Indianapolis Daily Herald, Indianapolis, Marion County, 17 January 1867 — Page 2

4

DAILY HERALD.

^^<i?ho»-*MIUkLti ItotUtnnQ is !•« Baal Waalila«t«a Siraat. THtasPAT Monyise,, 'ja^dahyTt. T« tmrreapmmSTmtm. !To notice c*n be taken of aftonymotis cemmnnloation*. Whatever U Intended for Insertion (nnstboaathentlcated by the name and address of the writer—not necessarily for publication, but as a guaranty for his good faith We can not undertake to return rejected communications.

THE

Ammn>.

Caticne of Demovrnttc Sesiatare. There will be a meeting of the Democratic members of the Senate at room No 00 Bates House, this morning at ten o'clock. Business of great Importance will be transected, and each member Is requested to be present, Democratic Heprcsentati re Caacna. There will be a meeting of the Democratic member* ef tbe House of Represent:itives at the Snpreme Court room, this morning at ten o’clock. All tho members are request* d to be

present.

The Casiatltatiennl Amendment — The Speech of Hen. Hayleae W* Hanntt In the Senate. Tbe Joint resolution ratifying the constitutional amendment occupied the Senate yotorday afternoon, and It finally passed by tho vote of twenty-tine to eighicen. The K< publican Senators declined to discuss I be question. lion. llAYI.Ksa W. 11 .INNA spoke against trf- ratification of the amendment, ilis cITort was odo of the most aide and eloquent ever delivered upon the floor ol the Senate. Mr. HaNSa’S statement of tbe questions at issue were clear and consecutive; tbe logic and rear oiling were perspicuous and convtnctig; tbe illuMrations and his appeals to stand by tho principles of tbe wise and patriotic framer of the Constitution were forcible and eloquent; the iauguago chaste and ncpre«sive, and bis diction graceful and dignified. The large audience in the Senate chamber listened to Mr, Hannas apeccb throughout with close attention and de"pinterest, and none mote so Ihau ftiose who differed with him in political opinion. This ellort of the gifted speaker, plac es him •mong tho foremost of our public men, if be bad pot already acheived that pod lion by his ability and eloquence. Dr. .suehrou li liowed Mr. Hanna, tu a forcible speech open Ihe same question, after which Mr. I!knm:ti' moved the previous question. We publish Mr. Hanna's speech iu this

morning's paper.

The Sinking Fund.

The Legislature at Ihe extra session In ISOS pi.-stdaiaw proviiliog for the closing up of the Sinking Fund under its present management, and transferring it to the custody and cure <f tbe Auditor of State. The securities were to be invested in the aonds and stocks of the State ss fast as they were paid,and finally, when wound up, the whole fund was to be placed into one bond of the State, the interest upon which was to he used for educational purpose*. In purstianic of the provisions of this enactment, the Boaid (f Commissioners have 1 ten convertirg li.e assets ol the instinliioii into State storks and bonds a ,d a h «v weeks ago, hiving no f.iribir use f u v tho building which they have occupied ! r the transaction of the buijnias connected with th- fuml, they ordered the property to lie sold. A resolution was put through the Legislature postponing the sale of tlif- property lor sixty days, and a committee raised to inquire whether it could be used for B’ate c fflee* and by the Supreme Court. The Im liltt g is not adapted for those purposes; ■in i if it was, tho property does not belong to tin .Stiite^!! nee it would have to be purchased if the legislature should conclude to occupy it in lb" way suggested. Senator Nlt.ES opj <1.-1 ! ihe postponement of the sale of the property, lie thought the State could purcli i'c property more convenient and better adapted for tbe accomodation of the officers of Staie and Supreme Court. Xtrbis opinion that waa not the reason for postponing the sale. H* looked upon the proposition as an entering wedge for the continuation of tho old system of managing tho fund, as it would furnish several sinecures for party placemen who are clamoring for positions. Economy was the idea of those who voted at the extra session for transferring tbefunn and winding it up as fast ns it could be judiciously. This policy should be adhered to. No doubt the present commissioners would like to hqjd on to their places as It gives them the handiiog, without cost, of large snms of money, but the public Interests should first be consulted. If tbe care of the fund Imposes too ranch labor upon the Auditor of State and his assistants, he should be furnished with additional help as long a- It may be needed, and if the fund is to bo wound up as fast as tbe mortgages fall due, wo can see no reason for continuing tbe present board when the duties to be performed arc merely cierlcat. And why postpone the sale of tho property when there Is no further use for it? Some of the members Intimutid that some advantage was to lie taken in tho aide by somebody. Why thissuspii^m when tbe pioperty is offered at public nal^R tbe highest bidder? It is altogether likely that it will sell as well now, and protiatdy bring a better price than It will two m n h| hence. We ibink the public Interejjts will he best pr mott d by adhering to and Carryl g out the law winding up the fund,

and I, should tie adhered to.

CONSTITUTIDHAL

HEAT.

Speech ef Hen. Bayleee W. !■ Ihe Seaate ef fahtema*

Janaarjr M, 18«7<

Mr. President: The pending joint resolution contemplates four amendmeaU » Constitution of the United States, with « •+• dltional enabling section, eonWfflng upon Congress the power to give them for 0 * end.efr feet by appropriate legislation. The qneetlon thus resolved, at onoe aesumes proportions of tho gravest i oportenee, tor It becomes a question whether the great Magna Charta of our cherished institutlone, under the present circumstances, can be changed at all, and whem* cr the change proposed. If accomplished, win not diminish our stability aa a civil gerernment, and endanger our safety and prosperity ‘"wPthThe Indulgence of •»« Senate, I will read the proposed sections 1° 'heir order, that

we may' ‘

fore us.

Tl

Section L "’’AH persons born or naturalifed in the UMted States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the Uoltad States and of the 3tato wherein they reside. No State shall make or inforce any law which shall abridge tbe privileges or Immunities or citizens of the United States; noi; »b"'' * B T State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law, nor deny to any person within Ita Jurisdiction the

equal protection of tho laws.

Section a. Representative* shall be appor-

tbe several Statea according to bera. counting the whole

we may have the whole question clearly b fore us. Will my Mend, the Senator fro

Ippecanoe, read ?hr i

Mr. Stetn reed:

tioned among the eev

otfvi

but two tides to the question. We must be for It, or else we aauet be against Ik. To stand by it Is to obey It, obey it strictly, in all Its paPt*,ln Its spirit end in Its keMer. Anything shorter that,Mr, I# infraction, disobedience, opposition. Violation. When we came into this body, we were sworn to support It, all of It, witbeut eonditioef and without reservation#. But we a*r now asked to segrtft amendments upon It that w'll be in open and flagrant violation of its very letter. Can Senators tell uetbey are tlic friends of both! Such a position is Inconsistent with Itself, and een not be maintained. To favor the amendments Is to onpone tbe Constitution. That we may sustain the one, we must be adverse to the other. The two propositions are at war with each other— incompatible, incongruous, and wholly unauaceptlble of harmony. Tho proposition la to amend the Constitution of tbe United Mates, while the iriends of the measure tell ue that the States of this Union are not united—that ten of them are dismembered States, loet States, dead States, States without life, and States that may he deprived of representation in the Federal Congress. The position is not simply absurd, hut it Is monstrous I If one single State has been withdrawn from the great confederation, over which our fathers established our written Constitution, the Union le dissolved, Mr; and we are no longer the United Statea of America, bound by Its written Constitution. Unless this Government Is a *elf-pre-

>1 States,

Be

serving government—unless tbe several Its component parte, can at all times, and under all clrcumetancee be kept alive; maintained in their identity, forever Joined together by the bonds of equality, and preserved In all their functions a* representative States, the Union it a nullity, and Ita Constitution a

mockery.

There Is but one way by which amendments to the organic law of this Government can be made good, and that is tbe way prescribed by the Constitution itself. In the very first steps to be taken, it requires the co-operation of ail the States in the Fcdersl Congress. There are no exceptions to the rule—there can be no ex-ceptions-and one line, letter or word of it can in no wise be amended in any other way. These amendments were proposed when Virginia, North* Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and seven other large and populous States, bad no voice In the Congress that has senttbem out to the people for their ratification. And still we find that the first four of these excluded States were among tbe original thirteen that made, ratifled and established the Constitution. Why la this? Ara Virginia, the Carolinas and Georgia no longer States of this Union? Have they no longer a voice la tbe Federal Congress? When did they loose it, and how did they loose It? When did the dissolution take place by which they were cut off? I recollect very well when these States attempted to break loose from our strong embrace—they attempted to do so by ordinances of secession. But, sir, tbe constituted authorities of this Government denied their right to do so, and interposed Its mighty arm to prevent it. We went to war upon lb it issue. Millions of men, and huodreds of millions of treasure, were offered for sacrifice, rather than the Union of these States should die. The war settled the question, that a Slate could not dissolve its allegiance to tbe Federal Union. That was the paramount t sue made, and after it bad been fought out, tbe army and tbe navy returned to us again, with tbe shout upon their lips, that tbe Union had been rescued from disintegration, and tbe Constitution saved harmless Iron tbe bands of tbe despoiler. Then if tbesei States were once members of the Union, and If they were unutde to withdraw from It by their acts of secession, upon what hypothesis Is it claimed th it the, are not States in tho Union to-day ? One of two things must certainly be I rue: either i beyare States in tbe Union, or else they arei Stales out of the Union. If they are State* out of the Union, then tbe attempt at secession has been triumphant, and any effort the Federal Uov. eminent may make to control them will lie usurpation. But if they arc still States in the Union, how are they to he deprived of tbe rep-

lentation that tbe Constitution

shall be ettizesa, and then constrains them, or setup seme new standard at intelligence, property, or other prerequisite, jet undeveloped by a people, so Jealous ef their equality, and ao vigilant agataa* the establtatuDent

of ruperlof and privileged rlaasea.

I believe, Br. President, I may lately assert, that the expectation* of thee* who conceived and put forth them measures, go far beyond the conetraeflonl have just placed upon it. It le a measure to strengthen and perpetuate the ascendency and control of a political party. Its moot potent advocates have said so upon the floors of the National Co ogres# where It had Ita origin, and we aMMt be permitted to take them at their word. It Is not quite aeonscript measure, Sir; but It Is a measure to the same effect. It Is a measure ol alliance, with anew element, of doubtful quality, proceeding from an inordinate love of place and power. It Is a measure. Sir, of the radical party, to enfranchise tbe negro population of the United States, in the interests of the radical party. There can be hut little controversy about that. Tbe politician*, on the near approach of popular elections may deny It, but the statesmen ot that party, who shape its ends and give U Its vitality, hold that position. But some Senator, perhaps, may be inclined to put tbe question, for I have often heard it elsewhere, “If tbe first section

upon tbe surface four or flve millions of persons, to he counted in the general population, and then lessen their representation threefifths, and Increase their taxes two fifths, upon that element a* a basis of operation, what Senator here to-day will dare assert Mat taxation ought to exceed representation? And yst that Is what this measure lays, so Uut If you vote for it you tndorso It, said therefore nullify the most cherished of all tbe primary principle! upon which the Government was first established. I understand very well, Mr. President, the chief argument tbe friends "of this message bring forward lir Us favor. They tollao uw war Das thrust upon tbe country a large nonvoting population, that will increase tbe representation of the Southern State* two-fifths above tbe standard which formerly prevailed, and which they say was always incompatible with the welfare of the Government. That If tbe principle point, sir, they make In favor of this measure. They seem to be extremely disaffected against taking into tbe basis of representation a nonvoting population, but this objection goes only against tbe Southern

of ibli

ere,

enfranchise negroes, what

becomes of tbe second section, which in

was designed to

their respective num _

number of persons In each Mate, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the right to vote at any election for the choice of electors for 1’rcsldent and Vice President of the United States. Representatives in Congress, the executive Wul jiulki il otticers of a State, or the members of tbe legislature thereof, is denied tosny of the m ile Inhabitants of such State, beirg twenty-one years of age, and citizens of theT/'nited States, or in any way abridged, except for participation In rebellion or other crime, tbe bads of representation therein shall beredut'Kl in tbe proportion which ihe number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens- twenty-one

years of srcIn such State.

Section 3 No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of Pres- ' itlrnt HIU! Vice President, or bold any office, civil or ni.lilnry, under tbe United States, or under an\ State, who having previously taken an oath a member of Congress, or ss an officer oft!..' United States, or as a member of «nv State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any State, to supportthe Constitution of the United States, shall Mve engaged ii^ insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to tbe enemies thereof. But Congress may, by a vote of two-thirdsof each House, remove such disak'seetlon 4. The validity of the public debt of tbe United Stales, authorized by law. inc uding debt* incurred for payment of pensions

and bounties for services In rtpprf--' Section or rebellion, shall not be

neither ihe United States

But

pen ng t

le questioned,

nor

shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred In aid of Insurrection or rebellion

against tbe United States, or any daln Im-a er emancipation of any slave; such debts, obligations and claims,

ny State

dig

■ reb

im for tbe

! held illegal and void.

but all shall be

Section 6. That Congres* shall have power to Inforce, by appropriate legislation, the pro-

visions of this article,.'*

Mr. Hama—Perhaps, Mr. President, ony jeeupying a standpoint similar to my this body would be fully justified, to remain entirely passive in this dr* ilirted to sit quietly in his seat—to

rci of astonishment

Senator occupying a standpoint similar to mv own. In this body would be fully justifled,

were he to r bate-jusllii

Suffer IlOt a single WOtll Ol aaauuiauuitm, condemnation, to unseal his powerless lipi to stand here at the same tnnn fearing tbe worst and exclaiming nothing—appuled, hut nevertheless speechless, in the midst ol dangers which seem to be so Inevitable and so direful. But, sir, it is unnatural and impassit.leMo sit unmoved in the presence of such a spectacle; and although the gathering clouds portend tne approach of the dreadful tight ttiat may so soon settle down upon u», yet, while there is some remaining liuht and hope left us, it becomes u* all,with whatever power - nmy posse**, to raise the voice of warning ,ainst vne threatened danger. Reverently in Yoking Almighty God to sustain me with hM gracious wisdom, I can not do loss than lilt up my voice against this iniquitous and revolution.!!^ measure—that when the hour of Ihe Nation’s grief shall come, if como if must, I can Uicu at least look- mv own hard destiny in tho face, without the inward smarting of a slave, self condemned to the bonds of a vassalage, nu-Alebagod that ho c.an never again liftbimsBI up from the depths of his

miserable degradation.

Wo are called upon to-day, to sanction under the sol-mn seal of the commonwealth, certain amendments to the Constitution of the United Mates. Sir, I can not do it. and he true to my convittion*. Ami though I should stand hero ahme, unsupported by a single

an rd

stand here, single

substance provides, that tbe representation ol tbe several States, shall be Increased or diminished as they shall enfranchise or disfranchise that discarded element T’ My answer Is thtl, I am unable to give It any other reasonable oonstruetlon,—tbst political leaden were afraid to go to the people upon it ae a positive and affirmative measure. I tljlnk tbst la a sufficient answer. A few bold spirits have stood out openly for 1?, hut a large majority of 1U friends have stood in the btek-

gresslng by obscure roads aud Mlent move-

ments.

They have gone aa far In the first section toward* tbe establishment of universal suffrage, as they dared to go, and still not openly avow it. They have made a Judicial question of that, which of all other*, should be the clearest understood. This second section. In my Judgment, was never Intended for any other purpose than an electioneering scheme—a mere buoy, Mr. to bear up the first section. That embrace* U all; not In form so distinct, but In measure much more popular. Tbe first was intended to secure negro euffrage by direct means; but

lest that might fall, and the courts

cans; bu

lest that might fall, and tbe courts ultimately refuse to give It that interpretation; then the second, It waa thought, would at last attain

that by indirect means.

But, sir, for the sake of the argument, >uppose I am mistaken In my construction of tbe first section of the amendm-nle, and in tbe

it Let us see bow

second sect.o

lOD ua i uc mudiuiuvfat auu tu auc designs Its friend* have bad with reference to

aw it le with regard to the nd there ar. n > disgul-t a about

that. It relates entirely to tne apportionment

lings, pre-

vails this very hour in the Northern Suites, but It does not seem to excite tbe same objection*. It is well known, Sir, that every man, woman and child—white and black—foreign and native born—cltizsn and alien—pauper, Idiot and lunatic—that all pefsons, Sir, In whatsoever situation, and of whatsoever aex, age, condition, or color, are taken Into tbe oount of the population upon which representation depends in every one of the Northern State* to-day. The amendment* do not

atate of things In any nd perfectly well that

we have some fifteen or twenty representative* in Congress at this time, whose place there depends upon a nonvoting population. Now It Is perfectly plain, that under tbe operations of these amendments, tbe Northern States will still retain tbe full advantages of all their nonvoting population, while the fioutbem States mu,t either enfranchise their negro element, or lose it entirely in tbe matter of representation. This may tie s very popular proposition here far a little season, but It will be short lived; it must be short lived, for it rests upon a theory that is unworthy the enlarged statesmanship of tbe age

in which we live.

Any system of legislation that Is not Impi tial In Ita benefits, uniform In Ita requi: menu, and universal In its results, will sooner or later be discarded by an enlightened people. I place this whole question upon tbe broad principle of simple Justice, sir; and whether it be popular or unpopular, I am willing to stand or fall upon tu Represe baaed upon population always has and alway* will give rise to Inequalities. But I wholly

for bis own words in testimony of my posi-

tion ;

“By stave* are my property. Their welfare coneams me deeply, but my concern lor them I shore with no power on earth outaMe the laws of Kentucky. If we see fit to abeBah slavery, we will do It a? our own time and according to our own pleasure. When we do tbto, If we do it at sH, we will be acloafed by tbe btgb principle of amelioration. If slavery is abolished, tbe races must be separated; and It can never he dona wisely, until that final result becomes possible. There are but two conditions In which that people can happily Uve among ua. One I* a condition of absolute dependence,tbe other of poil’leal equality; and aa political equality la wholly out of tbe question, if they are made free they must be separated Irom us altogether.” Mr.Lincoln used to be considered good authority with his party. I have no doubt be is good authority still. During his debatedthroughout Illinois, In 1856, with nl* Illustrious rival for the United State* Senate, he occupied forward grounds, sir, In this question of tbe equality of these two races. History baa preserved his opinions for our use, and I will now read from

them:

M There it a physical difference between the White and black races, which, 1 believe, will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of political equality—and Inasmuch as they can not so live, while they do^remain together, there must be a position of superior and inferior, and I, as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the whiteVace. he American people will never cease to

, and Web-

gns i Let i

sections It relwIf-K

of representation and taxes. Its' friends In Congress have said that it wa* a messuiw of constraint sgulnsl the Sou'In in State*. They tell u* It Will either forco them to enfranchise their negro populutioii, or lulllut punishment upon them for refusing to do it. The Constitution as It now stands upon the apportionment of representatives aud tuxes is lamiliar

to us all, here It Is.

“ Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among tbe several Stales which

unable to ! may be included wdtbln this Union.

the

ion. according

| to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to tbe whole number of

on*, including those bound to service

n of years, and excludini

d excluding Indians not

II other persons.”

resei

tffthem a* States of the Union?

guarantees

lir, t > St

ie. Unce a State, always a State;

once a Union of States, always a Union of

States in the Union; they can be

Once a State, ali

r. tbey i State* I

Uamarm ef » NIusicul Genius.

1* one

in ikneed?*rf*

ern-fitrio in«i>t<T

Vtvi^r, Hie celebrated born player,

ol those men of whom anecdotes are told— an eccentric imMer upon having bis own

way, and bis own way being wbirndra

Odllir.

Li England bn made a |

ing whim-lenlly pe

» great sen*ntlon with

hi- tii «t concert, ami Invitation* to play at private p irtle* wue a necessary siqueiit. On th< risy uiti r, acc(iriiliigly,a noble lord called i the nr!i*t.ai dotting a pull at his crava

the English fa*hn>b of

upon ■ l In

aiult^ he said, with

isti fa-him

, n hi

Y u mu-t ituiiH lo rnnrrow evening

ami

on, i

mu

pi i) tor the Diichi s* ol Sutherland.”

vivier l< ok d -Ic iddy at tho nobleman, and

la* '. a ttii •* *1 ^ n I fill n t gesture:

“ fake iff> ourb

alPa.k.d

in! go*

biiP .

d i lie vi-itor

I”

friend, and unfitted by so much a* one sustain ing word of friendly counsel, still, I would

‘a banded it!

and {jl° n< y

with whatever utrength and eoursge I may have heen endowed, strike back at tbe party, or the representative of tho party, that would openly or covertly assail and pull down tbe pillar* of my civil and religious habitation.

All experience teachers, that majorities are prone to arrogance and intolerance—that tbey are too apt, wherever established, to assume

ini, to ass

lore than th'ir just measure of rights and privilege*; and to sub-tltute threat* and insult*, fr reason nnd arguments. I regret to aay, that i have already discovered something of I hi* spirit here. Senators may as well understand now, as at any other stage ef our proceedings, that there Is a minority In till* Senate, that is of itself, a liviqg, llilukin/. breathing, noting, independent power, which owes no allegienje to tho college of pontiffs, whose bull* and rescripts will be the law to the majority on this floor. None whatever, Sir. Gentlemen on tbe other side of the question, will wholly fail, to make up tiy defiance, what they must inevitably loow in truth and justice, by th ’ course they have resolved 0o pursue with reference to this

measure.

Sir, ihe pending Joint rc-Otution, propose* to change the who o organ** structure of the

■ Gov-

ernmen* It does not purpose, merely to lop off from the trunk of the old oak, a crooked and loafles* limb that Is thought to ho ui'le**, or to engraftsupi n some branch of its noble .arm* additional luxuriance and beauty, but, sir. It lay* the axe to the root* of the tree itself. I have always believed that tbe foundation* and framework of the Constitution of tlie United States, as it was first transmitted to us,—a* it has existed since its ratification by the thirteen original Statea that founded this Government, was *ujH<-lent, amply (diffident, more tb<n sufficient forall the jiurpo-i s of a sueoesslul and enduring Republic. This belief is strengthened on every hand. Experiments have estsliilsh^l it; reason sanctions If, and niviuipartial bbtory of more than ^rre quarters of a century confirms it. Sir, I: has been the greatest triumph in all the developments of ancient er modern 'cIViHzat on. It. has prevailed over all thej-slousy ot moiiari htra, and all the maledlciIons that seeptfffed pot< nta'e* hate ever uttered against It. The great philosophy of .|eff< rson approved it; (ho virtuous sword of Wa-hlogton estahiMx tl It; and on more thaa a thousand bloody field* of i gopy 4nd death, it* dedication to tbegi-cs ot Christian civilization

l-es

been repeated. It Is mine now, and d our* together. It baa scarcely yet

ihl but iu England weexpreaa It tbeother

" rake < if your lia’ I

Ahl—in England we have tho custom of

kpfiiing our but* on.’* •• I’?ike off your b ti !’V

Yielding to the pertinacity of these Mine words. Which tffo artist would have gone on repeating thirty time* if it hail been necessary, the nobleman took off his bat, and said once

more:

Tot* must coma to-morrow evening, and play fottbe Duetie** of Sutherland I” “ Vo(r»peak French very badly,” replied the

•MM. “instead of that Impolite phrase, you should have said: “tho Duchess of Sutherland Wish' * aery muc h to bear JOU play, and she h»* requested me to Inquire Whethi r you will do her the pleasure of coming to the party which sho prnposts to give t'-morrow cveii-

'"“A

way.”

“ Very posMbly; but unless you express It In Ihe beiu r wav 1 bavo cleNcribrd to roil, 1

shall Ufce no notice of the invitation.*'

Th'* EngllMbmiin, evidently very niiRrv. rc-

ptred the mviutlon aa directed.

*• * i’h bippy to accept the invitation ofthe

Duo w s<,” said ihe artist.

•• They will give tin pounds," added the no-

bleman.

‘•'I hi re again, Is an ill bred manner of treating a dedeale subject,” said Vivier; 1 should baao made no bargain in advance, *nd should have li lt It to the distrelion of the Duebeis; buf, sloee you have so unocretnn.

niou»l) overstepped Hi

say that ten pi. "Ah? hut Iu

Hinds to an Instrumcntht. I'o sing) rs, llkt

I*1 or Marin, we give fifteen.''

1 shall not play for any price kss than

twenty-live pounds sterling.”

“ Do you know,”

ting Id* brow, '• i

hundred and thirty.ilvu franca of your

money ?”

“ Mv price, notwithstanding."

“ Well, you *liall have it. But do your best,

and w punctual.”

" 1 shall he rea«iy when Ihe Duchess' car-

riage call* for me.” said Vivier.

" Eli? do you expect a carriage to be sent for you ? It Is not tbe custom Iu England.”

it i .

you hi

topped the barrier, permit me to

ioUikIs i* not enough.”

England we only give ten

pounds to an Instrumcnlht. To sinj

Grid or Marin, we give fifteen.'

for any p_

ng.”

lie Englishman, knit-

twenty.five pounds are six

fra

has

yours, it been

touched or oulthei. and to-day the qu'estlon Is, shill we baud It down to those who are to come after u*, as we have rerelvrd it from iSn-e who have gone in fore, or shall wemutll-ati-it. cli. nge it, add to It, take from it, and thus tflrow ourselves and our posterity up. n the doub I'ul fate of some new experiment.

tne at

It had It- „ the R-volutinn; it was dTdatocd beneath tbe rent end failed 11 igs of Monmouth. King’* Moiinlaimxnd York town; it was enacted by • coriv.-nMni where Washington presided, and

ivSi sdlson nnd Livingston, Mai

klin nnd I’lnekne;

when*

artln and

II imtllon. Franklin nnd 1’inekney proposed, eombittiil and confirmed; It has poured its tHe«slt g- ''[^i !hc heads of the generations

"Pdf’

born to itjsJtiheritaDee: It has afforded shelter

to mil'|i o* who hare fl. d from

of oppres-'on. Who will dare condemn it

from tho dominions

1 1 am very sorry—hut 1 do not ride In hackney edaelres, and If Madam, tbe Duchess, does not choose to send her own carriage for

me, 1 shall not go,”

" Very well ” snldfbe Englishman, looking perfectly nm izi d, but submitting, spile of himself, to the tone of authority and dignified manners which the artist assumed: “ The

earrliige shall he sent for you.”

At nine the next evening, punctually drove up tbe Duehe.*’ chariot, with Its footman In livery, »nd Vivier was received with very UUU.UZ1 politeness-* result, evidently, of <be description of bis manners given by her Grace’s envoy. From that time the eccentric

her* player became, triumphant,.

Tu* OHIO Urrtra Urkrh.—The people of Aber.ieen, the famous Gretna Green of Ohio, fcave Just reflected Thom** Shelton to stbe Ki JJ55 faring tho time he bu Been • maglrtrat* tie has married two thousand ffijnjf of them <• runaways/’ Aberdeen I* M Brewn eefet&on Ihe Ohio w'“iJlL* 1 UPP 0 *"* Mayavllle, Kentucky, and

now? It r: iy lie nil wrong, but where Is the wisdom n . will venture toprolalmii? It may h *c . ie»j)ent* of weakness, but who is there so I'.ti hiy that can gtvo it additional stm' dth? it* whole mission has heen one of such li r mid glory, that it has won tbe respect in .tltniralioi) ef the civilized world. It ha* he. > lie law of our strength, tbe law of our * v. the law of our prosperity, the law ii our deaiiiiy. aud my plea today on lid* 'floor. Is the prayer 1 would insko to Almighty God, that “ one lot, or one tittle, »haii in nowisffpass from tho law

till ail shall he lulfillod.”

In tho fitNf place, sir, Ihe (lines are unpropitions for Ihe woik we ■ lulled upon to do. We bavejitit emerged i om tbe overwhelming trial* of cigl war—a war of fearful and gigantic pr< portions. Twenty.five powerful StatM have been marshaled against tbe remaifftng < jiwen States of the Union. Grand armies of /rtsierlean citizens, almost rqusl In numbers to tho hosts of Xerxes, that once darkened the shores of iho Hellespont, have fought liAtiles of such magnitude on this contlnent, lh.(Dthe world, looking on, has been chi ll< d and horrified. And, sir, it has been a fratraeid d war—a war not < nly of Stales, but of communities, and families. Tho bitterest passion* that cun reside in the human heart have been engendered by it—affection baa giverfawav to hatn.l_ ( . on fl r j en ,. e to r , nc „ r _ *Hl. r . btI ’“k n .' , . , LV ify the most remorseless eirtnlty. ATid this is threatened revolution; dark, dismal, direful revolution; rmt civil revolm on, merely, but moral revolu- • he hour are not auspltinua for reforming great, cardinal, fundamental, original nrlnei. ides In our lorn' of government. And, ii* .. have been told repeatedly by Presidenla,f} 0 v” ernors, and other heutoof departments, th.* suir dreadful clvl? conflict was inaugurated prosecuted snd fought out for the mulntcnene# of tbe Federal Constitution, and tbe preaervutlon of ebe Union of Statea under It.

a* si i the

where else.

once a Union of States, always

States. Tho trial of that issue has been fierce and protracted one; but it is over m and that is the verdict ofthe country. ’ decree ha* gone forth—it has been written In fire and in blood—it baa been written for the present and for (uturo generations: it can not bo changed now. Virginia, Sautb Carolina, North Carolina, Florida, Georgia, Alabama, l/ouislana, Texas, Mississippi and Aikansas,

now.

The

Iree pel

for a term of ye:

taxed, three.fifihs of all other persons. Vai ion* arguments have from time to time In en adduced up. n this subject, ami tome of do m, l admit, h ivo been exceedingly plausalile and weighty. I'Uese arguments, of course proceed from such persons, as have first made up their minds th t amo.idm i t are necessary lii -t conclusion, I have never yet arrived at, and do not believe I ever shall; and. tbere- , lore, the aegument I shall make upon the grn- { eral proposition, must lie made from another stand point, and not mine. A distinguished Senator from the State ol Massaebusetta (Mr Sumner), delivered a very finished argument

the United Statci

States Sena

»rg

t tin

ie term

people this w

ry fii

late, durini

r

Ing

rut iu re in the Northwest, thought

ring

iff the thirty-ninth < ongres*, in which be con-

■ re.

appor

icviTiil State* according to tbelr voters.

< ongres*,

tended with great force, that Representatives

d among the

and taxes should be apportioned among

The

was a very liberal pr«po! from a New England Senator, fered any critlci-in to hi* p'.v have been, that tixition ou.:o

sition to come If we had ot-

it would

it. Representation

I way*'

qualities. But l wholly

fail to see bow tbe pending measure will afford us any safer assurances Itian those we already bsv*. 1 want no change, bnt let me suggest to gentlemen, if they must work changes, that tbey establish them upon tbe high grounds of

true political philosophy, and not upon the baseless sands of party humor and Intrigue. Upon tbia question of inequality in repi seutatlon, 1 would like for a moment to Invite

tbe attention of tbia body to the Senatorial representation. I hate no desire to have any change* wrought iu it; none at all, sir. It fs not inappropriate, However, to refer to it, in connection with this argument. There always baa been great inrquaitty in that high legislative branch of the Government; and still more apparent does thia fact now become, when w* ar* asked to reform our fundamental law. The founders ol tbe Government raw all the difficulties that coaid be urged against such an absolute, unchanging and unequal legislative element. There were objections to U then aa there aro objection* to it now. Various propoMtions were advanced and exhausted in the debates and votes of th* constitutional convention before those master spirits settled down upoa oar present system of Senatorial representation. But tuns and experience have demonstrated the safety and wisdom of the system they established. It wa* the best plan proposed then, and all the pmgrrs* and experiment* of more then three quarters of s century, have to this day undeveloped any better. Its

which - It Mx per

their ill us-

read the great argument* of Clay.

ind

mporariea whose mighty eloquence

so often shook the Senate in opposition to this

ster, and Calhoun, and Benton

trious cotei

principle. And. air, there is still another wltnett 1 desire to bring upon the stand In thia

I regard him as one possessing

tributes that

and dete:

eonnection.

many of the at

make a strong and determined leadi

lude to the diatinguUhed gentleman, who will

» the responsibilities of one of

her that when our bonds were thrust upon the market our currency waa depreciated, so much depreciated that the greatest amount* of them were bought by their present holders when one dollar in gold waa worth more than two dollars In currency. L* me illustrate. Ou the 11th day of July, MM, gold was quoted in the market at ffZ 85. That U, en that day a Httlefraction over thtrty-ffvo eetrti ia goW waa worth as much ss one dollar in currency. Now, suppose I had gone intothe market that day with $3,303 77 in gold, it U dear I could have purchased just $10,000 worth of bonda. In other word*, $10,000 in bond* at par for currency on that day wa* just the some thing in value as $3 308 77 in gold. Then, on the lltb day of July, 1864, 1 could have bought $10,000 worth of 3-9? bonds with $3,508 77 in gold, which the Government would have ex-

empted from taxation, upon would have paid me annually

cent, interest in gold, and, in — — pay me $10,000 in coin by way of final settlement. The Secretary of the Treasury Department has already decided, that ail of these bon ds^m their maturity are redeemable in gMd. 3a then here is the public debt and ita history. It stands chit fly upon bonds, bought at lees than half price, on which the holders will draw a gold interest, and pay no tax. Is thia

right. Is U just, is it defensible?

But we are told that when it became necessary to go to war, we had to have money, and that there men who now hold the obligations of the Government, promptly stepped forward and furnished the required means. Now in the first place this is not true. Butsuppose it were true. Was it not justjas necessary to have men to prosecute the war with, as it was to have money ? How were the men obtained? To a great extent, sir, they were procured by draft lawa and by force. Did the Government not have juat aa much power to distrain and sell property for its necessities

at are necessary nined leader. I

developed any better.

rellence has overshadowed ail its faults. But,

n)t set up arguments against it,

ir now adt

nger

count two-fifths moi

sir, might 1 noi

equal to those I bea; tbe danger of bavin

ag>

now advanced, again: ig the negro population >re than it formerly did

in the old slave States? Virginia, with a population of 1,306,313, asks no more Henatoiial representation than it accorded to Rhode Island, with a population of 171,0-JO. New York with a population of 3,880,733, has no more power in the Senate than Delaware, with a population of 112,210. Tbe six New England

toon assume the res poo

representatives of Indiana, in the Senate of the United States, (Mr. Morton.) In a speech delivered at Richmond, Indiana, on tbe 2»ih day of September, 1865, he occupied grounds wholly at war with tbe spirit of tbia aaffindment. But let him speak for himself. He was then discussing the enfranchisement of negroes juat emerging from tbe atate of slavery: "To say that such men—and It is no fault of theirs, it it Mmply their misfortune, and the crime ef tbe nation—to ray that ouch men, juat emerging (Tom thia slavery, are qualified for the exercise of political power, U to make the strongeat pro-slavery argument I ever heard. It is to pay the highest compliment to

tbe institution of slavery.”

There, air, ia the old record, and It ia against these amendments. Tbe Democratic party, the Whig party and tbe Republican party, with the sanction of their great leaden, believed this waa a while man’s Government. They would have scoffed at the idea of negro suffrage, negro equality, negro Governors, Congressmen and legislators. But, air, what do w* see new ? You aek ue to vote for eonstitutional amendments which contain a pen. ally designed to force the Southern States to adopt both negro suffrage and negro equality. Suppose these ■mwuimenl* succeed, and suppose these States you are as anxious to punish do adopt negro suffrage, what then ? What would be th* results Mr? There are two of the Southern States where the black race predominates over the white nee. According to the census of 1860, South Carolina has a white population of two hundred and ninety-one thousand three hunured and eighty-eight, and a black population of four hundred and twelve thousand three hundred and twenty. A majority, Mr, of 120,032 in favor of the race, to whom gentlemen ray they are not prepared to accord political equality. And »o with Mississippi. In Ihst State, lb# census tablet ■bow, there are 437.404 negroes, against 333,Ikil whites—s majority for the former of 83,303. Do gentlemen suppose fur one instant, that the negroes enfranchised in those States, would not sasert the common pride which every human being has In his own blood? The right to vole necessarily implies tbe right to

With such preponderance of pop-

rth 1

drain and sell property for

it had to draft men for that purpose? In

er words

mone

of the Wall rioos than t] nen who bo: 1 1 nevercou

appreciate the force of such arguments Tl

iwer of "

was the money of the

street money changers, more precious than the fle'h and blood of the brave men who bore

our banner to tbe storms of war? I

perfect in one instance as it ia In tin The private soldier, who made die sacrifices; who forsook his farm, who gav four years ol bis most sinewy and elastic tim Of life,and who came home with loss of healti

mid The

power or the Government ~ to act in cither of these eases is an extraordinary power—a mere war power, air, which U as — 1 ^ ia In the other.

greatest

ho gi s time

of life,and who came home with loss of health, or disabled in limb, does not find hU property exempted from taxation. Sir. the law that withdraws something near $2,000,000,000 of the wealth of the country from ita taxable basis, and thereby increases tbe burdens of the poor classes, is infamous. It is intolerable, sir, and in my judgment the day la not very remote when not a single Congressman can be elected in any one of the districts throughout the whole Northwest, who is not pledged against voting a single dollar to pay the interest on these bonds, until they are surrendered up lb the States to be taxed as other property is taxed, constitutional amendments or no

constitutional amendments.

The burdens of the people, Mr. President, are already almost more than they can bear. We are told, sir, that the revenues to be collocted next year will amount to something near $630,000,000. Why the revenues of all France last year did not quite

government and the results of obedience to its authority. That great and good magistrate did not hesitate, but clothed in tho eruune so becoming his dignity, he entered at once upon the duties assigned him. “ Justice,” said he, most be adnuhiatared; the rights between tan and man Mat he adjudged upon; someMathehteeWlMad leenrfder It to be no

tO tMMO OaKO

if facto government, though it to s usurpation.” His term of office survived the oommonweaRi, sad when Charles U came to the throne, so far from being tried for treason, or hoiDg disqualified without trial Jm was continued upon the bench ae leng ae he lived. Who will say that he committed a crime, or that his conduct in this hoar of trial has left n stain on his splendid character? During tbe memorable contest between the House of York and the House of Lancaster, as early as the period of Henry VH, a statute was passed, to meet just such emergencies as the presence of dt facto govemments. According to Hume, “ the English Parliament enacted that no person who should by arms, or otherwise, assist the King for the time being, should ever afterward, either by coarse of law or act of Parliament, be attainted tfor such an instance ef obedtence.” It w “ tiiU mem broadly declared, •* that no man should be adjudged guilty of treason, because he was obedient to the reigning King,

no matter if ho Was a usurper.”

Are we to learn nothing from such lessons as these? • Axe we about to establish a Constitution that would have rendered odious the sanctified name that has cast so much lustre

go «

ours? But, Sir, I need not dwell upon this subject. Gentlemen may take their course, and I will take mine. II tbev see fit to be led on by a spirit of fanaticism, be it so—I

prefer to follow the lights of sober reason.

But, Mr. President, I will pursue tbe discussion no further. Our responsibilities to-day are grave, indeed. Let me warn the advocates ot these constitutional amendments that they do not, and never can, receive tbe Indorsement of the American people. If they are carried through at all, it will only be done byfraud and usurpation. Thsre are one million six hundred thousand voters in tbe Northern i States, and eleven hundred thousand voters in

the Southern States against them, preponderance of more than half i

all the votes of

HOSE AMO BELTING.

RKADFOIID Jc SKABP, Manufacturers of Leather Belting and Hose And Dealers in 3nm Belting; Hose, Tacking and Lace Lea Mo. 67 Walnut, eomtr titcend Street custmNATL OHIO. JANIKS BRADFORD A CO., Manufacturers of French Burr Mill Stones, Smnt Machine*. Portable Flouring ami torn Mills,and Importers of the genuine Dutch Auchor Brand Bolting Cloths. Office, 57 Walnut, corner Second Street. CINCINNATI, OHIO.

BOXES.

CHARLES E. CHEE1

Manufacturer and Dealer in

Paper Boxes and Band Boi

Manufactory, 228 Main Street,

CINCINNATI, OHIO.

TTAT, cap XX Order

CAS FIXTURES, ETC.

gainst them. This is a

i than half a million of ’ the Nation. Is this nothing.

will it weigh noihing,will it accomplish nothing? If tbe Constitution must be amended.

McIiE^iRlf & CARSO.N, Mo. 8 E. Fourth St., and 162 llain Si., CITSrCI7M7>J-A.TI, OHIO, Wholesale and Detail Dealer* in

Fixtures and Lamps,

led, i flo q

let it be done in the right way, or let it not be i v - ,a * 3

done at all. Sir, let u* open the empty caves,'j XTrongUt Iron, Gas and 5&‘“ijf?iJSia!SiSSJT*£. watek vn-Es, son. Let us hare a restored Unior, ; "DUYEKS, either wholesale or retail, v.c, l on unbroken Constitution, a return ot ! J3our stock the largest in the Wot. aa t universal confidence, and then again ! prices as low as in New York or Philaik

a happy, united and prosper- : 0011 li3n

The waters of our troubles will

of

we will be a happy, united and

ales

then be assuaged, and tbe anxious dov

■Si,hia.

ous people.

with

The revenues of England,

earth, and u|

reach $300,0011,000.

whose empire girdles the earth, and upon whose dominions the sun nettr goes down, did not exceed $330,000,000. But we. the American people, with a population of little

hope, which has so often returned to us Td wing, finding no place to re»t the sole ef

\ will come b;

her foot, will coi in her mouth tin

be the emblem of restoration.

ack to us at !a-t bearing e olive leaf, that shall forever

BRUSHES.

(■4ifijup«lis Brash *Uiiafacterj. I Ne. 106 Seuth Illinois street.

Third *lpor aouth of Georgia

Keep conaUsUy on hand a large asst,f*n.ciu ot

more than ZO.MM.Oi'O, arc required to pay for Of UieLr own manufacture, at Wholesale and Retbe (support ofour Government, in a .ingle ; tail_ mrS dtv

STEAM ENGINES.

WOOD A jRANN sTKA.’l CN i- i ...

CO.’S CELEBRATED

P6RTJBLG STBiMEMil®.

; A '*

State's, with an aggr.gate population of 3,136,253, which it ju.t 715,482 le*s than the population of the .ingle 8Iate of New York, tbi* very hour, have twelve Senators In the upper

Constitution itHelf—there ran be none i

Louisiana, Texas, Mississippi

are this day states in the Union, and a* such entitled to tbe righl*

of State* in tho Union. In their absence, or I have been, that taxation ouat* .ot up in tho absence of any one of thorn, Congress | property, a* it now does In tne »(> rd :-it iti

does not possess the power to proposa amend- , Wc would have suggested, that Mas* o bu- „ , rT - ments to the Constitution. For the proof oi *< tin, with a population somrlbing near ) ,2ix>,-! uraneh of the Federal Congress. Thu* lt*wllt this fact, I want no better witness than the joon, *nd Indiana, with a population of 1,300,- be agreed, that every man who resides in

.good— j oon, ought not, for that reason alone, tie re- Rhode [.land ha* Just aa much poafer in the

have to qiiire i to pay to the General Government, | a I Kiut the s me amount of taxes. Wa would ! have urged the fai t, that Massachusetts I wa* an old State, where capital ha* heen accumulating for more than three-quarters of aeenttiry; while Indiana was comparatively in b< r Inlan* y, whose tolling people bad hut recently »tru* k the ax Into her mighty fores!., and turni U Ihe virgin sod of her beautiful prairies; toat Massachusetts bad more than three tlnirs the wraith of Indiana, and,

Uonat snd I

say shout it.

lion. It* framer* attached

want to hear what 8eWtars will have to qiiire i to pay to the Genera! Government,

I will read from the Uonstitu-

so much Import-

neo to thia feature of it, that tbey put it into n Integral article. I will read the whole of

Will

article

■grul a

titih.

from Tippecanoe, again favor mv?

Mr, Stein read as follows:

read the whole

friend, tho Senator

(grew.

House* shall derm it necessary, shall pro;

to the Constitution, or,on the

pose

ap-

plication of tbe Legislatures of two-thirds of ! cons* jiiently, move than three time* tbe tbe several State., shall call a convention for strength to bear up ureter the burden* of the proposing amendment*, which. In cither case, | Government; that there was n sc rming hardshal! be valid to all intent* and purposes, as j ship, that the cln/'ii ef Indl in.a, with properuart of this Constitution, when ratitu d icy the ty of one thousand doll .rs’ value, should be Legislature* of three-fourth* of the several | required to pay Just the same am tint of tax State*, or by conventions In Ibree-b urth* that tho citizen of Massachusetts pay* with thereof, a* tbe one or tbe other mode of ratifi \ property of the value ofnhreo thousand doleatlon may bo proposed by the Congress; ] tars. Hut thf.e objection* were not raised /'rotfrfej, that no amendment which may be ] against Mr. Sumner’* position. We concluded made prior to tho year ono thousand eight j that if tbe change was tube made, it would, hundred and eight shall in any manner affect i perhaps, be a* acceptable in that form a* in the first and fourth clause* in the ninth section I any other w o could (xpect at tbe hands of the of the first article; and that no State, without j crazy reformer* *o determined to reconstruct it*consent, .hall bo deprived of its equal *uf- 1 theorganle law of the country. HU propoaifrage in the Senate.” j lion, n* I have raid, was to fix reprnentatlon Mr. ILtnna. There it D, sir, in word* as! upon voters. Tho war had manumltclear and strong as language ran mbko it. Iti ted millions of s!.ivj\ Those (lave* i* tho only way In which tho work nn t« 1 which had once counted but three in done. Any other Is revolution. Two-thirds I iho general rcprr»ehtation, had »uddenly of Congress, or a convention ea!l I by twe- | been made to eountto five. Tbe vigilant Sen-

>ngros*,

third* of the Slate*, must propose, : nd three. fourths ff (be Whites, by Hulr Legislature*, or by thiir convention*, mu*t ratify all constitutional amendment*, and that, too, when *■ do State, without It* con*«nt, shall lie drprlx d of It* (qttal suffrage In tbe Senate. How are we to vote for the pending Joint resolution with suefi a disability a* this ataring us in the face? There it is, clear, direct and conclusive. We must meet it, sir, In gome rational way, orjUft say at once that Indiana is to-(1ay In a state of revolution,and that her Representatives on this flo<(r are no longer bound by the oath so seb ninly administered when we took our seata here, that we would support and defend tbe Conatitutlon of tbe tutted Statea. Tbe 8tate* must all be represented In tbe Federal Congress, for the purposes set out in the Constitution, and to (be extent tbe.Conslitutlon provide*, or else any ammdments that a remnant of tbe Congress may propose, snd that a fraction of tbe State* ma; must be Illegal ana void, because ai non of ihe Constitution. That Is my position, sir, and I im confident It will withstand all tbe pressure that can be brought to bear

.gainst it.

But let'u* for a little season consider tbe amendment*. Tbe pending Joljit resolution K*ks u. te ratify, and ascerfoln whether they van Hand ben.re tbe light of reason, and whether they are formed to the requirements md meereitie* of tbe public Interest. Tbe first two section* relate wholly to citizenship and representstien, snd may therefore very properly be considered together. Tbe distinguished Speaker In the Rouse of Representatives of tbsTbirty nintb Congress, (Mr. Colfax,) In a public address delivered in my bearing In ibis city, last summer, saw lit to say to bis political supporters, ;ibat Ibe pending constitutional amendment* evolved principles that ware destined to become a new diadem on tbe bead of this Government, snd that tbe first section presented would be distinguished a* " the brightest Jewel Iu the crown of our liberties.” Ae employed those

rds, or words to that effect. '

yet It has he* D done -it baa own act, end it seems tome,

of increased representation, proceed w

had grace from u«.

But, Mr. President, tbe trouble does not lie her*. U U ail pretense and subterfuge, if fears have actually existed In our minds-if we have had just grounds fur aupreUrnslousIf we have reaiijr wished to circumvent this non voting population in tbe late revolutionary States, why have we not done It, sir, in tbe most rational way ? I recollect very Weil when the subjeit wa* disCUSftdiDthc United Stub* Senate. A distinguished Senator from tbi* State, Mr. Uendrieks, although opposed to amending the Constitution at all, said to tbe friend* of the ; and Imeasure, that if amendments must prevail,

cn made to eountto Uve.

ator from Massachusetts feared tbi* large nonvoting element, according to tbe existing Constitution, might have two-fifth* more power to subserve the political Interest of tbe 8outbern State*, than it formerly had. lie cal

the conclusion It mutt be circumvented; _ ,... , as tbere wa*, also, a large non-voting popula-Afthd if the object of tbea waa to go no futlber North In the liasis of repi. senution, ;tbaa prevent the two-fiflba representation

uni., oi norun 10 run* effect, ite I* a reprcntative man, sir, and bis opinions and derla-

nd tbe party

I have no doubt be spoke' tbe views of

wo:

sentative man, i

rations must bind tbe ward. I have no d«u

the party that now happens to have

' MMber

ptnl

that puts him for-

lewa of innjor-

tbat promise first be made good. If It hsa been a wamfer tbe preservation of tbe Union, let us first have union beforwwe proceed another step further. If It baa been ed for the maintenance of tbe Constitu-

lia hnvft tfiA f

wage (Ion, let us have the ( otfotltutlon. the Conttitutlon unimpaired, nr let us throw (t away altogether; deny that we have been honest In our declarations; deny that-we want a republican government, and at once assert that we are Itt’favor of a aew Constitution and a new Government. Let us do one thing or the other. We must do It; there I* no escape; the

choice Is inevIMftde.

Senators stand hero and deliver eloquent eulogies on the Consfllntion of the United Statea, while at the same time they place - bent selves in open oppoiilion to Ita moat patpobto tequireiaento, They stand by it to tong a# it suits tbelr Individual ends, amt Ik* purposes of their party; but beyond that their

ity id tbi* Senate, together with tbe body that sits in tbe other end of this Capitol. But, sir, I nm not prepared to believe that such a sentiment as that will- meet tbo response Of tbe American people, wben ibis storm of fanaticism It over, and wben tbe returning wave of reason roils hack to us ilu. It can not be so, never, sir, never, ere is more in that first section tbsn will first appear in Its reading. It goes furtber Into

(be work of revolution than m< now admit, farther than some of

rehend- "

members will

tbe

T

e*t jewel in tbe crowp of opr llbcrti It presents no sucb daiztlng vision

hapa, at this time cotnpi

m, per-

The hrlgbt-

ies! ” '

end.

pr liberties! ” ‘sir.

It presents no sucb daizllng vision to me; it looks, rather, like a selected badge of humiliation, in the crown of tborns, that tbe scourged and fainting genius of our hopes shall wear to tbo rrora of its crucifixion snd Its death. It seem* to pie there is no room for doubts as to the meaning of these first two sections. They are not suddenly thrust upon tbe public attention. They are of familiar growth, suckers of federalism, sprung from a few concealed seeds of tbst monarchy, uprooted here In the memorable days of 17(6, and supplanted by our boasted republic, tbe United States of America. We bave here an attempt, sir, to transforms restricted confederated government into an unrestricted consolidated Government, attempt to weaken tbe power* of tbe

and

tion at tbe Nortb in tbe I

bia proposition to tbe South was. you (ter your non-voting population and we of the Northern Statea will surrender ours, and thus will do away with Ibe whole difficulty, upon tbe equitable butts of representation

fixed upon voters.

That all seemed to be pretty fair. Even the distinguished Democratic Senator Of Indiana, (Mr. Handrlcks.) In whose rising distinction we have so much room forj>ride—who has • national reputation for his fidelity to Ibe Constitution ol our father*, and Ibe eminent ability with which hoe-p .use- and defends it* principles every where-even be, sir, tbe most likely Irom hia position to interpoeo objection* in auch a discussion, declined to do so. Tbe Senator from Mareacbuaett* must have been Impressed with tbe silent aequiese.enoe with Which hi* measure wa* received in tbe Senate of tbe United Statea, tbe bigbest legi-latlve body of tbia Government. But over In tbeotbrr wing ol tbe Capitol, In tbe House of Representatives, some politician confronted tbia dignified statesman. Some gentleman suddenly discovered that tbe proposition would work badly for New England; and as the legislation of ibis country, sir, is now nrinctpally devoted to that section, of course, that was a fatal mistake. Some suspicious, awry, wary athUuei upon tbe watch tower of tbe Infidel fanalieiem of hlff school, saw tbe danger at once. He sounded tbe assembly, aud the first blast of bis bugle notes of alarm startled all tbe benevolent sewing societies of New England l He dlscloatd tbefact to tbi* sensitive multitude, that tbere waa a large surplusage of women in tbst country I Fifty thousand more

- „ | Appalling disclosure, I ibis marvelous discovery did not

omen thai in if. But

admit. But ibis marvelous discovery dl step here—for be also discovered that In six great Northwestern Statea, of w

gro

to

States, for the accumulation tion of powers elsewhere. Wes:

He, dlsconted spirits begin to clsmor Nation. The delicate and sensitive relations tbe States new bear to each oiber, and wbicb all sustain to tho existing central Government baffe become distasteful to the Utter day iibilosophera and Levltes. who aye now so liusv, In wbst tbey are pleased to call tbe work of reformation. And here, sir, I propose to meet this wboto question wtlb my most earnest proteat. I see nothing In the prvaent necessity for reformation—nothing In the character of tbe reformers, either of virtue or wisdom, that impresses me with tbe rationality of tbelr pblfantbropby. My whole heart, Judgment, reason. Instincts, convictions, my entire natflre, sir, recoils from this unneccs•*ry and dangerous spit it of discontent.

But lot me call tbe attention of genaton, “»<>?« particulsfty, to the points ef controversy, Under tbe present Constitution, tbe States regtfUto for themselves tho entire question ef clttnensliip and suffrage. The proposed amendment declares, not only who shall Im citizens ofthe United 8tatee, but. alto, who shsll b« citizens of the several a . P* r »on» born or naturallzed In the United State*, and subject to tbe jnrisdlettan thereof, are eltlzens of tho

® t **es wherein they

reside. That I# lira proposition, and aa I un-

p VtMra point

Mtbi

with me

.disaster. From my conceive to have tom an

did

n tbe

>, v> whose

wlh and development be seemed be so Jealous, tbe scale of humanity was nil tbe other way, and that tbe female population wa* three hundred thou*and less than the male popuiatiob. Tbia was startling, so startling, sir, that at onoe It became the engrossing theme at all the sumpfast day dinners ordained by the unctuous clergy throughout all tbo ptoua country of tbe pilgrims, The favorite Senator of Massachusetts took fright at this explosive demonstration of bis constituency, and at once abandoned a plan he has not resumed to this day. But, sir. there is still another view that may be taken of this question, and it presents largo and salutary interests. As I have already remarked, this whole ecbtine le nothing more or iese than a measure ol tbe Northern States against the Southern States, for punishment as against them, snd for tbe increase of power as Us results will affect us. It leaves no place for tbe foothold of Justice, It makes no room for tbe throne of reason, it promulgate* no principle tbst should live for Its own sage, sard lor tbe good it will achieve in tbo Interests of mankind, It to all tbe other way, sir, wrong In ita origin, wrong In its designs, wrong In Ita results. Let me remind Senators tbafctbe founders of this Government established It upon tbe high principle that it should be a White roan’e Government. Whit* men made It. and tbey made It for white men—and upon tbia hypothesis they proclaimed to the world tbe great, cardinal, republican principle that taxation and representation should go band In band together. It was a grand design, sir, and If left to prevail it must produce grand results. But what kind of a proposition have we hert? Who can stand up now and defend It on the high principles of manly argument? K1 should put. the question to each Senator, indlviduaily, upon thia floor, I could hardly expect to find .one Who Would dispute) my assertion, that the State* a»n«W organised under our preeent Federal Constitution po*'eas tbo exclusive right to say what cfaw of persons within their limits should exercise the elective franchise. I might perhaps he able to find hnt few wb* would bo willing to declare in the bearing of the country that they would change this admitted prerogative of the States. But with these very admissions upon tbelr lip*, what do we hear? They say this right is perfoct with the State* now-they say tbey would not change It op far ao ft fnTolyeo their tatero ta, and, yet, they ny to th* fiouthern States, you must enfranchise your non voting population, n V 0 - P*»*tatihn» or els# tu&sr your

£

eluded DotadtiteM shalt boar ta tbo whole number of male citizens, twenty-one years of »gc,in such States. There then to what j*u propose to that people In the way of representation. You makq tlrara th* degrading offer, to »«««»£*» SSrtS

nine men who Tbis has always

United States tanate, reside in Virginia,

been so, and 1 trust it may a!wav* remain so. It is great inequality, teat, sir, it was a part of the great compact, rntered Into by tbe fr-e and independent colonies, that in tbe beginning eatobllsbed our Constitution. Every clause of that Constitution wa- also a port of that solemn act. Ia tbe formation of tbe L'onrtUo-

compact tion, it

thing

t wa* mnru distinctly settled than anyel*e put Into It, that there was no grant of Federal power over tbe domestic invtilutlonsr.ftbe State*—and ** African slavery wst one of those domestic Institutions, it was clearly understood, that tbe State * alone, each for thrmsrlves should control. It wa-never for one In-tunt understood Ibat the Federal Government could control it within those Slates, or abolish it from those (tes. And

beer. ue by our that coni plain to

ir lib very

baaed upon tbenegro population,it might all be accomplished by ju*t making the amendments so express It. lie offered the following unend-

"b*a.

lowing unend

amendments at that actUed the whole

Uon hi their baeto of

the aegro race w meat of dwaet

CsluSS

expreaatt.

ment to tbe pendi time, Which would question completely.

“ Representatives sbali be apportioned among tha several States wbicb msy be Included within the Union according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number of persons ia each State, excluding Indians act taxed, and excluding, also, two-firtbs of such persons aa bave been discharged from involuntary service by any proetimatlon ot the President ot tbe United Statea or by tbe amendment of the ConstUuUoa of the United Statea since the year 1*51, and to whom the

•lective franchise may be denied.”

It was a measure, sir, of entire relief for all tbe objections interposed and *11 the fears expressed. It prevented the two-fifth* increase so much apprehended, and tefr the whole question of representation Just where tbe makers of the Constitution placed it, sad where It baa remained ever since. But it was defeated. It was defeated by the radical party, and it was defeated beeaose It did act answer their true designs. It has ita gsod effects, however, sir. It enabled us to understand the real purpose thia party had ia view. It tore off the mask ot its disguises, sad compelled It to say that Its true purpose was, to force tbe 8outb> rn SUMsto enfranchise the negro population. It waa either that or decreased representation— the law and tbe penalty laid dowa together. Then, sir, we have tbe whole question before us. I am anxious to bear Ibe argument* tbe advocates of the measure will present. Ita opponents wear no^maaks on tbis question. They ate oppo-ed to all tbe approximate equality that a blind fanaticism2would establish, between tbe white and black race* in tbi* Government. Tbey have no apprehension* •bout any real equality. There can be .none. What God has made man can not unmake. Tbe African can never rise to the dignity of the Uaucauttan anywhere. It Is not bU nature to do so. He tan no more attain that dtigh consummation than ran the humblest inhabitant ofthe air keep pace with the ttrong wing that aspire* to th* sun. An American citizen! Sir, tbst Is a proud title, a most noble name. In every part of ihe habitable globe it to a passport of honor and a sign of safety. It is a type of such Intellectual,

moral aud ever overs

the civilisation ot centuries nas not yet permeated the dark haunt* ef it* Indelible degradation. H waa a mighty people, air, that established the empire wboae golden sceptre now rule* throughout our portion of the continent. Tbsy made it aa empire of race, intelligence, valor and power. Tbey thought it would be perpettMl, and. nr, »t ha* withstood, the niutattona and trials of more than two entire and erentflE centuries. After all the ahocks tt baa sustained, it still retains to this day the pnrity snd the vigor pf Its Individpality. It Im* pet deteriorated, and it nerer ban deteriorate if succeeding generations will but remain true to the grand purpoeea of ita Uluttriout founders. I sm anxious to know whether the party that stands ia antagonism to the Democratic party oa this floor, sad throughout the country. Is at this time la favor of negro suffrage and negro equality. It to a plain question that!* easily answered. If sue* to the fact, I want to hear It declared by some representative man—some one who can speak authoritatively. Tbere seems to be some clashing among gentleman on this question. If they aro m favor of such a proposition, they pre perfectly consistent when tiny say they will rote for the amendments. If. however, they are oppoeed to it, they must be opposed to the amendments. Let us meet the question squarely. The country expects it. u baaa right to demsnd it. The Democratic party ‘ *— Is opposed to negro suffrage y. It alwsys has been op- , Whig party waa opposed to it. The Republiean party was opposed to It. The great leaders of these parties, sir, bave aiwaye been opposed to tt. Jefferson sod Douglas were opposed to It. Webster snd Clay were opposed to it. Lincoln and Collamer were oppoeed to it. Mr. Douglas, whore distinguished ability and (SSBismaa ship Wfit always remain unquestioned, was exceedingly explicit to hie views ot Ibis question. Ho was always bold snd demnn-tratire. Here to what be said about It; "1 hold that this 0overnmept was made sw tbo white basie, by white men, for tbe benefit of whit* ton sad their posterity forever, and should bp administered by white m*a, and bob* others. 1 do nof believe that th* A«■tgbtjr made tbe argre capable of self-govem- ~ ftr a sgreeh OT femillar to tbe

bold office,

ulsllon, do we not would control tho*

atate* exclu

neg

ihIvc

ely, and

that they would control them in the Interest of their own caste ? Would they not bave the power to elect negroes to the United States Senate? Then we would have equality In the broadest sense—equality in the Seaate, and therefore (quality throughout the nation. Tbi* it tbe fogical deduction of tbi* measure, Sir. It can not be denied. It will not be denied. There Is where tbe friends of tbe mca-ure stand, and 1 want them to know It. if tbey are In favar of negro eqtia'Uy, let them s*y ao, and then reinforce their d-cl ir itioni t.y tbelr support of this measure. I can not believe, however, that the

American people are Ms*sachusells, of

now openly sssumt-s that attitude. But this ha* caused but llllie surprUe throughout the country. We were all prepared lor *ucb de-I velopmeuts In that quarter. I bat people bave lengrtomored for negro i quality. T’b.y have preached, lectured, prayed and Intii^ucd for it tbrouah many anxious and m ary years. Their millenium ha* dawned upon them at last. The long expected sogel, wtlh bis key and great chain, baa at last arrived. Tbelr ryes bave at last seen btm lay bold on tbe dragon, that old serpent, whlcli is the Devil, and bind btm a thousand year*. They have at lost found tbelr lost man and bro:I.-r. We are all glad at tbe return of that u-'i ntment which baa so long beep exiled from Ma«eacbusetts. I|rr people will now have sometime for rcfiecliou and improvement in matters which

mediately concern U(

believe, however, that the > prepared fur such a step, all the Hurt)-six States,

up;

year, the aim *1 iabuloU* sum Ol gb50,t)O0,0UO.

I'be people coiqplain but little They are willing to struggle they can of it—and then b-avi finish w hat they b ive left undo they will not tolerate privib g. d struggle. They are willing to I but they '.vill (spirt otbi

also.

of tbo debt. ' to pay all j

of it—and then leave to posterity to |

b ive left undone. But, sir,

classes la Ibis

y are willing to toil and pay, ey will (xptrt olhers to toil and pay

RAILWAY SUPPLIES.

i \

I V, I it I*.

which

immediately concern them. They bave Iteen occupied with the Interest* of other people for many veare. They will now bave some grateful respite from their labors. They have long, patiently and industriously leg*stated for negroes, and now their aegnre will legislate for them. Thia rest from their labors we trust may be salutary. TJieir beads Will now doubtless become rooter, and tbe hearta better. Even Boston may yet learn, wbat we believe the great mind of tbe American people already comprehend*, that tt la Impossible to establish sp equality among those mental, physical and tporsi uuslitlea, upon which Uod Almighty, In His insemtable wisdom, bu set th* great broad teal

of eternal Inequality.

* There are still two other section*, Mr. President, la these constitutional amendments that Hoist our moat careful Inquiry, due of them contemplate-* the political disqualification of a Urge class of persons in the Southern elates, while the other perulu* to opr own interests, snd, thercfoie. camesborne to u* ill. Hie se< -

tion that related.to tbe ; part* of the country atik str, of the widest rang'

in It* unceasing circulation, now at the heart, now In tbe brain. It passes into all our ramifications, until it reached the verylrxtnmitlesof tbe body politic. Tbe egmuitwr*), manufacturing, mechanical, commercial, every Industrial in (crest of tbe country, is vitally Interested in the disposition that is to be made of it. The public debt. Sir, 1* established upon the public integrity. The Court* bave no control over It. They can pubjixh no orders aud taauo no mandates

against it. It stands upon higher ground: it rest* wholly upon tbe will, uc <

tbe meant to pay. It invol moral and mcc.tary Interests, the broadest and deepest fo

uiuc iu uv an. inetei* i public I'e -r, affects *11 ke. Aud it is aquestion, mge. Like the blood

Kri

be duty and es our entire I place It upon

undationt, and oc-

cupy Ing tbit position, ( am entirely opposed to its incorporation upon the Constitution of the United Stale*. Placed tbere, it would be a National stain. Sir,—a perpetual peafbinrpt of ouf inteiligencp and integrity

Tbe public debt ol any govern ment, depends upon the good faith of our people—tbere ours rest*, and there I would leave it. There are nn guarantet-t b-jond that, and gentlemen wlio are »* eictni; tii, ui . uisiue of those limits. Will in the cud return to the point whence tl sy started, wi»ry an.iuura i-fled. ’Tbere can be nothing lucre certain than that. Gentlemen tell u* tbo public debt is now at tbe mercy of the iwople - and that in turbulent times it may uc in danger of repudiation. They say they want it liouim up in tho Constitution, aud therefore placed ie-yond I he goal of popular revulsions. Will this course secure any sucb result a* that? Our present public debt, l« outstanding principally In the bonds of the Government, bearing inlvrrst, payable at stated periods, nnd redeemable according to tbe provUiuut of the law under wbioh they were issued. How I- money raised to pay tbe Interest nn these bond*? Froyi wbat source will tbo Government acquire tbe means to retire the bond* themselves upon their maturity ? Why, sir, these revenues are all to be raised by tbe appropriations of Congress. We can look to no ulber source. Suppose, then. Congress refuses to make any sucb approptiatlrns, either for tbe payment of tbia interest or the dlscbsrge of the princlpsl of tbe public debt when it shall become due. What t' Will the friends of tbto measure have

the people, and l wont to keep it tbere. if, fter awhile, we find it necen.-ary to retrench our expenditures, this debt should be left in a condition to share it* portion of the retrenchment. The people will do right about it. Taey will do tbi* voluntarily, anti if they do not do U voluntarily, it will not be done at all. Thee ooktitutional amendments will afford no additional guarantees, and will do nothing else, that 1 can see, than merely express * want of confidence, that ihe Government will Justly perform IU loleina obliga-

tions.

— There U one ether section, sir, included in these amendment* wbicb I desire to notice briefly, and then I wid yield the floor to others who may desire to be heard on these important questions. I feci that I already owe the Senate an apology for the grest length of my remarks. I can not too warmly express my grateful acknowledgments lor the generous courte»ies that have been extended to me. I anticipate much pleasure in bearing tbe argumenta that will be brought forward in support of tbe pending measure by its friends. There is one remaining section, as I have said, among these amendment*, which 1 desire to discus*. I allude to that section, sir, that proposes to lay the heavy band of di»qualiflcation upon persons of sucb large number* and respectable characters tu tbe late inrargent States. I am opposed to it altogether. I am opposed to tt because I believe it is against public policy—agaiuyt the enlightened spirit of the age; and because 1 believe it Is unjust, vindictive, despotic, cruel and disastrous. We bave bad enough ol war; enough of its terrors and lu horrors; enough of its estrangements and itscrueltii a. Wbat we now want is restored confidence—that confidence which is established upon universal obedience to the law*, that are universal in their benefit and their blessings. I make my appeal to the national pride ol every Senator on this floor—that pride, sir, that can shake off the dog* which bear us down to the level of animal degradation. I address not the passion, hut the reason—not the instinct that moves mankind to deeds of vengeance, but that nobler quality of tbe human heart, which every creature bas inherited from hia Creator—that exalted seu»c ot tu-rcy which brought Jesus Christ to ills wonderful death upon the earth. Tbe most beautiful jewel m the diadem ef divine perfection, tt can not kw less than the brightest ornament of human

character.

'•The quality of mercy is not strained: It droppeth. at the gentle rain from Beaten, Lpon the place beneath; it ie twice Mess'd; It bletaetn him that gives, and him that

takes,

’Tit mightiest in the mightiest; it becomes The throned tnona ch better than Ms crown: His sceptre shows the force or temporal power,

The attribute to awe and majesty.

Wl.erstudoth sit the dread aud J ear of Kings:

But mercy is above his sceptred rway; It is enthroned in the Marts of Kings, It is an attribute to Uod himself."

Bowen, Brough & Lawton Dealers in and Manufacturers’ Agents rci t RAILWAY. MHi AND MACHINISTS’ SUPPLItS LUBKICATUIG AND HEAD LIGHT OILS. Office and Warehouse,No. 117 E. Washington St, mar IB dl y INDIANAPOLIS. IND. i

WHISKY, ETC. L O m s I* A €»

Mm. a* Mom tIt WINE

TMPOBTU of Bed and White Rhine Wines,

FROM 4 TO 35 UORoe. G

1LS0 FORTlBLIi SAW ttti-eet, xx E have the oldest

V > works in the Ui.

U g_J jSjJblue sivelvtothcmanuiacturcol Porta'ile

Saw Mills, which, ibr simple

fiterMIraa

VuL

large~t and roiled Mates. ‘U .

er and economy < s, to be superior

Dr simpl

of fuel, are cot. . to at.^ vv or o.,c.

Scotch Ale. Also, dealer in Catawba, old Whiskies and flue Cigars. Also, Stork Ale and Old Porter. A lot ai flue California Hock now in store. MFi«Py GREAT UEVOLCTIUN

In the

WineTrade of the United States Pure faliformia CTaauapasme. "VTade and prepared as if done in France, froi IU. pure California Wine, and taking the phu

The great amount of b.-ilcr room. (' • and cylinder afea. which we give t..t horse power, make our Engines the u. ful and cheapest in use; and they arc .. every purjiose where |xnvor is n -.airc-l. All sizes constausly ou hand, or i n short notice. Descriptive circulars, with price application. I -WOOD A MANN STEAM ESdlNt Utica. N. Y. liranch office. ‘.Hi M . (<. , T. City. a

MUSICAL.

ravage demons exulli

of blood, their

exulting in tbetr brutal feast •bouts of pleasure mingle with ie .aiming captive, os be bends

his lacerated and bleeding back to the galling rod of tbetr cruelty. I bave no part or lot in tl»fir|deiutm a:al orgies. They tell ua the Southern States must be humiliated, tbat they must be humiliated to tbe utmost degree that they must drink still deeper, and to the dreg*, of tbe wormwood and the gall of bitterness tbey bave set before them. Sir, I can employ no terms of suttkient power to denounce as it deserves, tbe crime and Infamy of sucb a spirit as this. What more can tbey sutler, than they have already endured? The ttrey track of war liea through all the fairest of their land, their fields are laid waste, their habitation* smoulder iu mins, tbetr young men are slain, tbelr old men are palsied with grief, their strong men bow themselves and their grinders have ceased because they are few, their innocent and tender ones cry aloud, but there la no succor for them, hunger d misery hover over them like vultures look-

of tbe deat' 0!_ "

C Imported Champagne.

The undersigned would call the attention of ine dealers and hotel keepers to the following

letter, which may ity of thsir wine:

“Continental Hotel, j slphio, October *5, IS*Hi.)

“Philadelphia, Octob

“Messrs. Boucher it Co. “Gmrruxxx; Having given your California Champagne a thorough test, w* take pleasure in saying that wa think it the best American W ine we have ever used. We shall at once place it on our bill of fare. Yours truly. “j. e. Kingsley a co." Call and try our California Champagne.

BOUCHER A CO.,

novtS '13m 96 Dey street. New Y ork.

NOTICES.

ivmw 1C1XY MAJ?. A LU subscribers for the New City Map who xa. have ehanged their style of firm, bu-iue-s or location in the year 1866. will please report said change at our store immediately if desirable that

the same should be made en the

“ CUssifei Btsiiess Directory,”

WILLARD & STOWE!

Piano Forte Warerooav

CHICKERING PIANO

Which will be printed upon the face of the This is of great importance to tbe business

of the city.

Map. !

usiness firuo, !

ASHER A ADAMS. Publishers,

78 hast Market Street.

3T* O T I O E

Tnn7E,the undersigned. Book Sellers and StaW W i toners, unite in an arrangement to close onr stores at half-past six K M , excepting on Saturday evenings, closing then at eight o'clock. BOWEN, STEWART A CO., TODD. CARMICHAEL A WILLIAMS, VVEKDEN A SUilWALT. MERRILL A CO.. WILLIAM J. BRADEN. janl2 dlw

DBCKBH FIANC

an

ing down upon the city of the dead. Sir, if tbis i* not enough, when can tbe measui

tbeir

sorrow be lull?

mderetand very well

states

I understand

wbicb the Nortbern states now

Southern States. Tbe war between them was fought out upon tbe high principles that govern belligerents everywhere. The Government itself is fully committed to tbat -principle. Tbe eagles of victory now rest upon our banner, while tbeir fiag lies furled and abandoned in submission, it was no mean enemy that so long and so desperately engaged our armies. The army and tbe navy will not say tbat. They were a brave enemy. TLcy were born of an ancient aud illustrious ancestry, will not willingly or profitably wear the of humiliation. In the dark hour of the auon’s fiercer passion, there may be some, who will deaire to impose it. But when th.

day of conciliation and come, and come It must later, that unquenchable 1-

tbe attitude in

stand to tbe ween them was

Wbat then? re have any

better a*ruranees than they; bad before? I agree that the constitutional amendments might *o disable the Congress that it could not change tbe law by which the debt was crested, but Is It contended for one moment, ibfit tc-y provide the means by wbicb Congress sbali be constrained to make any appropriations for Its payment, or th* payment of Its interest? Wilt not tbe whole que*. tion, therefore, remain practically, just se it I* now, entirely dependent upon the will of tbe people, w bo make and unmake the Congress every two years? 8lr, that to where I want It hft. I bave no misgivings aa to tbe integrity of th* American people. They will do right about tbis matter. They may find it necessary to reduce tbe interest on our debt I believe they will, j&ngtand found if neceseary to pursue tbis course—France found it

nectossry to i‘ the point of

tt imperative to follow their example. Aa the tbe debt now stands, Congress can alwzvs control it. It css regulate both tbo amount ot in-

ary to do tbe same, and It to not beyond oint of possibility that we may find erative to follow their example. Aa the bt now stands, Congress can alwavs conIt can regulate boUt tbo amount of interestto be paid, and bow ft ahall be paid. It can change the law by whtch the bonda are rendered non taxnble, and make them taxable like any other property. It, nowever, th* constitutional amendments ara adopted, the wMe question to taken away from us, and tbe debt stands secured by th Amns of tbe Constitution against any reform, any amendment, any change: atod (eaves it the payment of ita principal, the payment of ttsinterest, and ita nontaxation, Just aa the law by which it Was created has saddled'It upon ua, with all Ita odium, aud With all fto oppression. The public debt for the most part consists of ratal currency, the fractional currency, ntted States Treasury and compound inter- * n °£V!£ d “•£ r *5wwr» seven-thirty, and ten-forty Uonoa. Qor postal currency, fractional currency and ordinary treasury not**, alone, of all this Immense pledge of ihe public credit, pay no interest. iSe five-twen-ty bend* bear six per cent. Interest, payable in gold: the sevcn-tbirtlcs bear seven and threetentis per cent., payable jn currency, ■•d tbe loMdftie* besr flve per cent, payable in gold. And since U bap. P«M «»a» Die sevwt.thirty bonds, upon

ft wM^bit

debt drews ncMVa a tb££*t pi j able

JO nai

later, that unquenchable love of indepe a«.^»s;sa!»s

all inherited from —'*• '

we have all inherited from revolutionary fathers, will overwhelm it w ith contumely and

condemnation,

Tbia section of disqualification, Mr. President, to universal in its bearings. It disquali,le • P enK>n, fr°«n bolding any office, civil or military, under the United states, or under any State, wbo, bat ing taken an oath according to the laws of the United State*, or of any

r, shall nst the

enemies thereof. Now, sir, it Is very clear thrt the constitutional amendment* which •nek to establish this principle, can not now be without the co-operation of a portion, J States, whose citizens we have not been tried, and for which no court of m jtay respectability, throughout tha lai

1 tS2? tei ? U iine ^*’V-V should volun-

g

that all our

bonded aw, to.

^be hostile ‘ha# no horta L 8 t b V et no twror » U>»t are equal UU ®7 upon » name once made SmSSy.^ 0 ** * el>Uj * u *“«v«meuts of a great A? W J > i Ule * noJent laws ofthe realm

univeranffir

A New Pharmacy.* At tEs Corner of Illinois and Maryland Sts.,

IN MANAROUM, IN D.,

VOU will find one ol tbe finest Pharmaceutical

_L establishments in tbe city or State. The subscriber bus just returned from New Philadelphia with one of the best select.^ _ _

of pure Drags, Medicines, Chemicals, etc., that has

er been opened in this city, with a view to the tail prescription business. He is prepared to

moke and dispense anything

tness and dispatch

> just returnetl from New York and

lelphm with one of the best selected stocks

s Drugs, Medicines, Chemicals, etc., that ha cen opened in this city, with a view t

retail prescription business. He is prepan moke and dispense anything in his line accuracy, neatness and dispatch. W ith an experience ef over thirty years, he Hatters himself he is able to conduct his business to the satisfaction of the most fastidious. AJ.1 disposetl to give him a-trial will find it to their advantage, and have their prescription* filled with the best articles that can be bad anywhere. He most respectfully invitee the Physicians of the city and vicinity to coll and examine his stock. Also, the ladies in particular, to his fine stock of Fancy Articles, Perfrunerr. Soaps, Colognes, etc., etc , all ol which will be sold as low as any good article can be sold

ia this city. Respectfully, yours,

oetiM dam t. MILLER.

13 K !S 3’ 1* I ^ o s

Cheapest Pisrsc.

NO. i BATE* KOfi M

INUlArtAPOLlS, dec.*? dtf

i'i J?

CMIaAIOIMi: & <DO.

(old customs]

ones os may* see lit to give I have a fine stock of

shall be pleased d as many new

me a call.

I have a fine stock ai all articles that are usually kept in regular prescription stores, with a large and fine assortment of cigars of various

broads at wholesale.

The business will be in charge of my brother. E. T. Miller, who will be in attendance at all times. Respectfully yours, Indianapolis, January 5,1867. H. L. MILLER,

jan 7 d Sot,

^T tte^regular^neeting of^the^ Indianapolis

nanmously

RaaOLVXD, ana. transactions of th grain, seeds, etc., si instead of bushels,

dec 7 dZt wit

1866,

1 after March 1,1867, all hamber of commerce in

cted in centals

BARNARD, Secretary.

t con

iducti

J.

jgO BROWERS

the

O T I C E . of the School Fund will please tbat all mortgages executed for

urity of loans of the School Fund of this , upon wb ich interest i s due and unpaid on k day of February. 1867, will be promptly bed for foreclosure according to law It is :ly hoped that alt interested will avail ves of this timely and last notice, thus costa which we do not desire to create. AndftjMarton££wta

FURNITURE.

Elegant Furniture.

CEO. J. HEAKELS, LACY A CO., Thlrteentli and Clieatnnt Sts..

PHIX^KDKL.PHIA.

We have a suitor

NINE ROOMS, ELEGANTLY CARPETED. And Furnished complete aa PARLORS AND CHA9UKM. groom »- nov28 d2m

Gilmore’^

Imp roved

gtornet.

T3gt

Celebrated ILinri imstrutere:!' A CKNOWLEDGED by the musical p;*.;. to be the most perfect instruinei.is -.a world. When purchasing at a music Mere. - see and try one of Gilmore « Co.'s io- i

— ‘

GILXiORE CO., auil 19 Howard Ha-

0ctS9 dSm

Jau<l 19 Howard j ’ Boston, Mas^ar: i

CANDIES. ETC.

&REAT REDUCTION

I TNT

Candy and ConfecUonary G

j. ti* ;

Christmas Caoi.i In great variety, at ca h pvi c C TV I ) A . Made of pure Sugar—no Terre \1> ;i . r !■; from35cen:sto$!. Cf -A_ IK: 33 S , All kinds—20 per cent cheaper than UiM > .• naccaroal and all Kinds oi l:». Fancy Catte, at GO Cents. ALMONDS, PECANS, WALNUTS, FILBERTS, ETC At Cost Prica.

S" -

brick machine.

Tfcft lateHfftUs Brick MieMJne C«. ?| Wto Company is bow prepared to contract JL Bay quantity of Bricks of a superior quality, UtaM* equal to pfuaa. daiivsrad during til* soa-

Bcwr^

pfara'daUvarad during the season, to any port of tha city, at reduced prices. Osmtraotor* and ownars will find it to their ad-

BMtago to call before purekaT

MAXT NSW ARTICLES FOR

C UR 1BT3IA M ntKSiUNTW. AU kinds, at CASH PRICES.

stock before you bu'

UUMMLKK

Please call, ene door soi

[Sw

decisd

H, Ac.. Ac., my stock b mlh of tbe Fostofliee. r M. 15.

SALOON.

THE

tri>i>XAX! OLD PEI RIDGE SALOGt.

COMMISSION.

tousey & co„

coMicxaaxoir merchants,

hVJf .v And Dealers in

■. .. ~ ~ LAM, mow, GREASE, FLOUR. ETC., en^aaflTM— i (J. Tata*. ^ ffniAVA

toUeltefi. fiaelQfUm

DA ihiblisnoil THE INI 16 I*®

X ft 111 On and ai ilerald * Tl T > L-armenj To regula carriui Mail ’payaLi Aud deliv per week. J annum wi tor*’ OUslD^ I par., Ind

about the i of Ite publk lance from 1 of the day|

lav ■

el

cun rece The papt riers at a center ini Tu

- i_ id. 2d. i.A; ii. 1.25, •U. 1.5UI *>.!. 1 75! !. ' 2 «NJ; 2w. ; 3.UU; ! U\ ! 4 0h‘ ' Im. i 5.0hi 1 i;n. S')* 1 if 3m ’ll ifl

til.Vi

i one wv Advert: . ontra t|

I ii liana

r nate : wa* 1

n my i-i p' file iiiin| w.i-, n IV ml am icImenlT s. can | ju (j jrity tliU' involj the public expansion ( oi the Go\| stances, ’ll the panic people h > J Ikction, tir| ees-ity funder th.-I tion, thou| wise and taUishcd. They tbtf question pie for theil wore .auqiil Mr.OYI that some ( to discuss made the : Mr. CUi laying act:! He said till cussed sblif ik'puWicai] any DemoJ let it bedew Ml. UK T although hi had no Uesl incided wil body umicl cussed froif house iu ;i| liean wou!| Democra vor of git u| Mr. HA; -eloquent: Mr. BE> speech, ir.ol Mr. -oil fcl would not I a few rein Mr. UK.’ siuestion, il Mr. SHI ble length _ Mr. VAil a speech bq asged leavt Mr. BEd previous q^ then put, , Mr. BUM lutiou be cj time and agreed to. The aye.s| passage of A ve, nf Mr. VAVl

he :svn Then

the I

The HouJ Speaker in [ Mr. Mi ll i urnal be i A m* forming I rent resolulf ou the re- r ; 1 assahe ci .Mr. IH r.t :hc w.. Mr. 1’KEll the word“cf the bill Court.” -. Mr. HUul short and pj med to be cv-ieetions. .Hr. McKJ Me by ii'ser bers ot the I isuit and tiiJ eiu to t in i'« Mr. 11 nil .•Cl h i', ing l older. 1 that tao bit oi the day id 51 r. CUi;1 draw his m! which be Mr. Mcl-'J as au um i j Mr. > iM out ef or- il TheSPlq ier when IIL'UHKS i ble. which \ Mr. LOM number oi bill, and take any ; mitted. Mr. > i’At words “on dred.” Mr. Wil l ing one hj eeptcJ the : bv yeas and! '.Mr. Kl'i -taled thal enough and] Mr.GUEi the third sc Mr. KlSfcl that the tin! colored ehA in force h J h ive been r| vicfieiit la t v Mr. COK1 opposing ni ordinary i j ing to carry llamcntai > sen ted to ,i It proved !(] detcr% : n any and c ble. in th publicans would tie : l means in revolution il proposing tl hot haste. I Any meu] iuaudered. i of in r pen I tiouarv tu. ] t-> the bill s. nMtives tl the ii'jlist i| tli.it the c this bill, i publican l| torial disti | adjacent, several hi combined. I Senatorial | lioth of w L ties and c.i| vote*. Ta of the entil All tbat] ft— they 1 nothing le •dd ton i Repub eti tot vote, and' Ud to* for it.