Indianapolis Daily Herald, Indianapolis, Marion County, 4 December 1867 — Page 2

DellT«rcd tm «li« senat* and Haas* •f Repraacntatlvas an Tuesday > !>«■ comber 3t 1807.

ten. If etlm Rflesuoii smu mowy » icy of jour hooowbU bodle* ttat the “i* "r enad to are aot oaly a rlaUtloa of n*tlx>n»l ’dtA. bat In Aroct oenfllot with the ConiUtaUon# I dam notpernit myseifte doubt that you will tmRadlaetty •trike them from the

•tstvte hook.

To demonatrate tbo unconstitutional

9t uwee acts, I need da aa

more than refer to their general provision. It mast be seen at once that they are not authorized. To dictate what alterations shall he made in the constitutions ot tan eeveral States ta control elections of State Legislators, and State

theoalr fwaditioos np®n which he can be

admiUed to cltuenship.^He^must prove in raaaoaableground for ton belief (hath?WUl'tZ

reasonable ground for the belief that he Will ha faith ft l to the obligations which he anumea u a dtir.eo of the republic. Where a people, the nourn of nil political power, speak Jw thdr sulfraffes, through theinstrumentallty of

the baUo^boT.Jt^mud be ^efullj

for She p WeVd oration i

Whore to the Promos iWorshal! Thanksgiving day has of late years proved a great bleed Of to political preachers of the BncHtB sehool. It affords them, as he says, a fine opportunity of M givtng vent” to their pointed sentiments, and Judging from the torrent of abase which some of them pour forth on that day, we must come to the conclusion that they bare been bottling It up during the whole year. It Is on that day that man^asame their true character of political stuoipffkL hod prove that they are better fitted political rostrum than the sacred desk, supposed that the day of pulpit deselon was passing away, and that ws would boar very little more of political preachers. Vat some men are envious of notoriety, and they wnist have it even at the sacrifice of perWM dignity or religion* propriety. We are sorry we hhve a very few of that class In our city, and we will aid them in gaining the no. torlety which they so much covet, to the ex-

tent of our ability.

Elder O. A. Bcuc,E8s, paster of Christian Chapel, delivered a thanksgiving sermon, and we copy a choice extract from the abstract of it published in the Journal, which was doubtless furnished by himself, and Is therefore correct. Here is what the reverend political preacher has to say of tho President of the

United States:

• White we may most devoutly thank God that the storm cloud of war Is passed, and embattled forces no longer triad ensanguined fietde, we must also bow our heads In sackcloth and ashes, that the wicked still rule, and that the highest in our land is a foul and besotted blotch upon tho morals of our nation, rUber than an example of official dignity, personal Integrity and moral purity. Bo far, therefore, as this public day of thanksgiving is to bs considered a suggestion coming from

te of the naf’«n. •* occurs t

the chief magistrate of

tie naf^n,

me that there is cause rat’»° r f° r supplication

than thank offer!n;:; nou especially for us who so far forgot ourselves as to place upon the same ticket with the immortal Lincoln, such a man as Andrew Johnson.” We are no apologist of the President, If he needs one, and our only object is to show up the inconsistences rf Elder Bum.e*s who we suspect has changed his views In regard to President Johnson, not from Christian motives but from mere political reasons. All our readers will recollect the memorable day when the news of the assassination of the President was announced to the nation. On that day there was a public meeting in the state House grounds, and Elder BURGESS was there. Among the speakers wns the lion. T. A. IIkivdricks, who said ‘ he know President Johnson well and would support hts administration as f»r as his conscience would let him.” Brother Burgess became wratbfully indignant at this qualification, and then and there denounced Sonalor Hendric ks because he would not proalse unqualified indorsement of the new President. Thoso were the days when the President was declared to bo “the government” and not to bow down and do him reverence, subjected the offender to the vigorous scrutiny and perhaps arrest by the provOat marshal. Then Elder Burgess was very far from denouncing the President ss wanting in "ofiidal dignity, personal Integrity and moral purity,” or as being “a foul and bessotted blotch upon the morals of our

nation.”

Then he was all purity, because his political sentlmsnts were in accord with those which the reverend gentleman defended from Ins pulpit. Is It not because Brother Burgess has changed his political status that he now denounces the same “ Government ” which he once so highly eulogized;' This must be the ip.isnn for hii change, for it is w’ell known that of the time he demanded unreserved suppport and respect for President Johnson, as“his official dignity, personal integrity and moral purity,” were the subject of controversy. If the President trained with the party that is yet seeking to destroy the Union and Constitution, he would still be a model of purity in the eyes of those political preachers who are now barking at him. We fear .he gentleman has fallen into a gross inconsistency in now denouncing th. President; but such is ever the fat© of those who prostitute their high calling to party ends. But aside from tho impropriety of Elder Hi ki,Eds’denunciation of the mao whom he onco so highly praised, we submit that it was not Christian like to attack the “ powers that be” by a man professing to be a follower of Christ. Has he not violated a cardinal Christian principle in so doing? Ills prayer is not reported, but we venture the assertion that he offered no petition for those “In authority over us.” We are surprised that the Elder shootd observe a thanksgiving day appointed by the President, but he may claim that be observed the day because It was appointed by the Governor. We Inquire what would he have done If Morton had been Governor? He would then, doubtless, have let the whole day go by default, because the Governor over us was wanting in “ moral purity.” It Is unfortunate that such was not the case, for then we would have been spared the inlliction of such unwarranted abuse upon the “ government.” l or the credit of ths majority of our city pastors, we are glad to know they did not Indulge in political sermons on thanksgiving day.

Fellow CUiMent of the genatc and Ilouae of Jleprfaentativea: The continued disorganization of the Union, to which the President has so olten called the attention of Congrese, is yet a subject of profound and patriotic concern. We may, however, find some relief from that anxiety In the reflection that the painful political situation, although before untried by ourselves. Is not new in the experience of nations. Political science, perhaps as highly perfected in our own time and country as in any other, has not yet disclosed any means by which civil wars can be absolutely prevented. An enlightened nation, however, with a wise and beneficent constitution of free government, may diminish their frequency and mitigate their severity by directing ail its proceedings in accordance with its fundamental law. W hen a civil war Has been brought to a close, it is manifestly the first Interest and duty of the State to repair the injuries which the war has Inflicted, and secure the benefitofthe lessons it teaches aa fully and speedily asposslble. This duty was upon the termination ef the rebellion, promptly accepted not only by the Executive department, but by the insurrectionary States themselves; and restoration, in the first moment of peace, was believed to be as easy and certain as it was indispensable. The expectations, however, then so reasonably and confidently entertained, were disappointed by legislation, from which I felt constrained, by my obligations to the Constitution, to withhold my assent.

tffsknttftoiebntrot of Umm

in prtnchd- and enemies ot free institutions, for it can only become to our political and social system a safe conductor of healthy popular sentiment, when kept free from demorat-

controi eiecuons oi ciaie j^kmimuab, »uu izing influences. Controlled through fraud and officers, members of Congress, and jtiwtara . usurpation, by the designing, anarchy and

of President and Vice President by arbitrarily despotism,must inevl

THE STATE OF THE UNION. It is, therefore, a source of profound regret that in complying with the obligation imposed upon the President by the Censtitutlon to give to Congress from time to time information of the state of the Union, I am unable to communicate any definite adjustment satisfactory to the American people of the questions which, since the close of tha rebellion, have agitated the public minds. On the contrary, candor compels me to declare that at this time there is no Union as our Fathers understood the term, and as they meant it to be understood by us. The Union which they established can exist only where all the States are represented in both Houses of Congres-; where one State is as free as another to regulate its Internal eoaccius according to its own will, .ua where the laws of the central Government, strictly-confined to matters of national jurisdiction, apply with equal force to ail the people of every section. That such is not the present state of the Union is a melancholy (act, and we all must acknowledge that the restoration of the States to their proper legal relations with the Federal Government and with one another, according to the terms of ihe original compact, would be the greatest temporal blessing which God, in his kindest providence, could bestow upon this nation. It becomes our imperative duty to consider whether or not it Is impossible to effect this mo t dcerablc consummation. Tho Union and the Constitution are inseparable. As long as one is obeyed by all parties, the other will bo preserved; and if one is destroyed, both must perish together. The destruction of the Constitution will be followed by other and still greater calamaties. It was ordained not only to form a more perfect Union between the States, but to “establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide ior the common defense, promote the general welfare and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.” Nothing but implicit obedience to Its r< quirements in ail parts of the country will kccompltsh these great ends. Without that obedience wc can look forward only to continual outrages upon individual rights, incessant breaches of public peace, national weakness, financial dishonor, the total loss of our property,general corruption of morals and the final extinction of popular freedom. To save our country from evils so appalling as these, we should renew our efforts again and again.

of President and Vice w u declaring who shall vote and who shall be excluded from tha* privilege; to dissolve State Legislatures or prevent them from assembling; to dismiss judges and other civil functionaries of the State, and appoint others without regard to State law; to organize and opeiate all the political machinery of the states; to regulate the whole administration of their domestic and local affairs according to the mere will of strange and irresponsible agents sent among them for that purpose. The»e are powers not granted to the Federal Government or to an) one of Its branches. Not being granted we violate our trust by assuming them as palpably as we would by acting in the face of a positive interdict, for the Constitution forbids ua to do whatever It does not affirmatively authorize, either by express words or by clear implication. If the authority we desire to use does not come to us through the Constitution, we can exercise it only by usurpation, and usurpation is the most dangerous of political crimes. By that crime the enemies of free governments, in ail ages, have worked cut their design* against public liberty and private right. It leads directly and immediately to the ettablisftment of absdu e rule, for undelegated power Is always unlimited and

unrestrained.

The acts of Congress ia question are not only objectionable for their assumption of ungranted power, but many of their provisions are in conflict with the direct prohibitions of the Constitution. The Constitution commands that a republican form of government shall be guaranteed to all the States: that no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, withoat due process of law; arrested without a judicial warrant, or punished without a fair trial before an impartial jury; that the privilege of habeas corpus shall not be denied in time of peace; and that no bill of attainder shall be passed, even against a single individual. Yet the system ef measures, established by these acts of Congrese, does totally subvert and destroy the form as well as the substance of republican government in tbe tan States to which they apply. It binds them hand and foot in absolute slavery, and subjects them to a strange and hostile power more unlimited and more likely to be abused than any other now known among civilized men. It tramples down all these rights in which the essence of liberty consists, and which a free government Is always most careful to protect. It denies the habeas corpus and the trial by jury. Personal freedom, property and life, if assailed by the passion, prejudice or rapacity of the ruler, have no security whatever. It has the effect of a bill of attainder, or bill of pains and pen-

despotism,must inevitably follow. In the hands of the p&uiotie and worthy, our Government. will be preserved upon the principles of the Constitution inherited from oar fathers. It follows, therefore, that in admitting to the baiiot^ltox a new class of voters not qualified for the exercise « f the elective franchise, we weaken our system of government in»r»*d of adding to its strength and durability. “I yield to no one in attachment to the rule of general

suffrage, which distinguishes our poliny nation; but there is a limit, wisely observed

class will lens endure benes of the kecen* pr ' ble sUte of things tnsre are Some of tbe taxsanre so laid as to irresistable terapUtie* to eva4e payment. The great sums win oh officers may *tn by connivance at fraud create a pressure which »:• S? r .' i !£r ZTZXTS: open disregard of constitutional obligations avowed by someet the highest sad most ioiuential men in the voutatry, ha»greaily weakened the moral sente of those who serve in subordinate places. Tho expenses of the United States, Including the Interest on the public debt, are more than six times as touch as they were seven years ago. To collect and disburse this vast amount requires careful supervision as well as 8> stem otic vigilance. The system, never perfectid, was much disorganized by the tenure of cffi3e bill, which has almost destroyed official accountability.

THE TENURE Ok OFFICE LAW.

hitherto, which makes the ballot a privilege and trust, and which requires of some classes a time suitable for probation and preparation. To give it indiscriminately to a new class wholly unprepared, by previous habits aud opportunities, to perform the trust which it demands, is to degrade it, and finally to destroy Its power. For it may be safely assumed, that no political truth is better established than that sueh indiscriminate and ail embracing extension of popular suffrage must end at b • in its overthrow and destruction.” I repeat the expression cf my willingness to join in any plan within the scope of our con. stltutional authority, which promises to belter the condition of the negroes in the South, by encouraging them in industry, enlightening their minds, improving their morals and giving protection to all their just rights as freedmen; but the transfer of our political inheritance to them would, in my cptnion, be an abandonment of a duty, which we owe alike to the memory of our fathers and tbe rights of

our children.

The plan of putting the Southern .-'‘stes wholly, and the General Government partially, Into the bands of negroes, is proposed at a time peculiarly unpropitious. The foundations of society have been broken up by civil war. Industry must be reorganized, justice re-established, public credit maintained, and order brought out of confusion. To accomplish these ends would require all tbe wisdom and virtue of the great men who formed our institutions originally. I confidently believe that their descendants will be equal to the arduous task before them; but it U worse than madness to expect that negroes will perforin it tor us. Certainly we ought not to ask their assistance until we despair of our own competency. The great difference be-

altles, not upon a few individuals, but upon whole masses, including tbe millions who in-

habit tbe subject States, and even their unborn children. These wrongs, being expressly forbidden, can not be constitutionally inflicted upon any portion of our people, no matter how they may have come within cur jurisdiction, and no matter whether they live in States,

Territories or Districts.

I have no desire to save from the proper and just consequences of their great crimes those who engaged in rebellion against the Government, but as a mode of panishnsent, tbe measures under consideration are the most unreasonable that could be invented. Many of those people are perfectly InnocentJ many

;o the Union untained to

B. B. French, of Washington city, has written for publication a letter in reference to the remarks on temperance by the Hon. Mr. f’rtce.ln which ho spoke of President Johnson a» a drunkard. Mr. Trench says that aa Commissioner of Public Buildings his duties require that he should visit the President’s house almost daily, and no week passed when he did not havo personal interviews with President Johnson. Ilclating his experience he concludes by saying: “I sincerely believe Andrew Johnson to be as temperate a man in bis habits ae any man in the United States. The Hon. Mr. Pries is not tbe only man who has been misled by false statements, as I Well know, from tbe questions that have

when vising my New

often been put to me England friends.”

Maximilian's remains could only be recogniz'd by certain physical marks, peculiar to the Hap«burgs. They are contained in a bandsome eeflin, furnished by the Mexican Gov-

furnished by the

ornmeot, and are securely fixed by means of blocks and braoes covered with blaek silk veivot. Tbe interior of tbe coffin is of white ce dsr, highly polished and varnished. Tho exterior Is veneered with a dark red wood, called granidlts, closley resembling rosewood, though not quite so dark, yet darker than mahogany. The design, though plain, is very tasteful and handsome. This coffin is to he placed in a leaden box and hermetically scnled, and this again in a wooden case.

Tq‘1 rlohcat colored petticoats worn under shorthtork siiit tunics are made of blue, cerise

and maize tafleta, witba ilsnnes on tho cro*«

\ parttouUr

round toe bottom. A partfruhr recommendation Is, not to a<M either velvet or silk bands round fie bottom of an tinderskirt, should economy prompt a lady to make uae of one of theae artloias which she considers toe good to lose st the top and too bad to wear at tho bo*, lom.^bese cassf so present themselves.—let her plait a long stripe of merino. If the material Is woolen, or of tftff 'tait 'ho material Is silk, and put tbit on Inste i 1 a plain band

of anything.—JWfs Correspondent.

A non.

Alt *orfa of Paragraphs. hydraulic cow milker is tbe laatlnven-

Thlrty thousand French artisans are making artUioial flowers.

Ttw New York Academy of Music lets for |1,300 for one ball night. The Catholic church at Baltimore reacmblcs the Pantbcen st Home.

The birth* In England are one thousand ahead of the death* every <l»y. The orphan of a confederate soldier starved to dcarti st Columbus, Georgls, last wsek. sistv.four million mviss of thread are made In tew tioara in Great Britain.

The “snrar wed dtfig,”

marriage, Is

thirty days after the latest fashion.

The latest novelty In ths wav of suicide, at Farid,!* that by drinking a solution of matches

an i milk.

In tbe English almshouse* they put paaper babn s in a trough and let them cry to smuae lb*; *

A man proposes to Weston We from Boston to Norwich tnd beck, three hundred miles In

lour deys.

A Geroun girl died !■ Hew York from esV leg e box of matches. One match apiece is

enough, girls.

General Grant sbowe Owt 18,000 men bay* deserted from the army ta a ys»r or about «9

per cent at tb« recrufts.

ThwNfMWmtMM K. TlaeeS

dealers. Trent Meet, New York, are rfMd afi

WMWO?

THE PROCESS OF RESTORATION. To me tbe process of restoration seems perfectly plain and simple. It consists merely in n faithful application of tbe Constitution aud laws. The execution of the laws is not now obstructed or opposed by physical force; there is no military or other necessiry, real or pretended, which can prevent obedience to the Constitution, either North or South; all the rights and all tbe obligations of States and individuals can be protected and enforced by means perfectly consistent with the fundamental law; courts may be every where opened, and if open, their process would be unimpeded; crimes against tbe United States can be prevented or punished by tbe proper judicial authorities, in a manner entirely practicable and legal. There is, therefore, no reason why the Constitution should not be obeyed. Unless those who exercise its powers have determined that it shall be disregarded and violated, the mere naked will of this Government, or of some one or more of its branches, is the only obstacle that can exist to a perfect Union of all the States. On this momentous question and some of tho measures growing out of it, I have had tbe misfortune to differ Irom Congress, and have expressed my convictions without reserve, though with becoming deference to the opinion of the legislative department. Tbo^a convictions are not only nnchanpod but strengthed by subsequent events and further reflection. The transcendent Importance of the subject will be a sufficient excuse for calling your attention to some of tbe reasons which have so strongly Influenced my own judgment. The hope that we may all finally concur in a mode of settlement consistent at once with our true interests and with our sworn duties to the Constitution, is too natural and too just to be easily relinquished. It is clear to my apprehensions that tbe States lately in rebellion are still members of the National Union. When did they ce»seto bo so? The ordinance* of secession adopted by a portion (In most of them a very small portion of their citizens were mere nullities. if we admit now that tfley were valid and effectual for the purpose Intended by their authors, we sweep from under our feet the whole ground upon which we justified the war. Were those States afterward expelled from the Union by ths war? The direct contrary was averred by this Government to be its rviv orwl vxrmrf n«#1 n.l V

kept their fidelity to

tbe last, many were incapable of any legal ot-f*-nse. A large proportion even of the persona ! able to bear arms were forced into rebeltloa against their will, and of those who were guilty wish their own consent, the degrees of guilt are as various as the shades of their character and temper. But these acts of Congress confound them all together in one common doom. Indiscriminate vengeance upon classes, sects and parties, or upon whole communities, for offenses committed by a portion cf them against the governments to which they owed obedience, was common in the baroarous ages of the world. Bat Christianity and civilization have made such prrgress that recourse to a punishment so cruel and unjust would meet with the condemnation of all unprejudiced and right minded men. The punitive justice of this age, especially of this country, does not cot *- -• n stripping whole States of their liber ..id reducing all their people, without distinction, to the condition ot slavery. It deals separately with each individual, confines itself to the forms of law, and vindicates its own purity by an impartial examination of every case before a competent judicial tribunal. If this does not satisfy all our desires with regard to Southern rebels, let us console ourselves by reflecting that a free Constitution triumphant in war and unbroken in peace is worth far more to us and our children than the gratiticatlon of any present feeling. I am aware it Is assumed that this system of government for the southern States is not to be perpetual. It is true this military government is to be only provisional, but it is through this temporary evil that a greater evil is to he made perpetual. If the guarantees of tbe Constitution can be broken provisionally, to serve a temporary purpose.and in a part only of the country, we can destroy them everywhere and for all time. Arbitrary measures often change, but they generally change for the worse. It is the curse of despotism that it has no baiting place. The intermitted exercise of its power brings no memrenf ■ecartty to its subjects, for they can never know what more they will be called to endure when its red right hand is armed to plague them again. Nor la it possible to conjecture how, or where power unrestrained by law,may seek its next victims. States, that are still free, may be enslaved at any moment, for if the Constitution does not protect all, it protects

none.

tween the two races in physical, mental and moral characteristics, will prevent an amalgamation or fusion of them together in one homogenous mass. If the inferior obtains ascendancy over tbe other, it will govern with reference only to its own interests, for it will recognize no common interests, and create such a tyranny as this continent has never vet witnessed. Already negroes are influenced by premises of confiscation and plunder. They are taught to regard as an enemy every white man who has any respect for the rights of his own race If this continues, it must become worse and worse, until all order will be subverted, all industry cease, and tbe fertile fields of the South grow np into n wilderness. Of all the dangers which our nation has yet encountered, none are equal to those which paust result from the success of the effort now making to

Africanize the half of our country.

I would not put considerations of money in competition with justice and right, but the expenses incident to “ reconstruction, under the system adopted by Congress, aggravate what I regard as the Intrinsic wrong of the measure Itself. It has cost uncounted millions already, and if persisted in, will add largely to the weight of taxation, already too oppressive to be borne without just complaint, and may finally reduce the treasury of the nation to a condition cf bankruptcy. W'e must not delude ourselves. It will require a strong standing army and probably more than two hundred millions of dollars per annum, te maintain the supremacy of negro governments after they are established. The sum, thus thrown away, would, if properly used, form a sinking fund large enough to pay the whole national debt in leas than fifteen years. It is vain to hope that negroes will maintain their ascendancy themselves. Without military power, they ace wholly Incapable of holding in subjection

the white people of the South.

THE NEGRO QUESTION.

who gave their blood and treasure 'to aid in its prosecution. It can net be that a successful war waged for the preservation of the Union had the legal rffect of dissolving it. The victory of the nation’s arms was not the disgrace of her policy. The defeat of secession on tbe battlefield was not the triumph of Its lawless principle. Nor could Congress, with or without the consent of tbe Executive, do anything which would have the effect, directly or indirectly, of separating the States from each other. To cDsolvc the Union is to repeal the Constitution, which holds it together, and that is a power which does not belong to any department of this Government,

or to all of them united.

This Is so plain that It his been acknowledged by all branches of the Federal Government. Tbe Executive, my predecessor,as Well as myself. i and the head* of all the departments, have uniformly acted open tbe principle that the Union is not only undissolved, but indissoluble. Congress submitted an amendment of the Constitution to le ratified by the Southern States, and accepted their acts of ratification as a necessary and lawlui exercise of their highest function. If they were not States, or were States out of the Union, their consent to a change in tbe fundamental law of the Union would have been nogatory, and Congress, in asking it, committed a political absurdity. The Judiciary has also given the solemn sanction of its authority to tbe same view of the ease. Tbe Judges ot tbe Supreme Court have included the Soutborn States in their cl; cult*, and they are constantly in banc and elsewhere, exercising jurisdiction which does not belong to them, unless those States are

States ot tbe Union.

If tho bouthern States are component parts of the Union, the Constitution i« tbe supreme law for them, as It la for all the other States. They are bound to obey it, and so are we. The right of the Federal Government, which is clear and unquestionable to enforce tbe Constitution upon them, Implies tbe co-relative obligation on our part to observe Us limitations and execute its guarantees. Without tbe Constitution we are nothing. By, through and under tho Constitution wo are what it makes us.' We may doubt tbs wisdom of the law, we may not approve of ftsprovtvlons; but we can not violate It merely because it seems to coniine our powers within limits narrower than we could wish. It Is not a question of individual or class or sectional Interests, much lew of party predominance; but of duty, of high and aacred duty, which we are all sworn to perform. If we can not support the Constitution with tbe cheerful alacrity of those who love and believe in It, we mast give to ft at least the fldoltty of public servants who act nndsr solemn obligations ana command* which they

dare not disregard.

Tbe constltatlonal duty is not the only one which requires the States to bs restored. There is another consideration which, though of minor Importance, Is yet ef great weight. On the 23d day of July; TSOI, Congress declared

On the 23d day of Juiy, TSOI, Congressd by an almost unanimous vote of both Houses, that the war shoaid he conducted solely for tbe parpow of preserving ths Union and maintaining the supremacy of the Federal Constitution and laws, without impairing tbe dignity ^qaaitty sad rights of tbsBtatos or individuals; and that when tbit was done tbs war should cesw. I do not say that this declaration Is personally binding on tboss who joined ta making it, nay mors than Individual members of Congress are personalty bound to par • public debt created under a low for which they voted, bat ft was a solemn public official pledge of tbe national honor, and I can not 1magin* open what grounds tbs repudiation ot ft Is to be Justlfled. If It bo sold that wo ore not bound to keep faith with rebels, 1st it b* remembered that this promise was not made to rebels only. Thousands of trot men in tbs Booth wore drawn is our standard by it, and hundreds of tbowrendo In the North gsvo their

item m tho belief that It would bo serried oat. It was mods on ths dev efts* tbs first great battle of tho war had boos tooght and loat.

after tba first great m tooght and lost.

All patriotic and intsUigant men thsn saw ths

U«vsdt^twithdoiiVihf Cf * Muru>ce> - d - b *"

ester to oar esats.

r^&orwood ,’^blc

inn Mi

It Tnkeoienldfblack [toe Ohio mer for the ssh

for

than

Beo>i«rtM« ftddtttsfiffi VwM

at weald end la dis-

Havlng given that nasor- ... _TWrg| ... Tfel*-

, WOOld

faith which

together. Our country

because bo spun adooger yarn

upon tho con »tho war not

cats on an Wand

to «h« Ohio rfvsr far tho aaltt of tbofttr. The hosts am wigat it btyto«dWB«rati vs. '.glinx %U - #1^ , • ^ ’M

IC&*

It is manifestly and avowedly the object of these laws to confer npon negroes the privilege of v oting, and to disfranchise such a number of white citizens as will give the former a clear majority at all elections In the Southern State©. This, to tbe minds of some persons is so important that a violation of the Constitution is justified as a means of bringing it about. That morality is always false which excuse* a wrong because it proposes to accomplish a desirable end. We are not permitted to do evil that good.may come. Butin this case the end iteeif is evil as well as the means. Tbe subjugation of the States to negro domination would le worse than the military despotism under which they sre now suffering. It was believed beforehand that the people would endure any amount of military oppression, for any length of time, rather than degrade themselves by subjection to the negro race. Therefore they have been left without a cboice. Negro suffrage was established by act of Congress, and the military officers were commanded to superintend tbe process of clothing tbe negro race with the political priv-

ileges torn from white men.

The blacks in the South are entitled to be well and humanely governed, and to have the protection of just laws for all their righto of person aod property. If it were practicable at this time to give them a government exclosiveiy tbeir own, under which they might ■■■ manage their own affairs in their own way, it would become a grave question whether we ougbt to do so, or whether common humanity would not require os to save them from tbe selves. But under tbe circumstances this to only a speculative point. It to ho< proposed merely that they shall govern tbemeetres, bat that they shall rule the white race, make and administer State lawsyelect Presidents and members of Congress, and shape, to a greater or leas extent, tbe future destiny of whole country. Would such a trust snd pow-

er he sals to *ucb. bands ? - *

The pecBIIar qualities, which should characterize any people who are fit to decide upm the management of public affairs for a great State, have seldom been combined. It to Abe glory of white men to know that they have bad these qualities in sufficient measure te bufM^tipon this continent a great political fabric, npd to preserve its stability for more than ninety years, wtrfte in every other part of the world all simitar experiments have failed. - But If anything can bo proved hr known facto, it all reasoning upon cvtaaice *»

FINANCIAL AND OTHER CONSIDERATIONS. I submit to the judgment of Congress, whether the public credit may not be injuriously aftected by a system of measures like this. With our debt and tbe vast private Interests which are complicated with it, we can not be too cautious of a policy which might by possibiliity impair the confidence ot the world in our Government. That confidence can only be retained by carefully inculcating the principles of justice and honor on the popular mind, and by the most scrupulous fideU ty to all our engagements of every sort. Any serious breach ot the organic law, persisted in for considerable time, can not but create fears for the stability of our institutions. Hmbiiuai violation of prescribed rules which we bind ourselves to observe, must demoralize the people. Our only standard of civil duty being set at naught, tbe sheet anchor of our political morality is lost, tbe public conscience swings from its moorings and yields to every impulse, passion snd interest. II we repudiate the Constitution we will not be expected to care much f*>r mere pecuniary obligations. The violation of such a pledge as we made on tbe 23d of July, 1861, will assuredly diminish tbe market value of our other promises. Besides if we now acknowledge that t&e national debt was created, not to bold tbe States Hi the Union, aa the tax payers were led to suppose, bat to expel them from ft, and band them over to be governed by negroes, the moral doty to pay it may seem much lesaclearL say, it may seem ae, for I. do not admit that this er nay other argument in favor of repudiation can M entertained as sound, bat its influence oa some classes of minds may be well apprehended. The financial honor of A great commercial nation, largely indebted, and with a republican form ot government, administered by agents of tbe popular choice, is a thing of such delicate texture, and the destruction of it would be followed by such unspeakable calamity, that every true patriot must desire to avoid Whatever might expose it

to the slightest danger.

Tbe gre*t interests of the country require Immediate relief from these enactments. Business in the South is paralyzed by a sense of general fneecurlty, by the terror of confiscation, and the dread of negro supremacy. Southern trade, from which ths North would have derived so great a profit under a Government of law, still languishes, and can never be revived until It ceases to be fettered by arbitrary power, which makes all its operations unsafe. That rich country, the richest in natural resources the world ever saw, is worse than lost if it be not soon placed under the.protection of a free Constitution. Instead of being, as it ought to be, a source of wealth and power, it will become an intolerant burden upon the rest of the nation.

A WORD ABOUT THE LATE ELECTIONS.

tached from tbe institutions of their ancestors.

Their

determination to preserve the inheritance of a free government in tbeir own bands and transmit U undivided and unimpaired to tbeir own posterity, is too strong to bo successfully opposed. Every weaker passion will disappear befor the love of hberty and law, for which the American people are distinguished above all others in the world.

reasoning upon

abandoned, it mute bn acknowledged that in

at/toiiuuBACiiij ta All use* w .. envreux/ w awifljgnren nuena am the progress of nfttons tbe negroes have ahown less capacity for government titan any other racs or people. No Independent Government

people. No Independent Government of any form has ever been auccewful In tbeir hands. On the contrary, wherever they have been left to tbeir own devices they have shown a constant tendency te relapse into bar-1 hart am. In the Southern States, however. Congress has undertaken to confer upon them the privilege of tbe ballot. Just released from slavery, it may- be doubted whether, aa g

THE rRE80>EKT’S DUTY CONSIDERED. . .. How far the duty ol the “President to preeeTve,protect,and defend the Constitution” re- —*— *-*— — unconstitn-

serious and

... r tteoi have deliberated much, and fatt. extremely anxUm. tn reach a proper conclusion. Where an sot has

bow ; too

organi;

Indeed it He admitted that

th»3>tock« or Ihn

South are not only regardless of tire righto of

property, so utterly igonrant of wabhe affaire that but their voting top consist in noth-

VOting; top .

tog more than carrying a ballot to tbe placs where they are directed to depqaUIL I need not remind you that tho exercise of tbe elective franchise to the highest attribute of nn American citizen, snd that when guided by virtue, intelligence, pstrietfo*' and a proper

appreciation of our free institui ^pe^iiccnatl^

tutes the true bast* of a Dem u

government, in which tbe sovereign power ia lodged in tbe body of tbe people. A trust ar-

tificially created, pot for its own sake, bat solely as a menus of promoting tho teartal welfare. Its Influence Cm good must necessarily depend upon the elevated character and true allegiance of the ateetor. It ought there tore to be repooed to none except those who

are fitted morsfiy and mentally to

it well.

...... which it ahooldtbetha i

liberty of,

fnl conservator.

I have therefore heretefbrt a

t danger tol

| L'-tti -HfvfiJ t .."V.MTf

frr« <1 s5 , «s b 5 i

franchise to any especially when f

prebend the duties sad responsibilities pertain to aaffrage. Yesterday, ns II tsar millions of parsons worn hold to s send! Uon of slavery that bad existed for gas a— tires. To-day they are freastos, sad are os■anted by law to be dttrena. It

paeawmed from the

servitude, that aa a el _ forffied ao to tho Mtore of the toteUlopt foi oar land tho horns

wn mlv w y^^ffi^wp mmPQ

em^taffitatlMUMnlhlj* it

Another reason for retracing our steps will doubtless be seen by Congress in the late manifestations of public opinion npon this subject. Wo live ins country where popular will always enforces obedience to itself sooner or later. It to in rain to think of opposing it with anything short of legal authority, backed by overwhelming force. It can not have escaped your attention, tbai from tbe day on which Congress fairly and formally presented the proposition to govern tbe Southern. States by miliurj force, with a view to tbe ultimate establishment of negro supremacy, every expression ef the general sentiment baa been more er less adverse to it. The affection of this generation can not be de-

been passed, according to the forms of tbe Constitution,by the supreme legislative authority, andteregoisriy caroled among the public statutes of tie country, executive resistance to it, especially to times of high party excitement, w * r M woatd be likely to produce violent collision Between tbe respnetive adherents of the two branches ot Government. This would be

be reworst

of evils. Whatever might tend to provoke it should be most carefully avoided. A faithful and conaeteutious magistrate will concede very much to honest error, and something even to perverse malice, before be will endanger tire public peace, and bs will not adopt forcible measures, or such as might lead to force, as long as those which are peaceable remain open to him or to Ms constituents. It is true that cases msy occur in which tbe Executive would be compelled to stand on its

The President may be thoroughly eonvinoed tha*. an officer ia incapable, duhonest or unfaithful to the Constitution, but under the law which I have named, the utmost he can do is to complain to the Senate and ask the privilege of supplying his place with a better man. If the Senate be regarded as personally or politically hostile to the President, It is natural, and not altogether unreasonable for the officer te expect that it will take his part as far as possible, restore him to his place, and give him a triumph over his executive superior. The officer has other chances of impunity, arising tixm accidental defects of the evidence, the mode of investigating it, and the secresy of the hearing. It is not wonderful that officiil malfeasance should become bold in proportion as the delicquents learn to think themselves safe. I,am entirely persuaded that, under such a rule, the President con not perform the great duty assigned to him of seeing tbe laws faithfully executed, and that it disables him most especially from enforcing that rigid accountability which to necessary to the due execution cf the revenue laws. The Constifhtian invests the President with at thority to decide whether a removal should be made in any given case; the act of Congress declares, in substance, t'uat he shall only accuse such as be supposes to be unworthy of their trust. The Constitution makes him the sole jud^e in tbe premises, but tbe statute takes away his jurisdiction, transfers it to the Senate, and leaves him nothing but the odious and sometimes impracticable duty of becoming * prosecutor. The prosecution is to be conducted for a tribunal whose members are not, like him, responsible to the whole people, bi t to separate constituent bodies, and who may hear bis accusation with great disfavor. The Senate to absolutely without any known standard of decision applicable to such a case. Its judgment can not be anticipated, for it to not governed by any rule. The law does not define what shall be deemed good cause for removal. It is impossible evea to conjecture what may or may not be so considered by the Senate. The nature of the subject forbids clear proof. If the charge he incapacity, what evidence will support it? Fidelity to the Constitution maybe understood or misunderstood in a thousand different ways, and by violent party men in violent party times, unfaithfulness to the Coastitntion may even come to be considered meritorious. If the officer be accused of dishonesty, how shall it be made out? Will it be inferred irom acts unconnected with public duty, from prt-

‘ Or

paid la a currency possessing a uniform value.

Won of tbe currency to by tbe CoQstitution, and by this means we would move a discrimination which may, if It has not already done so, create a prejudice rhat may become deep rooted and wide spread, and imperil the national credit. Tbs feasibility ef making our currency correspond with the constitutional standard,may be seen by reference to a few facts derived from our commercial statistics. Tbe production of precious metals in the United States Irom ISifl to l&>7. inclusive, amounted to tSTDJMJO.OOO; from 1S58 to I860, inclusive, to $137,500,000, snd from 1861 to lS67,inclufeive, to $457,500,000, making a grand aggregate of products since 1840, $1,174,000,-

oeo.

The amount of specie coined from 1319 to 1857, inclusive, was £439,000.1)00; from 1863 to 1360, inclusive, $125,000,000; and from 1861 to 1367, inclusive, $310,000,000; making tbe total coin ace since 1840, $874,000,000. From 1849 to 1857, inclusive, the net experts of specie amounted to $271,000 000; from 1358 to 1860, n elusive, to $148,000,000; and from 1861 to 1867, in«lusive,f322,000,000,making the aggregate of net exports since 1849. $741,000,000. These figures show an exeese ol product over next exports of $4.33,000,000. There are in the treasury $111,000,000 in coin; something more than $40,000,000 in circulation on the Pacific coast, and a few millions in tbe national and other banks, ia all about $160,000,000. This, however, taking into account the specie in the country prior to 1849, leaves more than three hundred million dollars which have not been accounted for by exportation, and, therefore may yet remain tn the country. These are important facts, and show how completely the inferior currency will supersede the better,forcing it from circulation among the masses, and cau>ing it to be exported as a mere article of trade, to add to the money capital of foreign lands. They show the necessity ot retiring our paper money, that the return ot gold and tilver to the avenues of trade may be invited, and a demand created which will cause the retention at home of at least so much of the productions of our rich and inexhaustible gold-bearing fields as may he sufficient for purposes cf circulation. It is unreasonable to expect a return to a sound currency so long as the G ovei nineut.by continuing to issue irredeemable notes, fills the channels of circulation with depreciated paper. Notwithstanding a coinage by our mints, since 1819, of eight hundred and seventy-four milion dollars, the people are now strangers to the currency which was designed for their use and benefit, and specimens of the precious metals bearing the national device are seldom seen, except when produced to gratify the interest excited by their novelty. If depreciated paper is to be continued as the permanent currency of the countiy, and all our coin is to become a mere article of traffic and speculation, to the enhancement in price of all that is indispensible to the comfort of the people, it would be wise economy to abolish our mints, thus saving the nation the care and expense incident to such establishments, and let all our precious inutals be exported In bullion.

vato history, or from general reputation? must the President await the commission of an actual misdemeanor in office? Shall he in

the meantime risk the character and inter-'*! of the nation in the hands of men to w?v> :* ’c can not give his confidence? Must he f t-'-esi his complaint until the mischi.-f is done, ^rui cannot be prevented? If his zsai iu the pub-

lic service should compel him to anticipate overt act, must he move at the peril o! being tried himself for the offense ol >t .miering his subordinate? In the present circumstances of the country, some one must be held responsible for official delinquency oi every kind. It is extremely difficult to say where that responsibility should be thrown if it be not left where it b *s been placed by the Constitution. But all ju-tm-n will admit that the Pn^ident ought to be entirely relieved from such responsibility, if he can not meet it by reason of restrictions placed by law upon his

actions.

The unrestricted power < f removal from office Is a very great one lo be trusted even to a magistrate chosen by the general suffrage of the whole people, and accountable directly to them for ki* acts. It is undoubtedly liable to abuse, and at some periods of our history, perhaps, has been abused. If it be thought desirable and const!rational that it should be so limited as to make the President merely a common informer against other public agents, he should, at least, be permitted to act in that cipacity before some open tribunal, independent of party politico, ready to investigate the merits of every case, furnished, with the means cf taking evidence, and bound to decide according to established rules. This would guarantee the safety of the accuser, when he acts in good ~ -- *„h

faith, and at the same tim? secure the asghts

oi the other party.

I speak, of course, with all proper respect for the present Senate; hut it docs not seem to me that any legislative body can lie so constituted as to insure its fitness for these functions. It is net the theory ot this Government that public effioeaaretbe property of those who hold them. They are given merely as a trust for tbe public benefit, sometimes for a a fixed period, sometimes during good beh avior, but generally they are liable to be f ?~m ; nated at the pleasure of toe appointing power, which represents the collective majesty and speaks the will cf tbe people. Tho forced retention in office of * single dishonest person may work great injury to t5a.*>»biic interests. The danger to ihe public service comes not from the power to r6fa-«ve,~ but from the power to appoint. Therefore it was that the framers of the Constitution left the power of removal unrestricted, while they gave the Sen of a aright to reject alt appointments,

flute be made.

9AXSXIA Eleven thousand tlx hundred and fifty-ftva patents and designs ware Issued during the year ending September 39,1867, end nh that date tbe balance to the Treasury to the credit of tbe Patent Fund, wan $286,607.

Foaaaaaion having

the pre* eel ta enre ef n military force. The annexation ef mu

The time has come, however, when the Government and national banka should be re-

quired to take one most efficient step and moke all necessary arrangements for a resumption of specie payments at the earliest practicable period. Specie payments having been once resmu d by the Government and banks, ail notes (vV ..ip ipcr issued by either of a te s doi:i .(i iL tn twenty dollars should by

fni't

THE NAVY. The report of the Secretory of the Navy state* ting, ws have seven squadron* actively and judiciously employed under efficient .and able commanders in protecting the pereona and property of American oitisens, maintaining the dignity aud power of ton Government, and promoting the commerce end business interests of our countrymen in every part of the world. Of the two hundred and thirty-eight vessels composing the present navy of tha United State*, 56 carrying 007 gun* art to squadron service. During the year the number of vessels in comfttsston has been reduced twelve, aud there are thirteen less on squadron duty than there wore at the dote oi the last r< port. A large number of veasels were commenced and in course ef construction when tbe war terminated, and although Congress has made the necesscry appropriations for their completion, the deportment has either suspended work upon them or limited the slow completion of the st< a n vessels so as to meet the contract* for machinery made with private establishments. The total expenditures of the Navy Department for the fioal year endind June 39, W67, were $31,034,011. No appropriations have been made or required since the close of the war, for the construction snd repair of vessels, and for steam machiner , rdnu e provisions ande'o h'rgJVe .hemp etc., the balances uette’these several head*, having been more than sufficient for current expenditures. It should al-o be stated to tbe credit of the department, that besides asking no appropriations for the above object* ft r the last two years, the Secretary of tte N»vy, on the 30th of September last,"in accordance wiib the act of May 1, 1820, requested tbe Secretary of the Tressnary to carry to the surplus fund the sum of $05 000,002, being ihe amount received from sales of vessels ani other war property, and the remnants of former appropriations

State* to PruMta, Mil thn Moiganlzallto of

new and libsrol oon»tiP^S'sSSlMtMrtfte#

kteg v »«mi %na*>taw aMcinntog toa nteire* of

Mna>*e«*« question «mcmM

subjects naturalized in tha United States. In connection with this anbjret, tha attention of Congress ta respectfully oaltad to a tingle and embamaslag conflict of laws. The xxeentitw Department of this Government haa hitherto unifocmly hold, aa it now

holds, that naturalization, to ooafurmity with tha Constitution and laws of tha United State

w , | . , ate

absolves the recipient bom his native aitegtanca. Tha aourta ef Great Britain hold that allegiance to the British Crown ta Indefeasible. and ta not absolved by our laws of naturaHzation. British judge# cite courts end lew

~ Un ‘

authorities of tbe United Btotee m eanpart of thet theory ageinat tha position held by tha Executive authority of the Gutted Staten Thla

conflict perplexes tha public mind concerning tha righto of naturalised altizena, end impair* t ie national authority abroad. I called attention to this subject tn ms last annual meuage, and now again rtepectfully appeal to Congress to declare tbe national will unmistakably upon

this important question.

The abuse of our laws by the clandestine prosecution of the African slave trade from American ports or by American citizens has altogether ceased, and, under existing circumstance*, no apprehension* of its renewal in this pan of the world are entertained. Under these circumstances it becogga a question whether we shall not propose to Ue^Mkjeaty’s Government a suspension or discontinuance ot the stipulation tor maintaining a naval force for the suppression of that trade.

Andrew Johnson.

Washington, December 3,1»67.

INSURANCE. MIRTHU HOmxs Sl FOLLiTT,

POSTOKFICK DEPARTMENT.

(OFFICE, NEW JOURNAL RFIU.ISO;,

The report of the Postmaster General shows ! the business of the Postoffice Department and tbe erudition of the postal service in a vtry to- ! vorable light, anti the attention of Congress is celled to its practical recommendations The receipts of the Department for the year ending June30,1867, including all special ap- j propriations for sea and land service, and for ! free mail matter, were $19,978,693. Tbe expenditures for ail purposes, were $19/235.485, leaving an unexpended balance in favor of the Department of $743,210, which can be applied toward the expenses of the Department for the current year. The increase of the postal revenue, independent of specific appropriations for the year 1867, over that if 1866, was $850,040. The increase of revenue from the sale of stamps and stamped envelopes was $783,404. The increase of expenditures for 1867 over those of the previous year was owing chiefly to the extension of land and ocean moil service. During the past year new postal conventions have been ratified and exchanged with the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Belgium, the Netherlands, Switzerland, North German Union. Italy and the Colonial Government at Hong Kong, reducing very largely the rates of ocean and land postages to aud from and within those coi nt:ies.

Uepreseul Ihe lollovviug excellent Companies

A t-.

ins. Co. North America, Phil.i

*1,830,145 31

l,444.l«« 17

International Insurance Co., N. V.

Continental Insurance Co., V Y 1,«T3,711 7* Enterprise Ins. Co., Cincinnati l.lOS.tlii to Yonkers and New York Ins.Co., X. Y SW.SM wj Merchants Insurance Co , Chicnjro 550,960 37 City Fire Ins. Oo., Hartford, Conn 450,000 uu

Northwestern Mutual Life, Wiconsin 2,990,603 ul

Accident Insurance Co., Columbus, o 1,000,UOO uo

Total Capital Represented

f11,113.534 63

»ov4 d3m

HAIR RESTORER.

lii.'iil

law l>e excluded Irom circulation, so that the pe qfle may li ivo ib: ben< tit and convenience of :i gold aud silver currency, which in all their business traesaftious will bo uniform in v -Lue at h'-iue and, abroad. ‘‘Ever* man < f

AGRICULTURAL DEPARTMENT.

The report of the Acting Commissioner of Agriculture concisely presents the conditioa, works and progress oi an interest eminently wants the rostering care ot Congress, and ex-

propecty or indu-trv, ♦•v rv man wiio desires | * large measure of useful results to preserve what be tiourstlc pr.^scf'ses, or t<> aojieven eiinng the year, to which it refeis.

obtain what he can honestly earn, h is a direct FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

L Q m- r such n a m med\uma g s shall be'', eif LrdTub 1 Tuc re-e-tibltshmant of peace at home and

to 9 ‘'vrnrate* wiffop J: ^ resumptte i of extended trade, travel and

‘ i commerce abroad, have served to increase the number and variety of questions iu the Department for Foreign Affairs. None of these

stantial, not

Ion-; not subject to be blown up or blown down by a breath of spceulation.but to be made stable and secure. A disordered currency is one of the greatest political evils. It undermines the v irtues necessary for the support of the social system, and encourages propensities destructive of its happiness; it wars against Industry, frugality and economy, and it fosters the evil spirits of extravagance and speculation.” It has been asserted by one of our profound and most gifted statesmen, that, “of all the contrivances for cheating the laboring classes of mankind, none has been more effectual than that which delude* them with paper money. This is the most effectual ol inventions to fertilize the rich man’s fields by the sweat of the poor man’s brow. Ordinary tyranny, oppression, excessive taxatinn—these bear lightly on the happiness of the mass of tbe community compared with a fraudulent currency, and the robberies committed by depreciated paper. Our own history bis recorded for our instruction enough, and more than enough, of the demoralizing ten-teney, the injustice, and the intolerable oppression on the virtuous and well disposed of a degraded paper currency authorized by law. or in any way countenanced by Government ” It is one of the most successful devices, in times of peace or war, expansions or revulsions, to accomplish the transferjof all the precious metals from the great moss of the people into the bands oi the few, where they are hoarded in secret places or deposited in strong boxes under bolts and bars, while the p .'ople are left to endure all the inconvenience. sacrifice, and demoralization resulting from the use of a depreciated and

which, in its opinion, were ant fitote l Alittie reflection nn. this snbjec^till prob-

ably satisfy all. who have the good of the country at heart, that our best course is to take the Constitution for our guide, walk in the path marked out by the founders of the Republic, and obey tbe rules made sacred by the observance of predecessors.

THE NATIONAL FINANCES.

Tne present condition of our finances and circulating medium Is one to which your early consideration lb invited. The proportion winch the currency of any country should bear to the whole value of the annual produce ci culated by its means, is a question upon which political economists have not agreed; nor can it be controlled by legislation, bat must be left to the irrevocable laws which everywhere regulate commerce end trade. The circulating medium will ever irresistabiy flow to those points where ft to la greatest demand. Tbe law of demand and supply is as unerring as that which regulates the tides of the ocean; and, indeed, currency

l>uC LaiAtSS Vk SUC: oJArvahU y SuXAy alal. V«v,Vly VUaEI like the tides, has its ebbs and flows, through out the commercial world. At the beginning

of the rebellion, the bank note circulation of the country amounted to not much more than two hundred million dollare. Now the circulation of national bank notes, and those known as legal tenders, is nearly seven hundred million*. While it to urged by some that this amount should be increased, others contend that decided reduction is absolutely essential to the best toteresto ef the country. In view er there diverse opinions, it may be well to ascertain there*! value of our paper issues, when compared with a metalie or convertible currenoy. For this purpose,let us inquire how much gold and sliver could be purchared by the seven hundred mill toes of pa per money now in eirettlattow. Probably not mere than half the amount ef the latter, showing that when our paper currency to compared with gold and silver, its commercial value Is compressed into three hundred and fifty millions. This striking fact makes it tne ebvlous duty of theGcvenrnient.as early as may be consistent with tho principles of sound political economy, to take such measures as will enable the holder of Its notes and these ef thonational bankrfto convert them without loss. Into specie, or its equivalent. A redaction of our paper circulating medium need net necessarily follow. This, however, would depend upon the law of demand and supply though tt

tho hands of tbeir holders would be enhanced

one hundred percent. ' 1 ti‘

Legislation Car the aecompttehaent of a result so desirable Is dsn ended by the highest public considerations. The Con--rtumtoa ccntemplates that ta eeirentar ting medium «r va* oanatrr shall 'be

uniform tn quality aud value. At the time of tbe formation of thmt instrument, the

country had just emerged from- the ~ ths Revolution, oad was suffering from-nth* effects of a redundredundank nod worthless -paper currency. The sages of that period were aaxious to pretect thrir poster!ty'frott tbb uvfli Which they thorn selves had •xperitireed; henee,-in providing a circulating medium, they conferred upon Coourtes tab power to coin taebey and atethevu “ ^

regulate the value th*rrof,- at th~ same tim6

■ hlci

embraces,

are

, first, notes of national banks, which receivable for till dues to the Got-

aU Ita

sequence*.

stud pass i conflict v

“ act ’

ssss&JSSS&sst

^»ggB£5B5|S5S£Sgagl

If for instance^ On should pass an act,

w, te aboltoh a

resfouslMy* htoriiw

life of

iconstitutional ae eny that ean be ■■ bettered ^^wital^e

IhewSCrtreJgtaeu those who would bring Inti

last mentioned, thn people were not

ydtawd ef

the Northern Stales they etfll held In

worthless paper money,

uiition

The cnn.Htion of onr finances and tho operations of our revenue system are sat torth and fully explained in the able and instructive report of tho Secretary of the Treisury. Oa the 30th of June. IS60. tho public debt amounted to $'2,783,425,879; on the 30th of June lost tt woo $2,692,199,2X5, showing a reduction during the fiscal year of $91,226,664. During the fiscal year ending June 30, 1867,

the receipts were $490,631,010, and the expenditures $346,729,129, leaving an available sur-

plus of $143,904,380. It is estimated that the receipts for the fiscal year ending June 30,

1868, wilt be $417,161,928, and that the expenditures will reach the sum of $393,208,360,

leaving in the Treasury a surplus of $23,892, 702. For the fiscal year ending June 30,1860, it is estimated that the receipts will amount to $381,000,000, and that the expenditures will be $372,000,000, showing an excess of $9,000,-

060 in favor of the Government-

revva v/a itaav v* vs t vx u laav-i* w*.

The attention of Congress is earnestly invited to the necessity of a thorough revision

of our revenue system. Our internal revenue laws and impost system should he so adjusted as to bear most heavily on articles of luxury, leaving the necessaries of life as free from taxation as may be consistent with the real wants of the Government, economically administered. Taxation would not then fall unduly on the man of moderate means; and while none would be entirely exempt from assessment, all, in proportion to their pecuniary abilities, would contribute toward the support of the State. A modification of the internal revenue system, by a large reduction in the number of articles now subject to tax, would be followed by results equally advantageous to* the citizen and the Government. It would render the execution of the law less expensive and more certain, remove obstructions to industry, lessen the temptattens to evade the law, diminish the violations and frauds perpetrated npon its provisions, make its operations less inquisitorial, and greatly rt duca in numbers tho army of taxgatherers created bv the system, who “take from the mouth of honest labor the bread it has earned.” Retrenchment, reform, and economy ohould be carried into every branch ol the public servicei, that tho expenditures of the Government may be reduced and the people relieved from oppressive taxation ; a sound currency should bs restored, aod-Hie public faith ia regard to the national dabfc^sacredly observed. Thn accomplishment of these important results, together with tho restoration of the Union of the States upon the principles of the Constitution, would Inspire confidence at home and abroad in tho otability of our institutions, snd bring to the nation prosperity, peace and good wilt. The repart of the secretary of War ad interim exhibits tho operations of the army and of tha several bureaus of the War Department. The aggregate strength of our military

questions, however, have seriously disturbed our relations with other States. The Republic of Mexico having been relieved from foreign Intervention, is earnestly engaged In efforts to re-establish her constitutional system of government. A good understanding continues to exist between our Government and the Republics ot Haytl and San Domingo, and our cordial relation with the Central and South American States remains unchanged. The tender, made in conformity with the resolution of Congress, of the good offices of the Government, with a view to an amicable adjustment of peace between Brazil and her allies on one side, and Paraguay on the other, and between Chili and her allies on one side, and Spain on the other, though kindly received, has in neither case been fully accepted by the belligerents. The war in the Valley of the Parana is still vigorously maintained. Oa the other hand, actual hostilities between the Pacific States and Spain have boen more than a year suspended. 1 shall on any proper occasion that may occur renew the conciliatory recommendations which have already been made. Brazil, with enlightened sagacity and comprehensive statesmanship, has opened the great channels of the Amazon and its tributaries, to universal commerce. One thing more seems needful to assure a rapid and cheering progress in South America. I refer to these peaceful habits, without which States and nations can not ia this age well expect material prosperity or sootat ad-

vancement.

The expositlea of universal industry at Paris has passed, and seems to have fully real-

iztnl thtt niirb ex r

CLOCI’S EXCELSIOR HAIR RESTORER

scalp; makes hair gro br disease. It is cleai elegantly perfumed, contains no sugar ol Sold by all Apothecari

Boston. Miu-sarhusetU, proprietor

no«*S dly

en

w on bald he

n, does not uum the hair, i

tendkl dres-ins

ends when hold

the hair. i.» dres>ing ; of silver.

and a spl<

f lead or nitrate t

es. F. B.CLOCK, Chemir.t.

COLD PENS.

ized the nigh expectations of the French Government. If due allowance be made for the

recent political derangement of industry here, the part which the United States has borne la

this exhibition of invention and art, may be “regarded with very high satisfaction. During the ex position a conference was held of delegates from several nations, the United State* being one. In which the inoonveaienoe to commerce and social intercourse, resulting from divert standards of money valuer Were very fully discussed, and plans were developed for establishing, br universal consent, a common principle for the coinage of gold, theee conferences are expected to be renewed, with the attendance of many foreign States not hitherto represent-

ject, and be ready te adopt any measure which may tend to facilitate its ultimate accomplishment.

A QUESTION WITH SPANISH CLAIMANTS.

force, on

u6,3Uk The

propriations to $77423,707,

deucy ia last year’s a] 600. The payments at

ef the aarvfee ef the War Department from January 1 to October 29,1867—a period of tea months—amounted to $109,807,000. The expenses of the military establishment, as well as the numbers of the army, are now three time* as great as they have ever been in time ef peace; white > the discretionary power to vetted in the Exeettve to add ntiMone totals expenditure by an increase ef the arary to the maximma strength allowed by the lew. The men act ng attitude of some of the wanlike bands ef iadtans inhabiting the dim triet ef country between tbe Arkansas and Platte rivers, and portions of Dakotab Territory, required tbe protonoe ot a large military force in that region. Instigated by -real ar imaginary grievances, the ladiaas occasionally committed sets of barbarous violence upon emigrants and our frontier settlementa; but a general Indian war has been jfitrtdentietiy averted. Tbe oommtadoaort under tbe act of 20th July, 1867, were tmveeted witaflutt power to adjust existing difficulties, negntiare trttoto* With the dtoafibeted bands, end attach tar them reservations remote from the travaied rentes between tbe Mtoetoefppt

out delay

On the 25th of February, 1862, Congress declared, by law, that the treasury notes, without interest authorized by that act should be legal tender In payment of all debts, public and private, within the United States. An annual remittance of $30,000, lees stipulated expenses, accrues to the claimants under the convention made with Spain, in 1834. These remittances, since the pateage of that act, have been paid In such notes. The claimants insist that the Government ought to require payment In coin. The subject may be deemed worthy of your atten-

tion.

No arrangement has as yet been reached for the settlement ef out claims for British depredations upon the commerce of the United States. I have felt it my duty to decline the propotttten ef arbitration made by Her Majesty’* Government, because it has hitherto been accompanied by reservations and; lipiitations incompatible with the righto, interest, and honor of our country. ' It Is not to be apprehended that Great Britain will persist in her refusal to satisfy these jost and reasonable c aims that involve the sacred principle of nonintervention—a principle henceforth not more Important to.the United States than to all other

commercial nations.

The West India Island t were settled end colonized by European States simultaneously with the settlement and colonization ef the American continent. Meet of thn colonies planted here became independent aattcea In the close of the last and the beginning nf the present century. Our ewn country embraeee communities which, at one period, were colonies of Great Britain,

“The Pen is Mightier than the Sword.’* THE GOLD PEN, BEST AND CHEAPEST OF PEAS.

Morton’s Gold Pens, THE BEST PENS IN THE WORLD.

7’b/- sale at Ji'o. 25 Mai denLane, New - Tor lb, and by every duly appointed Agent at the same

prices.

Morton makes no Tens stamped with the Name or 2‘rade-marlb o/ any other; therefore, where an Agency is established, the public will be best suited, and at the same prices, by calling on the Agent; in all other places those wishing the Morton Ten, must send to Headquarters, where their

orders will receive prompt attention, if accompanied with the cash.

A Catalogue, with full descriptioti of sizes and prices, sent on receipt of letter postage.

A. MORTON.

novfl d&w6m

CHINA TEA STORE. MMSm TO IIA DR1HKSRS,

Decline in Teas!

TNE CHINA TEA STORE

^established in 1832.)

XVTITH many thanks to the znblic for past f v tavors. we would annou&<-e that we arc now reeelvimg a carefully selected invoice of

CHOICE GKEN, BLACK ANO JAPANESE

TEAS!

Purchased directly from the importer*, aud with special attention to their qualities In tbe cop.

We mever

jrtwclc.

We mever

otter at second hand

tlxed Ten.

pmreten— n nai

We mever tony at colere*

We mever tomve tonmdled at dnmt-

ngett Ten.

knowledge of the Tea bntiaess, enables us to say with confidence that

France, Spate, Holland, Sweden and Russia. Tbe people in the Week India*, with tbeax-

the 30th of September last, waff option of taomof tite Ittwd of Hayti, have he total estimate for military ap- neUtour attoteed nor aeplred to-Independence,

nor have

AttaSkhm value tevy

heoomo prepared far reif-de-

msroial vatno fitofl! have been bald by the acvera! European States which colonized er at

wom time^onqnored them, chiefly for purpoout Europe^ te tale continent. In oar revolutionary war,{torts and harbor* in tho West India Island* wore used by our enemy, to the great Injury and cmhammmeat of the United Btotee. We had

tee same experience In our second war with

GreatBritain. The

^ . - we were to peace with

■hich we areH

iing. Wo labored especially under this diaadvaatage—teat European steam vessels, eat-1 11 ployed by our ennmiss, found frtmdly shelter, ! rprotectioa sndMmrilBMtihmWtota^M

■ iwfiiie our

carried ea from our own dW then a unlvonml tasting of thn want of an

and rhbltariMo. They entered without „ upon taeumnHon ef their treeh but have not yet matte any otaotal report eT their proceed-

on advanced naval outprnl Atlantic onset and

dnty of ohMhhto each peacefully and lawfully, white neither doing nor monwing injury toother Staton, norneatly

Pacific Ratiroad, an object ef nnttonal tmportopee, aheold net be tetorruytod by hostflb Mhos. Thaw objects, an well an the matortol laadtim hhvbI and^toWtieetuaTtmways and encroaching white settlementa • ontiystOtai^nmi^hrMiehmof tho

anreedtae^attention^efltae SxeeittlveIte-

THE "JfR A BTftRF oetffittto 93a

We wtU ewmttmmw tm sell the toest TBAta UnOfmrtott m« the Imwemi

prmtato mm«l

mm«l price*.

A slight decline iu gcM, togetber with aa unusually large crop of Teas received and on the WOy. enables us to place our new Teas at the iht towing price*, which

lit bs Itw bs Biy VkhlhShU Hose CBl ttftrA tt 8(11 the SB to# qihlKNs hy tt# largest qiaitlUcf.

II ttSTvery ^eatfof^ **’ t> ** o0 *

«mmpewr«ei>, Green, #t #•> toawht flta* Femme toFomm (Greem,) 01 no, etomte*

•••» OO-

*> «i» oi to* oi «o;

ffmett, 01 oei beeuaa. •Jl

(•tnck,) very

-We PftiMM #

1 ■Me beep a carefully selected atoek or

Motet, Java and Sto Coffees, tOVEIUtet REEKO SUSAJtt, ton Onus m« vm* srwsa GtoNMB BMD BLAGBWBLLA PI CALM, BaIaFi C%o«oUtM,OoooA A&d Bmoa

^ WOTSl--PALMilMIQUtE, moron rer,ttw»

*

i 7

/ f

,