Indiana American, Volume 22, Number 21, Brookville, Franklin County, 12 May 1854 — Page 1

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BY T. A. GOODWIN.

Ilatosat A4vrlllnf 't upon mf ' rbri Transient A'lvcrthing. . Om eniiaranc Im. Ilira 11.00 r..r irf aainul aanio ter 1 W'Mttn .. y..... ,...'.. Yoiirly Advertising. One tvr ! "iü'Iül Ott fwiitU Of e " S nue.. , , . . lyor ,3w One belfof iwl o. - S,1 Ob column 3 mos...... '"SJ'JJ!! hmot ...' M IS m ...4U.UO rr aar trtioii over ihr week tM ltoH'W woBitas,ttstta Sisare lll AMttar imiIiU of MO Hn So. par.il. nUiinlU'ii'iirtwH oCeJ fall aimr fmclio or l'junr, i 7v,m ..,4 lilfirrtHOiorilW' i1 kair. m lo lukra. ul a . .tirvmt ua '.omm rotCourt, minUir uef mW wumJ. m will ..,1 in U.U. uf 1 fr am prinuf f. AJuru;i U im kIJ Niutul (i M l(fl - enimurUcrulbjf liiüiu. fl t au.ribr,a t u iho wtt r ol r lAJrtrti'iU uoi nurk.nl or Ui top for rwMiiiwa auiutMr of liiMruou, wtU t eouUnu4 cJiM,uuUMU-yrrr u attuiu. 4w, hn fru.7 H.y wilt, of cour, b Uiorwa until of -ill aVJ.rU.aia.1 from .Unor ortrM.lonl pr),H Iwul4 lu I d oa lo proiooi priU luru, will t eur i II lr iiur Ctt ! Iruu. 4rn-4a I D.U f numtt4 rluiiSo ltrVlMtnol will b u wltboul """T. a. COüDWIS, B4. An,rlc.D. C. B. BÄSrUlf. Ü4. iXiuocwl. StfltBsiflnal-Caite. Ub. j. w. kkely, Surgeon Dentist. HOtbü.or T. All or t.rrsuUO. n for uiiuU"P urUu. J. U. DAVlä, M D., riivlciau & .urcon, OPFIC'lt at hl rti)nrt ornr f M.iln and Jutt lfU, BrookiU,Iu4. niTUCNKILUOIIC JMilcf th roM, L aud Ail.ruT uJ CMMllor at law, HrooHviU, lad. UUc ai Curuf f Kuoll 43, MJ. W.nOltIlOT"Altrtrn nJ Coaniellortt .i .. o h... Na. UA,lda bailduir. HrooltVlll,.iciina. ai-U. at JiiHEl. Aitoruef nd - A fkll, Comiirllor Uw, aroon lud. UOle la Mail' bull dtug. N M C. CUOOKtH 1SK AUorneT end , Couiualtorat taw. OiOcain llit'buil.lug, brookvilU, laUiaaa. 3-'33 J II. .Tl'CLl'Iir AttornoyatUw. OfTow--, on Hurgaatrit, twodoort Uwftlt of Co. Hol ud'oin.btwaui. 4-'i3 NOTARY PUBLIC. Residence, Mt. Carml, lnd. x"M()Si:S J. KULLUV. Attorner at Law and Notary Public, L.tUKKL, r)(.1.1PLIA LU. l.U., WILL Ukaa knowledcnnla f Ult, tat aOd artll iMMiuoua, Ainaaviia . ALF. WA It I), ATTORNEY AtCOUNSELLOR AT LAW, Urooktlle, Indiana. OiMoa two duore north Uurum'sbior. N If. MOIIUIS, M.D., FaiyHici'iii&Siirgeoii Mt. Carmcl, lad., 22-2-'63 1 year. In one oi uoujjn a lempcranco Lectures some time ago, he told a laughable storj of the way in which the female of a certain little seaport town bad routed one the rumsellers. There was but one in the town, and if it had been put to vote there would have been a mnjority of bit fo one for the removal of the groggery. The male portion had tried a httlj of moral auaion. that is, they hid said nothing to him on the subject, but as he was getting very rich, bowed lower to him than toothers that were not so well od, and they had tried some lejjjal suasion, in the chape of a couple of fines of c2U each, which ho paid very wuhn-r ly for the bent fits he derived from his traffic. At last the women took the matter in hand, and assembled to the number of ubout one hundred and fifty. They divided themselves into twelve committees of twelve each. The first day a committee visited him in a body, and each of the twelve gave him, in turn, a temperance lecture. He was rather taken aback at this, but thinking he could stand it as long as they could, he waa apparently unconverted. The second day he was visited by a similar committee, who gave him twelve more lectures. He stood this too, wondering what was to come next. The next day a third committee made tU appearance and were commencing their arguments, when he interrupted them by asking how many therv were to come yet. In reply he was told that twelve committees had been formed.of twelve women in each; and when he had been visited by the twelfth committee in turn, the first committee would make a second visit, a a a na o on m regular succession. "Well," said the poor rum seller, "you needn't goon any further; I'll ;0 up.' And -five up he dtJ; and from that day the rum truths was put an end to in the town. Mr. Gough said he had been telling this story at a temperance met n.one evening, when, a man said to him, at the cloe, "What a dreadful predtcamerit that poor rum seller must have been in, with one hundred and fifty women lecturing him. I know something about women's tongues, for I've been married Jict yettrt." fCyA telerrnuuic dispatch to Vermont piper, last week, relative to the Cutuuani Ureckenridge dilficultV. Wülthui renilrd-' We havenoihin, further relative to the rutting and the breaking vf the 3rlt is rumored that a new paper is to be started in Washinton, to advo cate, the claims of Millard Fill more the Presidency. to JtiTGov. Biglerof Pcnsylvania has . i.i i i . . . . sigueu tue diu proviaing lur the sale o thu main line ol the public works IÜ,ÜÜÜ,ÜÜ0.

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CDoitt ) o c 1 r s . . ' ',7rroij tlt Tarapran Vutön. A TXUrriRAJf CK ODS. sr w, i. fiTCRtoif, Tliriifh th dnrkt and of night, Com a gltmuiarlnf from afar, O'er Hi Eatum mountain', kolg hi Bnaina th glurlou roaming Url Onwr4, ajir4, dill It mir, Chrlng harbinger of mrn CountUi hii of ranom4 touli, Tbrlllad wlih Jo; Ubold It born I Long tha Rum Flend'a hand hai iproaJ, . O'or our laud hi wllharlng bllghv StroweJ our all)-, will) tint deal, Wrapt a biIIIiod hoaru In night t Out a la power la on Uta wan Frtnin will oo longer bow) Fair Columbia wipe, tha alalp, from bar blood-polUud brow t Thy wbo w lul J tha mighty pan. And tha Pro, b Unt tbelr a)4 Jituro'i nouloit nobleman, All ara la our rank arrayed I Tea. a frea and fOatloa boat. Of th graat, lh good, and wit, Front th rar Ailantlo out, To th Wattarn Ocean, rite Klie to itrlk the mighty blow Tbat aball break tha drunkard ' chain Rii to lay the tyrant low, Who la flduditn triumph relgnil On abal) uio th patriot train, Irretlatlble u Ma, 1 1ll tha glorlom Law of Maine, . It Ui law of every ft tat t

srnci or col tows os ins mm . KA.BLU.. Dellrererl In the llouae of Itepre entatiTCtTuelFttUe3)3iU daf of April, idyt TBI! BILL COMES f BOX A FBKt STATE. Mr. Benton poku hs follows: If my bill to impair the Missouri Compromise line of 1823, had been brought into thi Houko br a membi-r of a tUva SwHte, or un ler thu Administration of a I'reaiJent elected from it alave State, I ahould have die med it my duty to have it tt it nt the thrchold, and to have made the motion which thu parliamenUry law prescribed for ,lhd rt-puU' ot subjects which' are not fit to be considered. I ahould have moved itt rtjt'Clion at the first reading. Out the bill before u, for the two may be considered & one, doea not come from that quarter. It comes from a free Slate, and under the administration of a rrraident elected from a Tree State, and under the aspect of its origin, I deemed it right lo hear what thu members of the tree states had to ay to it If sru n nmnotilinn fmm flw.tr nvn I rank-, to give up half the Slavery I Compromise of 1820, if-they r!m tu doaol I did not uee how south, i m m mm mm a a wuuai tiun a, a w baiv.ii w nil rn rtiAmrwrw rrtnlr-l rcriie tn AAtit it. it was a Iree State question, and the , . ... members from the free States were the mnjority and could do as they pleased. So I stood aloof, waiting to see their lead, but without tho slightest intention of being governed by it. I had my own convictions of right and duty, and meant to act upon them. I bad come into political life upon that com prouUe. I had stood upon it above j thirty years, and intended to stand upon a to the end, 'solitary and alone it needs be applause and laughter but preferring company to solitude, and not doubting for an instant what the result wit to be. I have said that this bill comes into Congress under tho administration of a free Statu" President, but I do not mean to say or insinute bv that remark ' that the President favors the bill I j know nothing of his disDosition toward it, and if I did, I should not disclose it here. It would be unnar. ' liamentary and a breach of the Drivi- i le-jes of this House to do so. The ' President's opinions can only bo made known to us by himself in a message in writing. In tbat way it is bis fight and olten his duty to communicate with us. And in that way, there is no room for mistake in citing his opinions, no room for the imputation of contradictory opinions to him, and in that way ho becomes responsible to the American people for the opinions he may deliver. All other modes of i communication are forbid to him as tending to an undue and unconstituuvuat luwtttvivuvc wuu me f reedom of legislation. It is not bribery alone attempted upon a member which constitutes a breach of the privilizes of .1.: . tt t. mis nouse. ii is any attempt to operate on a member's vote by any conaiueiauuu uinopo or lear, faor or affection, prospect of reward or dread ot punishment. This is parliamentary law, as old as En-'lish Parliaments consUntly maintained by the British HYIIOA r t a V-v m 11. - - House of Commons, and lately declar ea in a mos: signal manner. It was uurui wie reign oi our old master. George III, Rnd the famous case of Mr. k ox Last India bill. A report . . . . a prestoieu to parliament by one ofi -orus oi me üea Chamber, stating that the King was opposed to the bill; A-.i.ri. ft a -m . mat ne wished it detVatori. am lad said that he would consider anv member his enemy who should vote for it, The House of Commons took tire at this report, and immediately resorvea. That to report any opinion or Drctended opinions of his Majesty, upon any bill depending in either House of Parliament, is a hL'h crime and nnsdemuttnor, derogatory to the honor of the crown, a breach of the funda mental privilizes of Parliament, and subversive of the Constitution of tho country." This resolve was adopted in a full House by a majority ot seventy-three votes, and was only declaratory of seventy-three votes, and was only declaratory of existing parliamentary law such as it had existed from the time that English counties and boroughs tirst sent knights of the shire and burgesses to represent them in the Parliament Houe. It is old English parliamentary law, and is so recorded by Hauell, and all tho writer, on that

law. It I alio American Uw at old our Con jreaa, and, a euch, recorded In JellVrson'i MaoumI. H ! honeatUw, and a auch exited In every honeat htftrt. Sir, the rrenldent tf tho United Stntei cun nd ui no opin. jon exceptio written Mo-aHe. and no ono can report hi opinion to Intluence thocunduct of inemben upon a bill without becoming obnoxious otho cennuro which thu Uritih Hou of Commom pronounced upon thu lord of the bod chambfr, in thu casu of tho King and tho Fox East India

bill. JS'or can the President' Secretarie hie head clerk., Mr. lUndolph used to call them send u their opinions on any subject of legislation depending beforu us. They can only report, and that in writing, on thu Buojecti referred to theni by law or by vote of the Houes. Non-intervention is their duty in relation to our legislation, and if they attempt lo interven'u in anr of our business 1 must be allowed, for one, to repulse the attempt, and to express! tor it no higher decree of respect than Mr. Ilurku exoresed for4 the ooinions of a British Lord Chancellor, delivered to tho House of Commons, in a case in which ho had no concern. Sir, I suppose I can be allowed to repeat on this floor, any degree of comparison or figure of speech which Mr. Burke could use on the floor of tho Di uUli House of Commons. lie was a classic speaker, und, besides that, auihor of a treatise ou the sublime und beautiful, though I do not consider the particular tiguru which I have to repeat, a though just and picturusque in itself, to be a perfect illustration ol eith er branch of his admired treatise. It was in reference to Lord Thurlow, who had intervened in some legislative bu lines, contrary to the author's aenso of right and decency. Mr. Burke repulsed the intrusive opinion. and declared that he diJ not care inive jump of a loin ) for it. Sir, 1 ny the same of any opinion which nviy be reported here, from o tr Secrutarirs and on any bill denen Jin r betöre us, and that, in any form in which it may come from them, whether as unit a or integers. PUQ'.tC PttlNTB If IN rEFEHEvCE. Süll less dad admit th ri jrht of intervention in our legislative duties in onother class to meddle at all with our business, were it not fur the miaistnt lion of our bounty. I peak of the bt a, Public printers, who get their daily oread, (and that buttered, . pn both sides,) by our daily printing, and who require the tlemocrnuo membvr ol I.i.:. I .. I . .1. . 1 . l,us aou"-"i uhuit wie msuin. penauy of political damnation, to givuin their adhesion to every bill which they call administration, and that, in every change it may undergo, although more changeable than the moon, ror that clajsof intermeddlers I have no par liamentary law to administer, nor any quotation from Burke to apply notli no üut 14 1'ttle faJ'u 10 rad the value of which, as in all goo 1 fables, lies in its moral. It Is in rrench, and cnti tied 'Lam et ion maiire,' which being done into English, signifies, "The ass an,d his master and runs thus: 'An ass took it into head to scare his master, and put on a lion's km, nd went and stood in the path. And when he saw his master cominar, he commenced roaring, he thought, but he only brayed, and the masler knew it was his ass: so he wentup to him 'with a cudgel, and beat him nearly to death." This is the end of the fable, and the moral of it is, "a caution to all asses to take care how thev undertake to scare their masters." Much laughter and applause. J Mr Chairman, this House will have fallen far below its Constitutional mission.if it sutlers itself to be govern ed by authority, or dragooned by itsown hirelings. I am a man o' no bargains, but act openly with any man that acta for the oublio irood. and in this spirit I oiler the risrht hand o 'political friendship to every member j of this body that will stand together to i vinuicaw us p j respectability, a mvuc'cs, protect its ana mniniain it in th high place for which it was intended the master orancn oi American uovernment. MISSOURI COMPROMISE NOT MERELY A STATUTE. The question before us is to get rid ! 0f the i rt a - Missouri compromise line, and awyer that is an easy question i ay. rs a That compromise it in the form of a - . ... statute, and one statute 11 repealable by another. That short view is enough for a lawyer. To a statesman , it is something different, and refers the Question of it a reot-al. not to law bouks, but to reasons of state Dolicv.to -a K thecircumätan:es under which it was enacted, and the consequences which are to flow from its abrogation. Tim compromise of 1821) is not a mere statute to last for a dty; it was intended for perpetuity.and so declared itself. It is an enartment to Fettle a controversy, and did settle it, and cannot be abrogated without reviving that controversy. It has given the country peaco for above thirty years. How many years of disturbance will its abrogation bring? That is the Statesman's question; and, without assuming to be much of a statesman, I claim tobe enough so to consider the consequences of break ing a settlement which pacified a continent. I remember the Missouri controversy, and how it destroyed all social feeling and sll capneity for beneficial legislation, and emerged all political principle in angry contest about slavery dividing the Union into two parts, and drawing up the two halves into opposite and confronting lines

nnOOKVlLlE, FRANKLIN COUNTY, INDIANA, FRIDAY, MAY

iko enemies on tho field of battle. ,1 lo not wish to see such times airain; rind thercfoi'o ah HgulnU reviving them by reakinf up the settlement which outted them, THSTlIRERaUVKRY COMPROMISES. The Missouri Compromise of 1620 was the partitioning between the free and stave Slates ol i great province, Utk mir the character of a perpetual settlement, and classing with the two reat compromises which L'avo us the ordinances of July 13th, 1707, and the rederal Constitution of Niptotnoer 17lh, of the same 3'ear. Ihero are three slavery compromises in our his tory, which connect themselves with tho foundation and tho preservation of this Union. First, the territorial partition ordinance of 1787, with its clause for the rcr-overy of fugitives slaves; secondly, the colemporaneoui constitutional recognition' of slavery in the States which choose to have it, with the fugitive slave recovery clause in the same instrument; thirdly, the Missonri partition line of 1820, with the same clause annexed, for the recovery of fugitive shines. AJI three ol these compromises are part and parcel of the same policy, and initiier otiliera could have been formed without the other. nor either of them wiihoutthe fugitive slave recovery clause incorporated in it. The ami-slavery clause in the ordinance of 1783 uould not have been adopted (m wm proved by Ui three years rejuction.) without the fu gitive Slave recovery clause added to it. Tho constitution could not hare been formed without its ri cognition of slavery in the States which chose it, and the guaranty of th right to recover slaves fleein ' into the free States. Tho Missouri compromise could not have been settled without a partition of Louisiana between free and slave noil; and that partition could not have been m ulo without the addition of thu sameclaU'U. Thus, all three compromises are seUlem-nt of existing 'jui'slions, and intended (o be rerpvtu tl. They are all three of equal mora) validity. The constitutional compromise is guarded by u higher obligation in consequence of its incorporation in that instrument; but it in no wavs differ from the other two in the circumstances which induced it, or the consequences uliich would How from its abrogation. A proposition to destroy the slavery compromises in the Constitution, would bo an open proposition, to break up the Union; the attempt to abrogate the comnroiui. 5e tifihti Coiutituüon, would be un open proposition, to break up the Union; the attempt to abrogate the compromises of 1787 a id 1S20 would bo virtual attempts to de stroy 'he harmony of the Union and prepare it for dissolution by destroying the contidencu and aiiuclion in winch it is founded. The Missouri Compromise of 1820 is a continuation of tire ordinnncu of 1 737 ttd extension to the since acquired territory west of the Mississippi, and no way differing from it either in principle or detail. The ordinance of 1787 divided the then territory of the United States about equally between the free and slave S'at-s. The Missouri Compromise line di i the same by the additional territory of the Unite! States as it stoo l in 1820, and in both cases it was done by act of Congress, and was the settlement of a diQiuulty which was lo last forever. I consider them both, with their fugitive slave recovery clauses, and the similar clause in the constitution, as part and parcel of tho same transaction diUerent anicles in the same general settlement. The anti .lavery clause in tho ordinance of 1787 could not have been put in (as was'proved by its three years' rejection) without the fugitive dave recovery clause added to it. The Constitution could not have been formed without the recognition of slavery in the states which chose it. and the right of recovering blaves fleeing lo tho free States. The Missouri controversy could not have been settled except by the prohibition or slavery in the upper half of the territory of Lousiana; ani that prohibition could not have been obtained without thu right to recover fugitive slaves from the part made free. Thus the the three measures are one. and the ordinance of 1787 father to the other two. It led to the adoption of the fugitive slave el iu.se in the Constitution, and we may say to the formation tf the constitution itself, which could not have been adopted without that clause and the recondition of slave property in which it was founded. This vital fact results of Um-If from the history of the case. In March, of the year 1784, the Virginia delegation in the then Congress of the Confederation, headed by Mr. JeÜvrson and Mr. Monroe, conveyed the Northwestern territory to the thirteen United States. In the month of April ensuing, the organizing mind of Mr. Jefferson, al ways bent upon systems and adminUlr?.(ioiis, brought in an ordinance for ilieiroveriimeiit of the territory so conveyed, with the anti-slavery el tuse as a part of it, lo take effect ia the year 1UU0; but without a clause lor the recovery of fugitive slaves. For want of this provision the amislavery clause was opposed by the slatehulding Slates, and rejected: nnd the ordinance waspassvd without it. In July, of the year 7U7, the ordinance was remodeled, the antUlavery clau-H-, with the fugitive slave recovery clause as lin y now stand, were' inserted in it; und in that shape the ordinance had the unanimous vote of every State present tight in the whole and an equal numbe r of slave nnd free States present. Thus it is clear that th'i anti slavery clause in the ordinance of 1787 could not hate passed without the fugitive slave recovery clause annexed. They were inseparable ia their birth,

nnd must bo ln their life; and thont

who love one must accept the other. This whs done in tho month July in the city of New Yoik, where the Congress of thu Confederation then t. The National Convrnilmi was sitting at the same lime in the city of 1 hiladulphia, at work ujon the federal Constitution. Thu two bodies were in constant communication with each other, and some leading members( as Mr. Madison and Gen. Hamilton) were members of each and attending by turns in each. The Constitution was tin'uhed in September, and received the fugitive slave recovery claus immediately after its insertion in tho ordinance. It was the work of the same hand, and at the same lime, in both instruments; and it is well known that the Constitution could not have been formed without that clause. Thus the compromise clause in tho ordinance is father to the compromise clause in the Constitution; and Missouri compromise results from both; and all three stand before us as founded iu the same circumstances, induced by the same considerations, and directed by the same' policy that of the peace, narmony, and perpetuity of this Union. In point ol moral obligation i consider them equal, and resulting flora condi tions which rendered them mdi-pensa bit-. Two of them have all the qualites ol' a compromise, those of the ouinance and of the Constitution. They uro founded in agreement, in consent, in compact, ani are us sacred and invio.able as human agreements can be. Th third one, that of the Missouri anti- slavery line, was not made upon agreement. It was imposed by vo.es, by the South upon the iSorth, resisted by the IN'urih at the tine, acquiesced in afterwards; and by that acquiescence became a binding covenant between both parties; and the more so on the South, because she imposed it. I repeat, it was an imposition, not n compact. The South diuded, and took the choice; and uow it will not do to claim the other half on the ground of i . i-1 f - .'i . i the original disaiistaction oi the omer party. Brothers cannot divide an estate in lh.it way one make the division, and take choice, and afiuward cl iu.i the other half. ' The South has lur half. Sho gave it away once gave it to Spain -and tho North helped her lo gut it back, even at the expense of war, without suspecting that she was strengthening thu SjuiIi to enable it to lake the other half. But this attempt does hol come from the South, und finds resistance there. I UI! RSiUlT O? AM ATTKMPr TO REPSAl THE COMPKOMlSK OP lToT. This brings us to the question of repeal or abrogation of these compromises. The one in the Constitution cannot be got t id of without un amendment to that instrument, and is, therefore beyond the reach of Congress. The other two, being in the loiiii of statutes, are subjects of legislation, 111 111. Vf Mr 1(111.,- .11 (7 1 I 1 1! I I LUIIllllllf . I ini.n PK . 1. ! . lis i i i . . r

Utou wäe .,uJ to impair . ih,u upg? Sil by iho MmUunu-. "ZZZzY Z Z of ,787., lift,- yL T. ,a by bgU,i .H SiS! effort a now made lo repeal the other; . ing lo live in tho teiruoiy to be ahect-, , , JT. .f ;, , , nJ UM.si.tar, -a ui, ,t Iii um ..n b.,.s tr-i ähitis

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ort.i.iw i im n Pnrnn irtvui'ninnnr Biri uuuvt wjw inuuii.in, aim continued so unuer tue .vmencau until , 1 .1 . . I I7U7. u exienuea to tue isMss.pi, andcouumedmanyslaves. Vincennes. fV.I..b .i l.ur ,....., T.'..c 1. ,.-1 .... ......v,,.,,,.,, were all slave holding towns. The inhabitant were, atuic u-d to that that pioperty, und wished to retain it, at i'nMi.rirt nrtn at i w wi r a m , . n wr lj u. r . r: . . ibaai iviuuuiaioii), nua uiao to llimi; a hlavehoidin r eini rratioit. until un increase of ,a?nu athin 1 an adequate supply of free labor, and rr ' - they petitioned Coiresi accordinde. Ihu petition came Irom a convention . r . , o 3 V of the Dcuble. orosided over bv Gov. Harrison, and on v inked for the siu. .: . . pension of the anti-slavery part of the ordinance for ten years, and limited in its application to their own territory. The peution was referred to a select committee of the House; Mr. Randolph was chairman, and 1 1 received iu answer in a reDort in these words "That the rapid popuUtioa of the

State of Ohio sufficiently evinces, in ! United States entitled, 'An act to authe opinion of your committee, that thorize the people of Missouri Territhe labor of slaves is not necessary to i to form 'a Constitution and Slate promote Ike growth and settlement of j Government, and for the admission of colonies in that region; that this labor, ! auch Suite into the Union on an equal demonstrably thu dearest of any, can j footing with the original ötates, and only be employed to advantage'in the ! to prohibit slavery in certain Terntocultivalion of products more valuable ! ries,' approved March 6, 1820;" with than any known in lhat quarter of the an instruction to tho Senators and a United Ötates; that the committee ! request to the Representatives to vote deetn it highly dangerous and inexpe- j accordingly. fli. nt tn imnxir a provision wist-Iv "Th uenco. ücrmanency, and wel-

I.,.,! . I ... tlw. Vi i nmn..io baiiiUiaivu iu ijiwiiiwiw mw ii jij'iui. m und ürosoeritv of thu iNorthwestern country, and to give strength and se -

curity to lhat extensive frontier. In ' Assembly of Missouri ns late as iö. ihe salutary operations of this sagac- 1 believed the Assembly was right iouj and benevolent restraint it is, then; I believe so now; and, o believbelieved lhat thoTnhabitantsof Indiana ing. shall "adhere" to the compromise will, at no distant day, lind ample j now, as then, "in spirit and in letler" remuneiationfora temporary privanou j 1 tbould oppo.se any movement to of labor and emigration." I impair that Compromise, made in an This was the answer of the select, open, direct, manly manner: much committee; and it became the answer ' more shall I oppose it if made in a of ihe House of this House just fifty covert, indirect, and unmanly way. years ago wlien the South was about The bill, or bills before us, undertake as ably represented here as it ever has lo accomplish their object without probeen since, and when its rel.itive fessing it upon reasons which are strength was greater than it has ever contradictory anu unfounded in terms

bttn since. The answer is a peremplory refusal to yield to the petition of the people ol inuiana, even, lor a ten years' local suspension of this antislavery clause. "Iliyhly dangerous and inexpedient to impair that provision." es, to impair! that is the word; and it is a refusal to weaken or lessen, in the smallest degrec.au act. which the committee calls a "benevolent and sagacious act;" and which j they recommend-to maintain unimpair j ed, because it is "calculated to increase the happiness and prosperity ot the iionnwesn ana ir'e sircnzui nuu j security to it3 frontier." That Congress,

12, 18.

and that without , division between North and South, would , not Impair n act of so much future ood to pos. terity, not even upon the niistaken application of it few of the present inhabitants. , But this was not the end of the petition. The people of Indiana were not satlsfied'witli out? repulse. They returned to the charge; and four times more, in the course of as many years, renewed their application fur tho ten year! suspension of .the ordinance. It was rejected each time, and oncu in the Senate, where the North Carolina Senator (Mr. Jcso Franklin) was chairman of tho ' committee which made a report ugains it. Fivo times, in as many years, rejected by Congress; and tho rejection tho more emphatic in some instances because it was the rtvcrsal by tho House of a favorable report from a committee. And now what inhabitant of Indiana does not rejoice at the deliveranco which tho firmness of Congress then gave them in spite of the request of its inhabitants fifty years ago? Thus, five times in thp beginning of this century five ditferent times, and without any distinction between Northern and Southern members did Congress refuse to "impair" the slavery compromise of 1787, notwithstanding five times asked for by the people of the territories. Ohl squatter sovereignty, where were you then? It was a case for you to have shown your head, to have "arisen in your might and established your supremacy forever. It was a case of a Convention of the sovereigns themselves, and neither this Convention nor the Con gress had a dream of their sovereignty. i'he convention petitioned Congress as a ward would its rruardian or childrc!under age would petition iheir father, and Congreas answered like a good guardian or a good father, that it would nut give the man evil, nltho' they begged lor it. Benighted times, these, und infinitely behind the present age. Thu mare's nest had not then been found in which has been laid the marvelous egg. out of winch has been hatched the nondescript fowl yclept Squatter Sovereignty." The illustiija$ principle of non-intervention had W thru been invented. The ignoramuses of that day had never heard of it, though now to be learned in every horn-book; and 1 believe, nowhuiuelsu but in the horn-books. MOW IT 11 PltOrOSED TO DISTUKU THE CUMr'KO.Ml.sE. Five times, in the beginning of this century did "Congress refuM: lo impair the slavery compromises of '87; and now, in the middle of the century, and after thirty years of peace under the Missouri Compromise, iho ollVpring and continuation of '87, we are jailed upon, not merely to impair for a season, but to destroy forever a far greater comuromise. txteiiuiux to iar more territory, and growing " . f .w .... ... And how called in. w.i it i n 1 in mm : ... 1 . . I. . .1 . -1. ...i, in in a am. 0, r 1L-L1M1... Ill LlllUCim. ... w - - . " i . a.iiTiriawiiittiiiiia.iauiiL.iAU4.aiu bliiui vii.,i... - j ; y I ... i 1. f ' L' I i.,l.... ln l I..I.L..U ; m men uuv rae, , up tue r umcm fye. hundred barrels of gunpowder Iii. I in ilia ....11 jr nn.I.-r the Wood. Iiis .u . . . My answer to such a motion is to be found in the whole volumo of my do lounain me wnoiu oiumu uiu; ' political life. rtriiir it ti n ii s m vrs i i ii i.i iiiiiiii nir. I hava stood tiDon the i K?r. s "r z :: lJ : wihwuii vumuiuii. . -j Years, nnd mean to stand Upon it tO ! h, Vnd of mv life: and. in doing so. . . - .. . " (shall act, not only according to my ! cherished convictions of my duty, but I , - , - i " uecoruing to tue onen ueeureu won tie- j , rea convic - ! lions of Ihe General Assembly of my r. ,. . i ,... e State, lilt mvioiaoiiuy oi umi, tum- ! promise line has often been declared i by lhat General Assembly, ana as late as 187. in these words: "JiesolveJ, That the peace, permaa I I nency, and welfare of our National 1 Union depend upon a strict aanerence to the letter and spirit of the eighth ! sictiua of the act of Congress of the

fir,, ui' tin. ITnirin rlpnfnd til) Oil a Rtl'ICt1. ... . . r.

i v - j r- ! adherence to the Missouri Compromise

; of 182J." So resolved the Generally jiave eXp0rtej tUteen millions of

which'are ambiguous and inconsistent and by throwing on others the responsioiuiy 01 us own act. It professes not to interfere with the sovereign ' riirht of the People to legislate for themselves; and the very hrst line ol 'this solemn profession throws upon them a horse-load of law, which they have no right to refuse, or time to read, or money to purchase, or nbility to understand. It throws upon them all the laws of the United States which I are not locally applicable; and that , comprehends all that are not specially inaue tor oilier Pisces: aiso.lt eaves j them tho Constitution of the United

States, tut without the jirlvelej of voting at Presidential or Corigrolonal t lent ions, or of making their own judiciary. This is non-lnterfertneo with a venngpanctd A community to ,be burled under ft mountain of strange law, and covered with a Constitution under w hit-It tht-y are not to have ono single political right. Why this circumlocution? this extension of a mountain of irrelevant law, with the exception of the only one relevant and applicable? Sir, it is the crooked, insiduous, nnd pusillanimous way of effecting the repeal of the Missouri Compromise lino. It'inoludcs all law for the sale of leaving cut one law; and effects a repeal by an omission, and legislaies by an exception. It is

a new way of repealing a law, and a bungling attempt to snitiggle Slavery into the Territory, and the country out to the Canada line and up to the Pocky Mountains. ( Concluded next veek.) Tins WANT OF MOITEYITS EFFECTS AND EIXEDIIS. A freat roystery has been made of one ot the simplest things in the world of business, the laws of money, its natural laws we mean. Nearly all persons are searching for the mystery of money at the bottom of tho jvell when it's on tho surface visible to all eyes. There are three very ditferent elements constantly jumbled up by nearly all who speak on the subj ct, and -yet are wholly different and opposite in their qualities. These are capital, money and junction of money. They can all be illustrated in the case of a single individual. Suppose Peter Simpson, a man worth a hundred thousand dollars, in lands and houses; has a thousand dollars tax to py, but has no mone'y, (a case which has often lippciied,) it is plain that Peter must fail lo pay if he does not borrow it. Now here is capital without money. Now, suppose Peter Simpson has a hundred dollars to p;y each day to A. . - who in to pay B, who is to pay C, who is to pay ü.and so on to W, ho is to pay Peter Simpson a hundred dollars each day. Now Peter has a huudred dollars to begin with, but A. D. C, etc. have none. Peter Simpson pays A his hundred dollars. Now, it is very obvious, that whether Peter Simpson is able to pay A the second hundred dollars will depend altogether on tho question whether the lint hundred dollars lias circuluted through the hands of A, B, C, Ü, etc., till it came back to Pettr Simspson in time for his second puymvnt t'his circulating of money is its peculiar function as a medium of exchange. In this example we see that money may bo scurce from any of these causes, lst.it may be scarce from the want of capital to command it; or 2d, it may be Ecarce from the want of currency, mony proper; or 3d, it may be scarce from ... , .... ., inn WÜHL oi circuLULian. nr raui.-r deficiency of exchange, or rather the r,.nntrv I " " " J ' ; ft . supposing, lor example, a, a merchant of New York, to be engaged in th imnnrt nir h,i-,-i..JJ . . . . v he has iiHr,,L. cul but h buvfi on0 hundrt!1 ..... - : iluan J dollar, moreoJi than hi . ü . f . . .... . r . i lion ol selling them in time to meet ,lU sij wn n doej stU I.. .. v v n . .. ... ,.m1.v v 7 n,iw ! p;;M...: I " . - i a . ftt moUis tiiue. pot having nmtM nion(,r cnmt'rh X V 7 on. I ! wr ... ii .i iaxT.r VrT' V"V WJ' ' ' country reirtiiers. mi i tailcra sell them to lese country re1 Z -; V - ! : ?? ""'T lei ... , . . i iwuau, miii im. luaitiauaig aic ut r Z' ""ä" v.iv uuivimiir. v. n titai , - l. ,f .. ,n. 1 . number of railroad hand engaged in the construction of the Tombijrbee

railway. ;ow suppose the railway; ' AHITB1CX fails to sell its bonds, the individuals ; One T. JCottrell having advcrÜsed miss their calculation, and fail to pay ;hu wife in the Kosciusko Miss. Sun, M.IS. L.,etc, retailers, m time, the and warned the people not to trust retailers fail to pay Mess, a, X. Y. defter, that "injured female" had adZ, and thev fail to pay Mr. a, the imT ; dressed the editor of that paper iho porter. Mr. A, as remarked, is a 1 following response:

w...utG.p.w aa rat, ins money, rest. y , b v. I 0 ecomes scarce m New York, di i a s . i . every body asks what is the mat . lXTi . 'i v .... ..-.-.. j v . . . . wi.e v a . üBciVin . rr P. ... . .. . of Cufiness, commonly called over called trading. But that is not all, if this overtrading should happen to be with n t oicizu wiuiiuv, wiivre is . uaiauee tt : . .. . . . .i : i i . wiocu uvtictw lieu ncouiiirv, l, cm- , mryt lUHK'i u tVfiiru.((tyn VI crctli. F t.x imDie. 6ince the 1st of January i 11 . t- 1 dollars in specie toEuropc, much more than we have done in either of the latt (ivoycarstor Ihe same Urae. Ihia . is unquestionably tlae to overtrading. The cavte of the scarcity of money at present, is not the European War at all, as will be palpable from the consideration of the following facts, viz: 1. The capital of the country has accumulated with immense rapidity the last ten years, more rapidly than ever the last three. Capital, the fore is not deficient. If there are many railways making, so also the makingof the railways has increased the value of properly three times their cost. It is not that. , 2. The currency and coin of the coun try, never were so great, relatively, or absolutely at any period of our history. The currency has been increased in 1853, full fifty millions of dollars, and now amounts to fourteen dollars to each inditidual. The currency is therefore, not deficient. 3 The defici'-ncy is really ia the functional part of ihe currency, and this, again, has three or four different

VOL XXII NO. 21.

causes. The first and greatest is what we have illustrated above,' over-erten-dellutintit, " This arues as much fnm the real prosperity of tho country as anything. AH kinda of labor and (nttrprUc are wt 11 rewarded, and consequently everybody extends' business, enters upon new undertakings, makes great improve mi nts, and spt cu iates In stocks. Currency has increased, but the activity of lut 'mttt has tncrfd fufcter, and coimqucntly makes the drmanJ great than ihe supply, great as that is. If half the busi. ness of ihe country were supped money would be abundant. But that would throw U ns of thousands out of employment, and ruin thousands of families. Tho true principle is to keep all the iiiduttrial works, railways and all, in full progress, and create cap'xtal and mulUjjlytht activity a J function! ofraoney as wa go-along. There are tome things which may De suggested, both positive and negative, which, if cot practicable just at the present moment, may come in play hereafter. . 1 . As to the negative we say let no one suppose that the European War ia to injure us It can injure us in no way, except through the imagination. The Ports of the world are open to our produce, and we will only need it the more for the war. If the war threatens the prosperity of Europe, there will be more aptitude to buy American securities. 2. Let no one, especially among the men called capitalists, imagine thrt suspending work on railways will do Kood. The very reverse would be the fact. It would arrest the payments through the whole line of buyers and borrowers till it arrived at New Vork, where the importert andlankcrt would le the real Usert. The true plan, but one which requires Coursge, is lo aid all the railwoyi in progret to cvmple tlon. In this way the chain of payments can bo kept up, an in no other way. 3. The railways should issue their bonds in sums of 3100, in which case they should be transferred in much greater quantities, and ten times as much held by our own people, who are at last the largest holders. 4. ItHilway bonds in moderate amounts should be issued for ehort time, say five years, and small denominatinus, say 8100. They could be redeemed out of income, and at any rate, would be payable at a belter time. 6. Sooner or l iter, there must be a uniformity cf interest in. this ronntry. Our present fluctuating and devious legislation on money occasions a great deal of mischief. Some remedy should be devised for it. 6. If some financial genius would devise what is certainly profitable and perfectly consistent with the laws of trade a bank of settlements in each of our cities, it would be equivalent to doubling the currency wiuiout, any of its dangers. Such a bank in Cincinnati, for example, would not be available for payments out of the city, but it could settle with perfect ease and safety, nJnc-tenths of all the daily payments of the city, without requiring one-tenth of the amount in money. This was done by tho first bank of Venice and was the origin of the modern banking system, or rather, want of system as it now exsts. There are, no doubt, difficulties arising out of e j the complexity of banking in our citt les, out it seems plain to us, that the merchant and hink. nf an rlr mi.rT. Sv S 11 a k o S i " u,tV c;se. maKe a bann ot setüeI " . . ' 77 i uicuw, uicu wouiu commanu univer- ; 8ai confidence , AM.- 1 . 1 ' i . . iytuonai Dans, oi rjccüange. wu,10Ut V of. circulaüon and discount, would be unobjecüonable.and J " womu ?ae miln.ons .ol PtQ8 every year in the trasfer of monei . At - j j - - . . . ie?" !" f u e ,or nav,n? 7 Km got.RiUroa l Record. ' . oi monrv te r,ci latlSttniir I.nn , , " jw nEsPQvTni ? r. Rr-. ; r c j : . j I find in your paper an advertisement uua in i uiti Li.iuci nil u ci useuieni I vth'tr nJofT n rü1 i v v. hisv rizudsuiv vi aV utkrcäu iure - ! r' V .warning all persons from selhn" me ... ,l ... l.; . i .1.1 . i nil i iiiiii'r iiri in irnn inr onn nir kia . J a ; " . does not consider himself resDonsible for any debt I may contract. . . . f It was altogether unnecessary for Mr. Cottrell to insert such an adveri - , f . ;m j;. u; n u;. . t Violl rt lrr . ir . . . r not ü.fSra4t myself by replying "... v.vu. ..iu. vu ui.unuawi.uuui, x to the scurrilous advertisement of a man t. 1 r 1 . nuu u lui uiauy years ueen a urun- ! , - 3 . , . . d'' aDd ,r . vmIv-fct and rronit fiuva ipfr him 1rsr am a mal V VI eVaSLAe) IVU UWa) but, in conclusion, I will forewarn all persons from letting Mr. T. Cottrel nave anything on my account, as I have heretofore paid his debts ani supported him, and cannot consistently with my own feelings and interest do so any more. MARTHA ANN McCRARY. Carroll co., March 28, '54. On Mr. Benton's quotation from Burke in his anti-Nebraska speech, that "he did not care three skips of a louse," e'e, the Washington Star has the following: EPIQRAHATTC. Whoa Eentoa to Burk fo authority tariii, 111 fig u ret of speech to determine. He both the sublime and the beaaUful pure, ToUatefailjr Introduce rermln, And prove bat all art of fogies have said, bey're ever rjetlnf wSat run la tbelr bead. CCrOxygen may be obtained in larjt quantities Irom the paroxides of man psneie, lead and msreury, and citrate and chlorate of potasaa, when they ar exposed to a red heat.

1