not to be hoped for; that, finally, they would threaten to bring about, and, I believe, would result in a war of races. TIE SOLUTION OF THE DIFFICULTY—‘‘MASTERLY’’ ARGUMENT IN THE DIRECTION OF MR. doolittlm’s amendment. Now the question comes up, how can this thing be avoided, and yet confer upon the negro his rights? Well, if I had the power, l will tell you how I would avoid it. I believe it will be the way in which it will be ultimately worked out; for I believe the time
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own State? You have had them for many : will oome when these rebel States will confer years. Y'ou have long had an opportunity to j upon the negroes the right of suffrage. If I
make this issue as to whether they ought to have these rights. Their mental and moral condition is much stTperior to that of the great mass of the freedmen in the southern States. What have you done? Y'ou have done nothing. I ask you, what wouUi be the moral strength Mf any politician presenting these questions in congress f I ask how any member of congreHS, from Indiana, who has not made the issue nt home, can present himself nnd urge the right of congress to enfranchise the negroes in the southern States? It may be said there are only a few of them in Indiana, and it is not important. But if the few who are hero have a right, moral or natural, to the franchise, when you refuse it to the few you refuse it to all. When you refuse it to twen-ty-five thousand, you violate soutid principles just as much as if you refuse it-to five million. I tell you, these northern States can never command any moral force on that subject until they shall first be just to their negroes at home. THE CONGRESSIONAL SCHEME OF SUFFRAGE DENOUNCED AND SUMNER’S ARGUMENTS REFU-
TED.
I now come to the consideration of the question of the admission of negroes to the right of suffrage. I will consider more particularly the plan of Mr. Charles Sumner, a man of great ability and one whom I consider a very pure man. I will read from a speech Mr. Sumner recently made at a State Convention in Worcester, Mass. I will read copious extracts from thnrt speech for the purpose of showing his position. 1 refer to his speech simply because I regard him as the most perfect and able representative of that class of men who are opposed to the policy of President Johnson on that subject, and I refer to it for
no other purpose. He says:
Meanwhile, w- Tnnst follow congress In the present exclusion of *11 the rebels from political power. They must not be voted for and they must not vote. On this principle I take my »tand. Let them buy and sell; let them till the ground ; end they may be Industrious and successful. These things they may do; but not be adAiltled at once Into the eo-partneral
government.
I do nbt like that word “co-partnership.” We are not a co-partnership, but a nation. As well might the respectable Mr. Ketchum re-lnstate bis son at once In the firm which he has betrayed, and Invest him again with all the powera of a co-partuer. The father received the aon with parental affection and forgave him; but he did dot invite the criminal to resume his former desk in Wall street. And yet, Edward Ketchum, who had robbed and forged on an unprecedented scale, U as worthy of trust In tho old banking house as our rebela In the goverument of the country. A long probation will be needed before either can be admitted
to bla former fellowahip. The elate of
present conditio
baatily relaxed,
but they mu
abip of o<
uer fellowahip. The atal
nt condition of each, and tbla condition moat not be
can
outlawry
had the power 1 would arrange it in this way: I would give these men, just emerged from slavery, a period of probation amf preparation; 1 would give them time to aquire a little properly, and get a little education, time to learn something about tbe simplest forms of business, nnd prepare themselves for the exercise of political power. At the end of ten, fifteen or twenty years let them come into the enjoyment of their political rights. By that time these southern States will have been so completely filled up by emigration from the north, and from Europe, that the negroes will be in a permanent minority. Why? Because tbe negroes have no emigration—nothing but Ute natural increase—while we have emigration from all the world, and natural increase besides. Thus, by postponing the thing only until such time as the negroes are qualified to enjoy political rights, tbs dangers I have been considering would have fully passed away. Their influence would no longer be dangerous in the manner I have indicated, and a conflict of races would not be more likely to happen there than it now ia in Massachusetts. In Massachusetts the negroes have exercised political rights for twenty-flve years, and yet there has been no disturbance tbere—no conflict of races. Why? Because the negroes have been in the minority. They can not elect a man of their own color to any office, to bring up that prejudice of race. I believe what I have stated will be the way in which the question will work i self out. But, under the policy of Mr. Sumner, we are to exclude twenty out of every twenty-one white men in the southern States, and bring forward colored voters to fill the places ef those excluded. The inevitable results of that policy would be to establish colored State governments, and a colored balance of power in this Republic, a thing which I think most desira-
ble to avoid.
HAIR RESTORER.
Yl.I.lO IT, ICY AN! «V tO.,
Wholesale Dealers in
Liquors, Tobacco
AN D CIGAKS,
No. 48 s >utti Meridian Strc t, Jan3u 3m INDIANAPOLIS. BOW1SN, STEWAItT Ai'VW.,
Wholesale DeaVrs in
PAPER AND SCHOOL BOOKS, Wall Paper. Wimlow Paper, Blank
Books, A* 1 ., Ac ,
IS West Washington street,
Imii nap.'lts.
IV OOO At Bt»Yl>, Proilucers or \Y>*t Virginia Imbricating and Burning oils, Mamitactuiers' Agents for llie sale of Paints, OU, and Varnish, manufacturers of Pure Lider Vinegar, 13 South noridlan street,
INDIANAPOLIS.
>1. Uyrkit &, Sion!*,
Doors, Blinds, Sash, Flooring, Window and Door Frames,
Ac., Ac , Sc.
Agent* for R. Ba t A Co.'s Woodwork
ing Machinery,
Mils—Corner of Tennessee and Gcor-
Indiunap di*. Ind.
jnulZUo'.n ASun
gia sireois, J
Brush IVCaniifactory Wholesale nnd Retail. SCH.VtKDCD A F <tlCKP.lt, No. 191 East Washington Bt., INDIANAPOLIS. All kinds of Brushes on hand nnd manufactuted to order. A:
DORSEY, LAYMAN & FLETCHLR. (Successors to Dorsey & Layman,) Importers and dealers in Hardware, Cutlery, WINDOW GLASS, ETC., 64 E. Washington St., Indianapolis.&S
J. m _
Manufacturer and wholesale dealer in Boots, Shoes aud Leather, Also, dealer in Hides, Oil nnd shoe a ladings. Nos. 47 and 49 South Delaware Street. INDIANAPOLIS. AS VV.tfi. ClIAlVULKIt, Wholesale Dealer In XI— ■“ T3 MS. , Grocers’ Paper Bags and Flour Sacks,
TWINE, Ac.
19 S. Meridian street. Indianapolis AS Cabinet Makers’ Union, Manufacturers of all kinds of JFUKiV IXUItE, No. 109 East Washington St.. Indianapolis, Ind. jan22 dASunSm
FXi-A-iXlSEEID WANTED BY I. r\ KVAIVS Sc CO,, Manufacturers of I^inseecl Oil, 1218. Delaware St., Indl^apolls.
CINCINNATI.
John Dubois. W.H. Williams J. S. Augur. UUUOIS &. AUCUB, Commission Merchants. No. 87 West Second Street, CINCINNATI, OHIO. Igy* Liberal advances made on consignments of FLOUR, GRAIN AND PROVISIONS. . novffO dSm
ry, 84 and 36 Sycamore Sti Cincinnati, Ohio. The Sale of these Inks is the lar west of the mountains. They given gcnerll satisfaction for 1
«*. a n i; x a. k «’» Record, Mercantile and Copying Excelsior Writing Fluid CARMINE INK AND MUCILAGE. Factory, 84 and 36 Sycamore Street, largest They bav< i satisfaction for manj; liable < I ua ** t y * s uniform and re | The Mercantile Fluid in pints and quarts, is adapted for all prposes.! P.lotter, Ledger and Copying, ard is a' Combined Writing and Copy ing Fluid j equal, in all respects, to any Ink yet’ prod nccd.combi n ing 11 u Jdity wi th good eopying properties. The most liberal discounts will at; all times be Tr ade in wholesale lots i wril allow 1!Tent Casli value o1 ' materia! j For sale in Indianapolis bv! Bowen, Stewart Jz Co., wholesale sta 1 l ' &r l e 2y’ aa ‘* ^ dealers generally.
BOYLE, MILLER & CO., DISTILLERS,
cxisrcxpq-rg'A.xi, ohio.
BONDED
Li4|m>r iTIcrchantN.
j Distilleries, Star Mills. Peoria. Illinois ! ami KA*nton countv, Kcntuckv. i i.*111*21 <l^m
Camargo Manuf. Co. Manufacturers of PaperHangings AND WINDOW MI A Die. H. H. BBKNEMAN, rnoi’UlETOn No.lu West Fourth Street, jan21 d3m CINCINNATI, OHIO
GEO. CftAWfORD & CO., Commission Merchants, Importers and Dealers in
Sal Soda,
Soda Asti, Sal Soda, Cauatli
Seda, Foundry Facings, Piaster, Lime, Ceiueut, Sand, Puuimice stone,
Kckln. Lie., Etc.,
NO. 200 WALNl'T STREET,
Cinoiimali, Ohio.
; novSO ilSra
E. A. HUTCHINSON & CO,
Importer* art'! Jott er* o'
IX 1 { I> W XI K,
No. ft!) Waiisrul Street,
He tween Xbird tad i-'en.rl
CINCINNATI, eoySO dAwDm
OHIO.
BANKERS. mtiGiiTJv coBANKERS AND BROKERS, H> New Street, ^cw York. Entrance,(54 Broadway. PostolDce Box, 5,50(1.
or.
( Special Partners
JRjg* Exchange, Stocks and Gold bought and snbi on commission. Deposits received and in-
terest allowed Ou daily balance*.
Uefekescks—Faran & McL'-an,Cincinnati, O.; F. It. Squire A Co., Cincinnati, 0.:Hon. T. B, McCarty, AU' itor of state, Hon. A. J. M mson exAuditor of State. McDonald A Koache, Hendricks, Ilord & Hendricks. W. W. Woolen, Esq., Cashier, Indianapolis. Indiana; Hon. B. W. Hanna. Terre Haute, Indiana; u. Ricket
Hanna. Terre Haute, President J. L. Brad!
tvtlle, Ind ale, Indian
na; u. Ricketts. Esq ,
idiey Esq.. Pr. sident, Jefferana; E. T. KeighUy 4 Co., i
Jeffer
j , Gred feb4 dOm
MACHINE WORKS.
C. A. fareenlea
City
»r.
J. L. Mothers
Machine
A.
head.
M. Mothershead
Works.
TEAS
CHINA TEA STORE Headquarters Ik ladlaaa FOB CHINESE AND JAPANESE T EAS! The China Tea Store, (ESTABLISHED IN IS58,) No. 7 ODD FELLOWS’ HALL. fnMs&snn tt. h t ftt
ORKENLEAF A TO.,
MANUFACTURERS OF
MACHINISTS’ TOOLS,
Rollin? Hill Machinery,
Power Pul_ 3 and Shears,
STRAIGHTENING machines, And Castings Made 323 South Tennessee Street,
to Order,
ALSO, DEALER IN WATCHES, JEWELRY AND SPECTACLES Nw. 36 East Waablnffton Street, INDIANAPOLIS, INDIANA. IS^Speclal attention oald to repairing tine 3Vatcbes ami all kinds of Jewcliy. *
UNDERTAKER.
Wm. W. WfJATER, XJ Kr ID E R T-A. IC E n No. 30 North Illinois Sk,
M Heal
ETALLIC.Css
' hole*ale ana retail. One oi
s in the west. Shrouds of all sizes. Parattention is called to his new Body Preby which remains may be kept in a natu-
res. 'Wooden Coffins, etc., by
whole*ale and retail.^ One of the finest
Auditor janS3d
[burn,
^of State, and Trum
refers to nson, T. B. McCartv, Palmer, Esq.
U. S. MARSHAL’S SALE.
CLOCK'S EXCELSIOR HAIR RESTORER "POSITIVEY restores Grey Hair te its original AT color, either Brown or Black; prevents it* falling off; cures all humors or ernptions on the scalp; makes hair grow on bald heads when bald by disease. It is clean, does not gum the hair is elegantly perfumed, and a splendid dressingcontains no sugar of lead or nitrate of silver’ Sold by all Apothecaries. F. B.CLOC'fi:, Chemist’ Boston, Massachusetts, proprietor. nov*8 dly
DISSOLUTION.
United States Marshal’s Sale. Bankrupt Goods. Wednesday, February mb, 1868,
Dissolution of Partnership.
rjiHE
consei at the
J
nt. John Dorian wi old stand, 60 South
tanlS d*
Illinois street.
llPpiiSIl sar&sr “nHSrrisgp;