Indiana American, Volume 8, Number 42, Brookville, Franklin County, 15 October 1869 — Page 1

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FCBLIPHED BTtar FBIDAT IT a n. BINGHAM, Proprietor. Oflet I ta lTatienal Bank Building,

(third itory.") f TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION! $1,30 PERYKAR.i AtAct. $3,00 " " IF HOT f AID tit AftVAKCE. Nfl postage on papers delivered ithl tail Coenty, An Qoeit Latter t Geo. H. Pendleton, ty W; H. West, Attorney General of Ohla. BELLEFOTAtNK, September 30, 1869. ffon. Geo. 11. Pendleton: " The theory is that men are intrusted with politic! power, in order that practtol effect may be given to the doctrines hick they advocate. You are familiar with the truism, howtrer, that there is sometime a wide difference between abstract propositions and practical measures, between what men say eujhKe be done and what they them elves oo Practical effect can be given to some propositions by the employment oF one class of means Only. If these means be rejected, the proposition will fail to be extouted, and its advocacy amount to nothing, or it may be worse than nothing a deception lacking the intent and purpose of execution. Again, between effecting a result by direct aieana and enecung it by doing owe c-iher eiactly equivalent thing there i generally no practical difference, except that in some cases its appareut plausibility may work a popular and, therefore, injarious delusion. These truisms are strikingly applicable is considering the financial propositions pat forth in jour Clifton House and other peerhes of this and last year. Your advocacy of thoe propositions is made the pretext for supporting your political pretensions: the expectation that you will carry there into effect is the popular motive for iotraating you with power. You may distinctly declare several important particular, which, in your optoinn, eusht lobe done; but as distinctly fail to declare whether you yourself will d, or influence your political friends to in, the tilings by which alone their accomplishment is possible. Ifyou will not, then jour advocacy rf the proportions, plausible though they be, is deceptive, and the intruding you with power will be fruitle if expected results. You also declare certain other impartial tiling, which, in your opinion, ought ant to he done, while the consummation of those you advocate will ultimately and inJuliially effect what you say should not it. Wilt you, if entrusted with power, do the llnnir necessary to effect what you say ought to be don? Will your policy prevent what you say thntiM not he done? In jour Grafton speech you say, "pay (T the public debt at once, and stop the interest altogether." This is a consuut. nation devoutly to be wished, ltut how aliatl it be done? l'ayment cf implies the total ex-tinirui-litueiit of further liability in any fi'tin. The public debt can be thus ex tinushcd only by the revenues derived from taxation. It can, therefore, be paid ff ' at nee' f'trt only by raising llie whole amount "at once'" from the people by taxation. Your policy, however, contemplate' another mode of payment, a device which you call payment, but which i.s not. What i.s it? In your Clifton speech: "On their face, by the law, in equity, the fhc-lneoty bunds are payable in legal tender notes, l'ay the deti pay it honestly according to the contract pay it in legal tender note," 4c. Assuming this, that the printer! of these bonds i.s payable in legal tender ami not in coin, therefore you as ert that coin payment of the debt ought hot to he made. Hot taking up the bonds with legal tenders is not pay tueut. It does not extinpuih the debt, but changes its form only. It merely substitutes one form of indebtlnr lor anot lur. A subsisting liability remains exactly equal to the principal of the debt taken up. An obligation to pay tf and redeem still continues as sacred nj binding as before. The substitution f a non interest bearing for an interest bmiag debt is the only change, but the debt is ctot paid, for legal tender notes themselves are the evidences of and contHttt an indebtedness they are prom ies lo pay. la your Clifton speech this i conceded, for in jour estimate therein of the asgree public debt the $350,1)00,000 of outtanding legal tender notes is included as ' T'tt. Taking up the bonds with legal teaders, therefore, does not pay the debt, but merely changes its form, the amount oiinu,,ls exactly the same. But j on Fay pay the debt pay it bontly according to the contract." Do not ''pi tenders fall within the scope of your ,0,t injunction? You will not deny that mj do. They constitute a debt as sacred the bonds do. The bonds are in the aid. tf ,1C few. ,he ,egai tenJfts lre in ,6 hds of the manv the nennl. l Jt tht obliiration to "pay honestly" the ht held by and due to the people as sathat to pay honestly the debt held 6J od du to the bondholder? Y"ou wilt Jtut ih.t it i. It is the popular confi"fce th, , biding faith, that legal tendct ' '''bin a reasonable time, be paid and redeemed, which gives and maintheir value. If this popular lailh "ken-r thia abiding confidence "ttd cease n.j, tender notes would at ' feevouie worthless. They will Ins reJ(d, be paid ofif aa honestly, as aurely, lie d K 3y ',her P"rt or ,ona ol tbe P01" ou win not controvert tUia. r... , i .,eoJer notes cannot be "paid hl liebt, due to and held by the whole I E, . - un;l iiiir lauuivi, iu o. 'r'"'1 ,he ploholder cannot bo ,,,v I Pd by substituting in its stead 3r of the same kind. Such an .tHUn j . . , ... t tonM . I P"J,0S "oueswy;. -v.j , IDe people, in. i?.1'? tJm'. then, that there is nothtkei? , 0 or !f8 eT'--tlen- with - which . Rl tender debt ean be paid hooesttvwk CU,a or vPdiatio, nobody a'r'iu""1"!"""'1" e,M' 10 r ,ls bivalent, therefore, tbe legal

VOL. 8, NO. 42.

tenders must and will be faid uufees Stpudiated. x v " , 11 Will taking up the bonds by substitu - ting an equal amount of legal tenders, and then paying off the legal tenders in coin, a .1 . . . i i i a t v . . ivoidi"oieoi oi me uenir is ii not payment oflhe debt in coin at last? What,

then, ia the difference, whether the bonds expansion. You condemn contraction, be directly paid in coin, or whether they I because of tb.e consequences , it brings, be first converted into legal tenders and Do the consequences of expansion give it then be paid la eoin? You will confess ; greater favor in your eyes? It is the exthere is none. Then your policy Will not jpdosion that makes' Contraction possible, avoid the eoin payment of the debt.. It j The former precedes the "latter as necessimply converts it into a form in which r sarily as the ascent precedes the fall. If

com payment will indubitably be made, i not avoided. - j What is gained by this? Time, vou.mav : reply. Not so; for the legal tenders onght to and would be paid; within as short time as would the bonds. These are payable after twenty years. Their payment, however, might be postponed at pleasure. Legal tenders are payable on demand. Would not twenty years be a reasonable time within which to pay off honestly and redeem the legal tenders if they were Sub stituted for the bonds? Nothing, then, is gained in point of time, for it makes no practical difference, whether twenty or thirty years hence the principal debt be paid directly in ctin, or whether it be now converted into legal tenders, and they be paid off and redeemed iu coin at that time. It is only coin at last. What then is gained by the operation? coining, im i ue cessation ot ana saving iu interest that would accrue on the bonds. Is not the whole controversy, then not whether the principal of the bonds is payable in legal tenders or in coin but how we may rid ourselves of paying interest on the debt until payment of the principal shall becon venieut? Candor will com -pel us lo coutess that it is, for to avoid paying the principal in coin, either directly or indirectly, is not possible except by repudiation? Hut would the ititerest saved compensate the resulting injury of jour plai? You say: "l'ay that debt at once and stop the interest." "The 5 20 bonds are payable in legal tender notes." "fay them off in legal tenders." The legal tenders in existence are not sufficient to take up one-fourth of the bonds. If they were sullicient, they are in the hands of the people, and could not be made available to the tioverument at once, without taxation that would be crush ing and intolerable. A further issue and expanMou of the currency is, thcitlore, tsi-entia) to your plan. What will be the inevitable fruits of such expansion? A practical idea f them may he gathered from the picture of contraction which you draw. ..a. a, ft iou say c ontraction ol I lie currrency brings with it universal fall of prices, i wniie ueots. raxes ana money oottgatlons remain fixed. The man who has money becomes much richer, because his money will pay for more, land, more wheat and more labor. Dot the man who owes money becomes much poorer, because he must sell more la'tkd, more wheat, and perform more labor to pay his debt." u herein declare the general truth that contraction of the currency by withdtawiug a portion of it from circulation enhances the relative value of what iemains. Hut expansion is the opposite of contraction, and must consequently have the opposite effect. Therefore expansion of the currency by increasing the amount put in circulation depreciates the relative value of the whole, and bring with it universal ri-e of prices; while debts and money obligations remain fixed. Tbe man who has money and the man to whom money is owing becomes it. uch poorer, because t lie money which he has or is compelled to accept in payment of his credit, will pay for less land, less wheat, and less labor than it would when the credit was made, while the man who owes money becomes much richer because he will hare to sell less laud, less wheat, perform less labor to pay his debt, than he would wheu it was contracted. Therefore, as contraction operates oppressively upon the debtor, will not expan sion do equal injustice to the creditor? Suppose that by expansion the value, the purchasing power of every dollar in circulation should be depreciated one-half, would not the farmer who had sold his land, the merchant hisgoodt, the mechanic hia wares, or the laborer who had perform ed labor, at prices regulated by the pres ent value of money, be cheated of half j their honest dues, and the purchaser and employer be correspondingly enriched? Would not the poor man who. not having present use for it, had lent to his risher neighbor the accumulations of his industry and economy, intended for the future purchase of a home, be robbed of half his little wealth, and the rich borrower profit by the plunder? Would not the few dollars in tbe pockets of each citisen be ren. d-red incapable of purchasing more than half as much coffee, or flour, or cloth as it would before? It is idle to assert that this loss will all or chiefly fall on the affluent. It yuu depreciate the money of the rich, do you not also depreciate that of tbe poor, who are less able to bear the loss? If you depreciate the value of credits, are not thn industrial classes more frequently creditors than debtors of the wealthier? If you

depreciate the currency in which you pay cod, and threatened, in default, the con. the bondholder, do you not also depreciate ; fixation of his homestead and the expulthat which you pay to tbe laborer, the sol-ision of hia household goods. But the dier, the pensioner and the plowholder? soldier had no gold, and his country could What tbe depreciation of the value of! procure htm none, the currency one-half would effect a few j All this you knew, and knew that some examples will show. The whole amount j substitute for gold must be supplied, or

of alt kinds of currency now in circulation is $740,000,000. It is in the haada of, distributed among and belongs to the whole people. Would not the peo pie sustain an absolute loss of $370,000,000? The aggregate ofprivate indebtedness j in the country exceeds f l,UOU,OUO,U0U. Would not the creditor class be robbed, and tbe debtor elass be enriched to the extent of f 500,000,000! The aggregate

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TUB UNION, THE CONSTITUTION, AND THE E NT

BROOK VILLE, IND., FRIDAY, OCTOBER ts; 18(50.

annual revenue necessary for the ord purpose of the natfonaland State Go inary Govern. 1 nient exceeds $500,000,000 in currency at its present Value. Would not this annual j taxation be necessarily swelled to $1,000,t Ti nnn4 uuw.uuu. These would be some of the effect of you would avert the miseries of contraetiorr; must you not avoid the antecedent expatisiori? If. on the" other hand. Vou er purposely intending to augment and multiply these miseries, would you not first forced up expansion, that the sweep and crush of contraction, when 'it comes," as come it must, would inteusify its horrors? " Would contraction follow the expansion? It would; for the legal tenders must be either redeemed or repudiated. In either ease they will, Sooner or later, go out of circulation, and this is contraction. "! Is expansion of the further issue or legal tenders essential to the practical ac1ccmplishment of what you say ought to be done? It is; for you to say that the holders of the five-twenty bonds "gave legal tender notes for them, when legal tenders wcte worth not more than one-half what they now are. "The debt which was contracted on our expanded currency should be paid in the same currency. Thedollar which is paid should be of the same Value as the dollar which was loaned.' "Pay the debt in money, as valuable as that which was received for it 'Pay off the bonis of the National Banks and take up their notes with legal tenders." No one of these things can be done without a further issue of legal tender notes. To pay in currency of the same value as that which was received requires that it be again expanded by a further issue, until the necessary depreciation be attained. To take up the National notes with legal teuders, without contraction, requires the lurtber issue of legal tenders In amount equal to the National notes. Such further issue, therefore, is essential. indispensable to the practical execution of j your theory. Would you, if instructed with power, do what is necessary to procure and effect such further issue? Legal tender currency is the creature of legislation. Neither the amount necessary to take up the bonds, nor any other amount, can be issued without the enactment ol further laws to authorise it. Without the enactment of such laws it is not of the slihest practical consequence w hetber the bonds are payable in legal tender or not, whether legal tenders should be substituted lor national currency or not, or what you or anybody else may say about it. Unless and until such laws be enacted none of these things can or will be done, for there neither can nor will be legal tenders with which to do them. The practical results of your greenback doctrines depend, therefore, on whether you, if elected to power, would favor the enactment of these indispensable laws, without which they could not be carried into effect. Unless you would do this; unless you would faver and procure the enactment of laws to issue ' the necessary legal tenders, jour elevation would be barren ofexpeeted results. Would you favor or procure tbe enactment of such laws? You repeatedly declared, in your place in Congress, that any and every law to au thorite the issue or increase of legal tender currency was a violation of the Constitution, for which, under your oath to support that instrument, no exigency of the country, could induce you to vote. For this reason, in lSb'2, you denounced and toted a;tnst the act authorixiug the first issue of 150,000,000. For the same reason vou denounced, and voted against each subsequent act for further issue. 'Your opposition to these laws was inflexible, inexorable. No peril of country, no exigency of the Constitution itself, could conciliate or shake it. An insurgent force, which you declared unconquerable, engirdled and menaced the nation. Against it stood up a million of men; Spartan courage, and Roman endurance, the bulwark and hope of liberty, but uaarmed, unfed, unpaid, liy tl.eir triumph al-ne could the country be saved; with their defeat, the Constitution itself must perish tIlI ,he Government dissolve. Victory or national death were the alternatives llut unclad, unfed, unpaid armies achieve nv victories. Yon knew this, knew that without money the army must disband, and knew that the Government had no coin, and could procure none. Nor was the subsistence of the army the sale purpose lor which money was indispensable. Many millions of private debts were owing by the people, and nothing but coiu was a legal tender in the payment of debts. Keroorseless creditors demanded gold from their debtors, and were menacing them, in default of payment, with the sacrifice of their estates and the miseries of bankruptcy. But the peop e had no gold, and could get none. Many thousands of soldiers had left incumbrances or their homesteads when they hurried to the field. Heleutless holders, who loved not the soidier nor bis cause, demanded oaiikruptcy sweep the nation; the army disband; liberty itself perish and all be lost. These were considerations to move and melt the patriot's heart. In the name of patriotism, you were asked to forego your constitutional convictions, and aid in pro viding a substitute for money, with which to avert tbe miseries of bankruptcy, rescue the debtor from ruiu, save the soldier's

home Irom sacrifice, maintain the arirv

,' ill the field, crowd onr strni?t?la with i . . . ... -- tory and recatablish liberty on the rock of Union. . . You rejected the appeal, declaring that no exigency of people or country, or Constitution itself, could justify it violation; that the war was an unholy and an unconstitutional war, and that you could not and would not vote for one unconstitutional measure to consummate another unconstitutional measure; that'yoa eould tot and would not vote to create or increase an unconstitutional currency with which to carry on an unconstitutional war even to save that Constitution and the nation from One common , wreck. . . ! j ,: Such were your opinions, and such your position while the war continued. You resisted the first legal tender act tap. (sxt the ground of Its unconstitutionality. You resisted each sub-Vquent act, as only a widsting of the breach, and equally, as repugnant to the Constitution as the first. So strenuous was your opposition that you succeeded in having incorporated into the net of 1804 a provision that no more than $400,04)0,000 of legal tender noted should ever be issued. And on the 28th of February, 1805, as almost the last act - of your Congressional career, yon voted for an amendment to the last loan bill of tbe war, declaring that "no note or obligation thereafter issued, under any act of Congress, should be a legal tender." That act provided for issuing $900,000,000 of five-twenty bonds, all of which hare since been issued. When you voted for your amendment to it, did you not know that these bonds would have to be paid? You did. Did you not know that if they were paid in legal tenders, such legal tenders would have to be thereafter issued? You did. Did you then iotend that the bonds provided for in that act should be paid in legal tenders, the very existence of which by your amendment to the same act you sought to preveut? You did not. . Did you intend, notwithstanding your amendment, that you yourself would thereafter aid in the enactment of a law to authorise a further issue of legal tenders with wliioh to pay these bonds?. You did not. Have your opinion in regard to the unconstitutionality of lei;al tender laws undorgone change? :ou say they have not. Would you vote, or influence your friends to vote, for a law which you considered to be a plain and gross violation of the Constitution? You would not. Then, if you were a member of Congress now, would you, in violation of the Constitution aud your oalh to support it, vote, or influence your friends to vote, for a further issue of legal tenders? If President of the Uni?ed States would you, in violation of the Constitution and your oath to support, it. sffix y our approval to any Uw for the further issue of legal tenders? If elected Gouernor of Ohio, would you recommend the Legislature to meuioralite Congress to do, what you yourself would not, because of its flagrant unconstitutionality? Unless you answer these inquiries in the affirmative, what does it signify that you say ' the public debt ought to be paid in money of the same value as that which was received for it?'' Or "in legal tender notes worth not more than half they now are? ' Or that "legal tender notes should be substituted for the $300,000,000 of National bank currency?'! Or that "a war debt ought not to be paid in a peace currency?" Can the $300,000,000 of bank currency be replaced with legal lender notes, without the passage of a law to authorise their issue? No. Can the $740,000,000 of currency now in circulation be bo expanded as to depreciate one half, without the passage of a law to issue $740,000,000 more? No. Can the debt be "paid in legal tenders at ouCe." without tbe passage of a law te issue suthcieut legal tenders tor that purpose? No. - Can any such law be enacted, unless voted for by Congress and approved by the Presideut? No. You denounced this war currency and the laws unauthorizing it as unconstitutional while the war continued. Are they any less unconstitutional, now that the war has ceased aud he exigency that demanded tbem has passed? No. Does any more powerful reason exist for stifling your constitutional convictions aud supporting the passage of such laws uow than did during the war? No, Would you, therefore, as a member of Congress vote for or as President, approveor as Governor, recommend the passage of any such lav now? No. Would you not, if in Congress, vote against or if President, veto or if Governor, refuse to recommend every such law for the same reason which has always governed you heretofore beeaue of its unconstitutionality? You undoubtedly would, unless your reiterated convictions are a pretense, your Constitutional oath waxen, and your statesmanship vacillating and iufirtu. Are your friends at liberty to believe this? .No. Arc they at liberty to believe you capable of moral perjury, of supporting a law in violation of your oath, that you consider and declare to be unconstitutional? They arc not. Then why make the "substitution of legal tenders for national notes," or "the payment of the debt at one in legal tenders," or "its payment in legal tecder notes worth only half what they now are," the pretext fer elevating you to power, when the consummation of these things is impossible without the enactment of laws which you would not only not support, but which you would stand sworn to use your whole power to defeat? Is it not sheer mockery? The whole matter is in a nutshell. The accomplishment of what you say ought to be done is impossible without a further issue of legal tender notes; the further issuo of legal tender notes is impossible without the future en

0 R C ME NT 0 FT HE LAWS."

actment of laws : to ntthtriae it. Every such law you say, is a plain infractioa of tbe Constitution; the infraction . of the Constitution, you say 'no exigency of country or people ran justify. Are you willing to have it believed that if ia power yea would commit moral perjury by doing or aiding to do what you consider to be such unjustifiable retraction of the Constitution? You are not; you Would not d6 it. : : . . ' What signifies it, then, that, you say, "pay the debt in legal teaders worth only half what they now are?" of what signifies it that you say, "substitute legal tenders for national notes?" I YtfU xlehy the constitutional power to enact) the. necessary Law by which alone, ejiber.cefl be effeoted; Between you and the passage of such,. the Constitution, your own oath, .the convictions of your judgment Would stand an insuperable barrier. What then will your ele: Vation to power do toward paying the debt, or, taking up the national notes with legal tenders? Nothing, . if your convictions be honest; nothing, if you are a 'statesman of integrity; : nothing, (if your constitutional oath be aet written in water; aathiog, if your future hots do not .stultify , your past record; nothing, unless yeur professions of regard for the Constitution and your opinions a thousAud times reiterated in regard to the unconstitutionality of legal tender laws lack tbe virtu of sincerity, nothing tut tbe certain, indubitable defeat of the object which is made the delusive pretext for supporting you. Re spectfully, 4e. ' W. il. Wkht. Our Cottage Ham. BT PAItr,, j tjj . O the jojona, happy hoara Floating doarn the atreatn of timet ' ' Litepaasea like a traaquU drearna ., In Ihia quiet buna of toiae. We have aot wealth, ar splendid hall . , With freacoed dome or pictured walla. But God ia good, he gives ns hive! Tbe heavea-seat angel froaa abate; , , And hnpp) hearts ahull ever fill ,t Our cottage home bpon the hill. Bright aanamer euttles around here) -At mora we lint tbe wild bird' aong,.. t The roae treea wave upon the breeze, The da aeemt never aad or longEvening eouuea on. Tbe ilont night Slowly unfold her geuia of light; Then with the birde we go to test, Aa light of heart, aa thejraat tilt, ; While moonlight ailveri aott and (till Our cottage home upon the hill., O golden houra! O pleasant timet Linger awhile je fleeting yeara. For age thej tell ine briag te mil A mingled web of euiila and teari. Yet coward heart look Hp to tJud , And should he amite thoe, "kiaa the rod." May ever tender household grace Within our dwelling bud pl:iee, So grateful henrta h til ever Git Ourcottagd home upou the hill. How spiders. to destroy Flies Encourage Motto for a Uejkctku wooed aud she wouldn't. SciToa lie An editor, alluding to the demand for female suffrage, female doctors, and female clergymen, remarks - that another want presents itself that of female women. A widower, having taken another wife, was, nevertheless always paying some panegyric lo the memory of his late spouse in the presence of the living one, who one day responded, with great feeling, "Believe me, my dear, nobody regrets her more than I do." A pcor fellow having with difficulty procured an audience of the late Dale tf Newcastle, told his Grace he only came to solicit him for something toward his support, and as they were of the same family, both being descended from Aditu, he hoped he should not be refused. "Surely not," said the Dake; "surely not. Here is a penny , for you; and if all the rest of your relations will give you as much, you'll be a richer man than I am." A parvenu, who had set up bin carriage in great state, went to a harness-maker to have "a silver letter" put on , the bliuder of his horses. , ' , "What letter shall f put on?" asked the harness-maker. Well, I don't know exactly," replied, the pompous patron. After, hesitating a moment, however, he said: " elJ, 1 gupss W is about as handsome a' Utter as you can put on, isn't it?" Madame Lamartine Audouard tells this story of and his visit lo the cedars of Lebanon: ( "These cedars, says Limsrtine, 'are grand and impressive; they tower above the eentnriest they know history better than history knows herself; they asteaish the people of Lebanon." On reaching the spot Madame Audouard saw what seemed a group of dwarfed and worn-out treea, of no- beauty or majesty whatever. tier guide asked her if he should carve her name with that of Lamartine. She asked if he bad accompanied the poet on his visit lo the spot. "Accompanied' him! no; tor he never came here. He sent me to carve his name, while he remained ia Beyrout, aa every body else does.", Bridget was hired in a female boardingschool, and was told to ring the first bell at six o'clock ia the taorning. At half past six o'clock tbe papils were require to attend prayers; but for several mornings after Bridget commenced her labors many were wnusually tardy, giving as an excuse that they did not bear the rising-bell Sure, Marm," she replied, "I never rings it very hard, for fear I might, wake the young ladies!'' A farmer who bad engaged the services of a son of the Kmerald isle, aeet him out one morning to harrow a piece of ground. He had not worked long before nearly all of the teeth came out of the harrow. Pres ently the farmer went out into the field to t a i il take notes ot 1'at's ' progress, ana esacu him bow he liked barraaing. . "Oh," replied Pat, "it goes a bit smoother now siove the pegs are out."

WHOLE NO. 407

Tattlers and Tattling. The disposition to pry into the privacy of domestie life ia, unfortunately, very common, and is always dishonorable. The appetite for such knowledge is to be re garded as morbid, and the indulgence of it disgraceful. A family has sacred rights to privacy. In guarding the delicate relations of the household, secrecy lieeomcs a virtue. Even if by chance the private affairs of a household are laid open to a stranger, honor will require him to turn from them, and if a knowledgo of them should be forced upon him, they should be locked in a sacred silence. A double obligation ef silence and secresy rests npon one who is a guest in a household. The turpitude of a betrayal of family history by a visitor is far greater than a theft would be. To pocket half a dozen ail ver spoons would do far less damage, produce far less suffering, and be less immoral than talebeariog. It is a thing so sea ndaloua that it should degrade a person and put him out of society. To betray the secrets of a household is not only an odious immorality, out it is a shame to be on good terms with those who are known to commit such outrages. They are miscreants. They put themselves out of the pale ot decent society They should he treated as moral outlaws. These hungry-eyed wretches who sit in the unsuspicious circle of parents and children. treasuring their words, spying their weaknesses, misinterpreting the innocent liberties of the household, and then run from house to house with their shameless news, are worse than poisoners of wells, or burners of houses. They poison the faith of man in man. If one man opens his mouth to tell you of such things, with all your might smite him in the face! There are two actions which justify you in instantly knocking a man down; the one is the act of pointing a gun at you in sport, and the other is the attempt to tell you a secret which it is disgraceful for him to get, and for you to hear. Make no terms with such people. Talebearers have no rights. They are common enemies to good men. Hunt, harrass and hound them out of society.' They are tbe worst of pests save oue, and that is, the listener to tbe talebearer. There could be no tattling if there were none to hear. It takes an ear and a tongue lo make a scandal. Greedy listening is as dishonorable as nimble tattling. The ear ia the open market where the tongue sells its ill-gotten wares. Some there are who will not repeat what they have heard, but they are willing to listen to it. '1 hey will not trade in contraband goods, but they will buy enough of the smuggler for family use! These respectable listeners are the patrons of tattlers. It is the ready market that makes tale-bearing brifk. It is a sliame to listen to ill of your neighbor. Christian benevolence de mands that you do not love ill news. A clean heart and a true honor rejoice in kindly things. It should be a paiu and a sorrow to know of anything that degrades your neighbor in your eyes, eveo if he is your euemy. how much more if he is your irieud? fllcnry Ward Beecher. Chips. It is said that a dog, taken in its infancy and held three quarters of an hour uuder water; will uever be troubled with hydrophobia. In reply to a paper which called General Sherman "ihe coming man," a Georgia journal says it "hopes that he is not coming that way agaiu.' What should a young man carry with him when calling upon his affianced? Affection iu his heart, perfect ion in his manners, and coulecliou iu bis pockets. An Irishman dropped a letter in tbe post-ottice Ihe other day; with'the following memorandum on the corner, for the benefit of all indolent postmasters iuto whose hands it might fall: "Please hasten the delay of this." Josh Billing says: "I don't beleaf in bad luck being sot for a man like a trap; but 1 have known Sots of folks, who,, it there was any tiist-raie bad luck lying around loose, would he sure tew gtt cue foot iuto it cuuy how." A patterfauiillias, who was investigating the cause of a tearlul racket in the dormitory, was met with this explanation: "I just pummelled Harry a little, because, you see, the ducced torment wouldu't let me say my prayers."' A good-natured traveller fell asleep in a train a short time ago, aud was carried a few miles beyond his destination. "Pretty good joke this, isn't it?" said be to a leiiow-passenger. "Yes, a little too farfetched," was the rejoinder. "But if i put my money in the savingsbank,'' inquired oue of the newly arrived, "when cau I draw it out agaiu?" 'Och," replied his friend, "sure an' if you put it in to-day, you cau draw it out aain tomorrow by giving a fortnight's notice." The following notice was pasted on a a a a anas' larue box wiiicu passed over mc l c;nc llaiirwad a few days since: "Bajriraye- I smashers are requested to handle this box ! with care, as it contains nitro glycerine, Greek fire, iruu cotton, and two live kor- i iilas A gentleman seeing an Irishman fencing iu a very barreu aud desolate piece of laud, said: "What arc you fencing iu that lot for, Pat? A lot of sheep would starve in it." "Aud sure, your honor, wasn't I fencing it to kapc the pder bastes out of ii?" replied Pat. A ruminate individual, hearing for the first lime the quotation, "Ail the world's a stage," expressed his lack of wonder at accidents being of daily occurence among the passengers, as the stage turned over every twenty-lour hours An old author quaintly remarks: "Avoid , arguments with ladies. iu spiuunig varus amonii st7A and siiin$ a man ii sure to be wonted and twisted; aud when a man j is woisied and twisted ho may consider lumselt wouud up. Bingleadcrservicu. -the parson at the murriage

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TRANSIENT. Oa iquri, (It lim,) LoaarUoa 0a square, two iaavrtions. .... One loaar, thrae iMrUna.. 411 ataeial; iaawtioaa, per anar.. .. t 9 . t M YIARLT. One eolaran, ebaafeable aarterly.... ........ t7( a Thr-aarrj-i a eelaau M y One-half of a oolama 3& One-qaarter of a oolnota ...... ......... Jv a Oae-eiiata f a eolama yt a Tranaieat aarertieemenU akeald in ail osaaa U paid for in adymsoe. r . Unleia a parUealar tin la speoHed wken kaaded in, adTartianmaat. wiU be pabliabed aatU erdered oat aad abarxed aeeordinfijr. Can I Marry? This is a question my young frieads-, working for a moderate salary have often asked me. Having passed the nervoua point of "proposing," tbey were worrying over the supposed to-be necessary delay in calling the minister's services into requisition, from a fear lest tbeir income was insufficient for supporting a home. From a knowledge of the doubts entertained by many of my young friends, and that there are hundreds similarly situated, I write this for their encouragement. First, have you a good share of pluek? Next, is your "gentle Annie" also willing to make tbe best of present circumstances? 1 es. I neo it is safe for you to marry on even a small salary. Many times vow will have to forego some little luxury that you have come to look on as a necessity; but yon will be surprised to fiud how little you really need ifyou boldly set about living economically. The best of advice is less to be regarded, pern pa, than a practieal ex ample; therefore, let me give you some fig ures that 1 have at hand from amend who got married on a salary of $800. Boarding he bad already bad enough of, and besides, he wanted to feel free to invite a ftiend to take a meal with himself anf wife occasionally and spend the evening. Kciits were high, but be took four rooms on the second floor of a cottage in an adjoining city, as it was cheaper than in Near York. lie paid $200 a year, and used one for parlor, one for kitchen, one fer regular bed-room, and one for "guest chamber." In the parlor was a lete a fete, costing $15; six rush seat cottage chairs, $13; table, SC; clock, $3.50; what-not, $3. In the bedrooms, two wasliBtands, $5 and $3; four walnut chairs. $8; twe bedsteads, 6.60 and $0; crockery $4. In the kitchen, one rocking-chair, $2 50; lour oak obairs, $7.25; table, $6; stove and fixtures, $19; carving set, $2.50; dinner and tea-knives, $4.26; woodenwarc, $22; crockery, $25; the carpets eoat $108.44, the curtains and shades, $18; making a total cost for furnishing completely, iu comfort too, $290,04. He had saved up only $350; so you see bis capital was most gone; but instead of taking a "wedding trip," be used the money that it would have cost in laying in a small slock of groceries. Markett being handy, be bought iu small quantities, for it is better for a youcg couple to buy thus, even though you pay a little more, than run the risk of food growing stale or spoiling on your hands. Never get trusted, and you will find the dealer will serve you well. He gave bis wife $G a week to supply the table, and sbe managed it admirably. And here let me whisper a thiug for you to remember: A wile that is inclined to be a helpmate will always do better for you ifyou give her a regular sum every week. She then has a cha nee to plan ahead, and. can exercise her best powers of management. Ten chances to one, when Christ' mas comes, some longed for convenience,' deferred on tbe score of economy, will show itself, boaring the neat handwriting of that dear little wife, and bought with money she has been long laying aside out of her own allowance, a cent here, a dime there, until she has reaped ber own reward iu your surprise. My dear fellow, youspend more money in that unsatisfactory boarding bouse for board, and in little expenses with those "gay boys'' there, than it would cost you to"keep house" with that cherished being for whose companionship you bo long. And when you have her with you (you know who I mean), be ever careful to look first to ber comfort and to her convenience, and you may rest nssured that you have taken the surest step to happiness and success in life. Y'ou cau rely on the above statement, for I have seen the book my friend keeps, and saw the vouchers; therefore, it is from uu actual case 1 write. Hearth and Home. , Politeness in Business. There is a good deal of sound philosophy in ihe following, which wc extract from the Christian Kegis'er. "What a pleasant thing it is to deal with pleasant men! ilow much a tone helps a trade, reconciles you to a price and sends you oft' with a nearer feeling of an equivalent lor your outlay. A smile aud a 'ihank you,' go a great way, aud when they are so cheap, tost so little, and go so far. one wonders that they are so dear, and that so little of minor courtesies cuter into the intercourse aud interests of men. It is a very pleasant thing to go out of a store with the sense of a favor confered. Indeed one stands a little pretty evident cheating with a placid complacency, if only the cheater adds the suavity of manner and of tone to his art. And what an art that is which makes you buy when you had determined not to, aud reconciles you to a price you know not only to be abominable, but you ought not to pay! Is there a harder thing to face than that very insiduous store phrase, 'is there anything else to-day?' Oitly let the man use the riut loue and manner, and you have more courage than most people if you don't lin to be rather athamed of ibo suiallne.- of your order or purchase, look about and lemembcr that there is something else, and so run up your bill err deplete your pocket book front want of courage to meet a stereotyped buMiics.- phrase ihe moral history of which your tormentor understands. How mean a man lecln when, walking home, he realizes the little trick of trade to which be has succumbed " Drawing. "I ssy. Poinpey," srtid one another, "dis ihiie has tried fares and tings for a piize. could draw auv thing at a!!." freedman to lots ob gilt but lubber i nc . V iCJJ r.au iru iuii iv hi m ..i- .tt t vi . h j Je pcei, -re t'asud to one that you could draw dat. being askeo to explain tbe paraj . i w j, was; ..ibi for a liizv man ex ol now K was pi lo aitaiu so much education, answered: "I didn't allain: I iut heard I ere aud there and was too l.-Zj lO follLCt.'