Indiana American, Volume 16, Number 38, Brookville, Franklin County, 15 September 1848 — Page 2

WEBSTER' SPEECH,

' ed to obtain access to these sources as best I

; migM, and to obtain my Information from those who have known his services and character a a

Genttj-.mi: Although it bid not been my suldier and a man, and from hrs conversation fnirnos, darins th rec-s of Congress, to ad- with his frieiids npon political anbjects. And I drew any public assembly on political snbjects, ' will tell you frankly what I think of him. I have Mt it my duty to comply with your re- That he Is a ekilful, brave and vatmnt soldier, piwt aa neighbors aiid felTovv-tmvTvsrrren, and is admitted fty all. No one'denies It. But that to meet voir here to-day. And I am not on- goes with me but a very little way. What is willing to avail myself of thi occasion to sig- ; more importaut, I believe him to be an honest nifv to the people, of the United States, my 1 man, an Upright man, a modest, clear-headed

opinions upon the preseat state of ear public '. man,a man of independent character, possessing

afF.iir.

I shall perforin thst duty certainly with great frank nsr and, I hope, with candor. It is not my purpose, to-day, to carry any point to act , as any man's advocate. to put up or to put , down anybody. It is my wish and purpose to .

And I will only repeat that those who had the most agency, origiually, la bringing him before the people, were Whig conventions and meetings in several States free States and a

great majority of the Philadelphia Convention from the free States. They might have reiec-

of the executive Chief Magistracy could well be placed. He has described himself, not as conservative, not as protective to present institutions, but as belonging to the party of progress. He believes in the doctrine of American destiny; aud that destiny is to go through wars, and

tablish a great, powerful, domineering govern- i willing to bring in the territory, and then have

ment over all this continent We know that if a squabble and controversy whether it should be

he should be the successor of Mr. Polk. But I

think him a man of rash politics, pushed on by

years past. I think the North star has at last a rash party, and pledged to a line of policy not,

been dissolved, but up ta the close of the last

session of Congress there had been no North. We have read in Pope

"Ak Where's the North t York "tit on the Tweed, In Scot I mid at the Orcades and thrrr,

At ureenland, Zrmnla, or the Lord know where."

And if it is meant to inquire "Where is the North?" if by the North is indicated a firm,

solid, substantial resistance to the extension of

slavery If any such place ever existed, It was

the Lord knows where. I do not.

In the year 1841, the Democrats of the North, the friends of Mr. Van Buren let in Texas. All

the Whigs in the Senate, with one or two excep

tions, resisted that annexation. Ten Southern

a mind properly aiscipunea ana controlled, i believe him to be estimable and amiable in all the relations of private life. I believe that he possesses a reputation for equity and for judg

ment which gives him an influence over those under his command, beyond that conferred by

address you in the language and spirit of con- j authority or station, I believe that he possesses ference and consultation. In the present ex- ; the entire confidence and attachment of all who traordinary crisis of our public concerns, I de- have been near him, or have known him. sire to hold no man's consicence bat my own. ; So much for whet I think of Gen. Taylor's

My own opinions I shall communicate freely personal character. And I will say, too, that !)d fearlessly, al together with a disregard as to 1 so far as I have observed, his conduct since his conseqnences, whether with respect to myself 1 nomination has been irreproachable. There has er with respect to others. been no intrigue on his part, no contumelious Gentlemen, we are on the eve of a highly im- 1 treatment of any rivals, no'promisses or hopes portant Presidential election. In two or three . to any men, or to any party. We do not find months the peonl will be called upon to elect a , him putting forward any pretensions of his

President of the United States, and we all see, own. And I believe of him, as he believes of and all feel, that the great interests of the coun- : himself, that he is an honest man, of upright trv are to be affected, for good or for evil, by the purposes and, as to his other qualifications for results of that election. the Presidency he has nothing more to say. Of the interesting subjects over which the Now, friends and fellow townsmen, with reperson who shall be so elected must necessa- ' spect to his political preferences, I will say that rilv, from his position, exercise more or less I believe him to be a Whig to hold to the main control, there are three of great and paramount doctrines and uphold the great principles of lha imnortance. , Whig party. To believe otherwise would be

In the first place, the honor and happiness of to impute to him a degree of tergiversation and j Wh,R Senators voted Bgainst it, and only two Tor . . . - , .... . .... lit Rnl 1.. Anll,..n U'LU .l..l Ik.

iw. .Anni.n nj Mm. m thi ihA i h m irauiiu PHI nretensmna ni wtnrn i eunnnsA i

I I1C . V'U 11 1 1 J 1 1 1 1 J 1 1 : auicij iiuiiv ...u I It "

Magistrate elect shall not plunge us I into any . him utterly in-apable

further wars of ambition and conquest. Gentlemen, it is worth ourwhKe to consider In the next place, the interests of the conutry, ! In what manner General Taylor became a canand the feelings of a vast majority of the people J didate. It is a great mistake to suppose that lie of the country, require that the President of the j s tl,e selection merely or the Philadelphia ConUnited States, to be elected, sh:dl not use his . vention, for he was nominated in various States official power to promote, shall not entertain a j by numerous popular conventions, a year be-

feeling in his heart to promote the extension of , tore the hiladelphia Convention assembled.

Gentlemen, the whole history of the world shows us that, whether in the most civilized or the most barbarous ages, the affections and admiration of the people are easily and always

carried away by successful military talents and achievments. And in the case now before us, Gen. Taylor, by his own brilliant operations on

the Rio Grande, at Palo Alto, and elsewhere, secured spontaneous nominations from portions of the people in all the States. And let me

say, too, that they were mostly Whig nominations not always, it is true, but generally they were Whig nominations. General Taylor has been esteemed, from the moment his military achievments brought him into public notice, as a Whig general. You all

remember that when we were discussing In

ted him if they had so chosen and wanted any- j invasions, and armies of aggrandizement toes- should be obtained by conquest. They were

body else. This, then, is the case presented to the Whigs, so far as respects the personal fitness and character of General Taylor. And now they the gentlemen at Buffalo

talk about the dictation of the slave power.

They talk of it I don't They talk of the tri

umph of the South over the North. There is not one word of truth in it. I say upon my

conscience, that evil aa the influence of the slave institution is, the North has borne her full

share and part in that evil. Northern votes have

been given for every instance of projected slave

increase. And, gentlemen, we talk of the North

but there has been no North, at least not for

' r r mm f rt . . . I j i .1 T 1 II . . .. t 1 1

trom maine; mr. iMies, iroro onnecucni; ana ; tar lougrruiau i sunn remain in u. I nave naa others, voted against it, and the vote was lost. jome paitlcipation for more than thirty years in B , the councils of the country; I profess to feel a That is, these gentlemen, some of them very rtrong Bltachmel.t to the liberties of the United prominent, and firm friends of Mr. Van Buren, States to the constitution and free institutions and ready to take the field for him these very 'of the United States to the honor, aud I may

gentlemen voted not to exclude territor, that wy we gIOry oi m.s greai oovernmem ana gre

waa u -s j

Mr. Cass could have prevented it, the treaty with England in 1842 would not have been made; we know that if Mr. Casa could have prevented it, the settlement of the Oregon question would

not have been accomplished In 1846. We know that Mr. Cass could have prevented the decla

ration of war with Mexico, if he had pleased. We know that he pressed it, and was foremost in advocating that war in every way and form.

We know that Gen. Casa is a man of talent, of

ability, of some celebrity aa a statesman, and that

slave or free territory. I was of opinion that the true and safe policy was, to shut out the whole question, by getting no territory, and

thereby keep off the controversy. Gentlemen In an Important crisis in English

history, as is related, when the country was threatened with the accession of a Prince who was a bigot to the Roman Catholic Religion, then called the Duke of York, a proposition was made In Parliament to exclude him from the throne. Some said that was a very rash meas-

he ia in every way superior to his predecessor, if j ure, brought forward by very rash men, that

slavery, or any further Influence of the institu

tion of slavery in our public councils. And, in the third place, it is my settled conviction if any judgment of mine, or any experience of mine in public affairs, an experience not now short, can enable me to know anything about the matter it is, I say, my deliberate opinion that the state of the country requires an essential reform In the existing system

of revenue aud fmauce, with a view to the protection of the industry, and the fostering of the labor of the people. There are three great and essential topics now before the country. There are others, but these three are the principal. Now, gentlemen, there are three candidates presented for the choice of the American peo

ple. Gen. Taylor, the candidate of the Whig party, standing upon the nomination of the Whig Convention held at Philadelphia Gen. Cass the candidate of the opposing and now dominant party and third, Mr. Van Buren, standing upon the nomination of the late Coi -ventionat Buffalo, whose object, or whose main ohject, as it appears to me, is centered in one

Congress the merits of the generals, on the question of presenting thanks to the army, the supporters of the administration and the friends of Mr. Polk denounced General Taylor because he was a Whig. My friend whom 1 am happy to meet here, the representative In Congress from this district, (Hon. Artemas Hale.) will remember that a leading man of the party, and a promi-

only of these conMderationsl have mentioueJ ! nont friend of the administration, in his place the prevention, namely, of any further increase J in Congress, declared that it was the policy of or slavery, or of the Increase of slave power. 'the administration to prosecute the Mexican An object, gentlemen, in which I need hardly war, and that policy could never prosper till the say, you and I entirely concur. j recall of these Whig Generals, Scott and TayMostof us here to-day are Whigs National ( lor. That was the policy of the DemocracyWhigs Massachusetts Whigs Old Colony j u was the Democratic merit and glory and on

Whigs Marshfield Whigs. And if the Whig nomination at Philadelphia were entirely satisfactory to the Whigs of Massachusetts and to

that ground the Democrats would refuse a vote of thanks to a Whig General. nnoral Th -1 nr vaa tiATninta1 mnintv t li 11

us, the path of our duty in regard to it would be; by Whig conventions and Whig meetings in perfectly plain. But the nomination was not numerous quarters of the country.

thus satisfactory to the Whigs of Massachusetts. That is plain, and it would be itlle to attempt to conceal the fact. It is more just and patriotic to take things as they are, and deduce your convictious cf duty from what actuallyexists before Us. We know, gentlemen, that however respec-

I remark, gentlemen, in the next place, that there was no particular purpose concerning the advancement of slavery entertained by those who nominated him. As I have said, the nomination was made by Whig meetings and conventions more in the northern and middle States than at the South and the men who did

table and distinguished in the line of his profess-' nominate him never entertained any desire to Ion, or however estimable as a citizen, General J extend the area of slavery, through his adminTaylor Is a military man merely. He has had yt rat ion, or by his influence. The Quaker no training in civil affairs he has had no par- I city of Philadelphia, the great State of Pennticipation in the councils of the Republic he is j aylvania, certainly nominated him with no known only by his brilliant achievments at the uch views. We remember that a large conhead of an American army. Now, the Whigs j vention in the City of New York, composed of of Massachusetts, and 1 among them, are of the highly respectable men, many of whom are peropiniou that it was not wise, not discreet, to go sonally known to me, nominated him, and certo the army for our candidate for the Presidency. I tally they had no such views. And the nomiThis is the first instance in the history of the j nation was hailed, not very extensively, but by Government of the United Stales that any mere . some enthusiastic and not very far-seeing polimilltary man has been proposed for that office, j ticians, here in Massachusetts, amongst us, who Washington was an eminent military man, but ' raised the notes of exultation over their antici-

far greater in his civil character. He was em- ! pated triumph, certainly early enough, perhaps

little too early for sound judgment and disc re

tion. They might belter have waited a little. But gentlemen, the truth is, and no one can avoid seeing it unless, as is sometimes the case, the object is brought too near the eye to be discerned that these Whig meetings and this Philadelphia Convention proceeded exactly

ployed in the service of the country from the artiest dawn of the American revolution he was a member of the Continental Congress

and, In that body, established for himself a great reputation for civil judgment, wisdom aud abil- j ily. After the war, as yon know, he was one of the Convention which formed the Constitu- 1

tion of the I mted Hates and it is one of the . Coordtiip to this reason: that, believing Gener-

most honorable tributes ever paid to him that . ) Taylor to be a Whig, they thought he could he should have been selected by the wise men be elected more easily than any other Whig who composed that Convention, to preside over Tjmt was the whole of it That sagacious, wise, their deliberations. And his name stauds first ! farming doctrine of availibility, lies) at the and foremost appended to the Consti tution un- bottom of the whole matter, der which we live. President Harrison was So far, then, from imputing any motive or bred a soldier, and rendered his country Impor- desire for the promotion or extension of slavery

But these Southern Whig votes against the

scheme of annexation were overpowered by the

votes of the Free State Democrats, New England Democrats among the rest. If it had not

been for these New England votes, Texas would have been out of the Unioa to this dav. If New

England Senators had been as true to the cause of Liberty and the country, aa Southern Whigs were, Texas would now be Texas still. There

were four New England gentlemen in the Sen

ate who supported the administration in this measure. One from Maine, two from New Hampshire, and one from Connecticut one who

had held high office under Mr. Van Buren.

They these four men voted for the proposi

tion, and to let in Texas against the votes and

wishes of lha Southern and Northern Whigs.

Gentlemen, when several Northern members

of Congress, in 1818, voted in favor of the so-

called Missouri compromise, against the known

will of their constituents, they were called "dough-faces. For my part, fellow citizens, I am afraid that the generation of dough-faces will be as perpetual aa the generation of men. In 1844, as we all know, Mr. Van Buren was a candidate for the Presidency. But he lost Ii'ib nomination at Baltimore, and, as we now learn from a letter from General Jackson to Mr. Butler, Mr. Van Buren's claims were superceded solely because, after all, the Sonth thought that the great question of annexation might be more safely trusted to Southern than to Northern hands. Now we all know that the Northern portion of the Democratic party, was favorable to the election of Mr. Van Buren. Every man of that party at the North so felt But the moment when it was found that Mr. Polk was the favorite of the South, and upon this very ground, at that very moment these friends of Mr. Van Buren all caved In. Not a man of them stood his ground. And Mr. Van Buren himself wrote a letter very complimentary to Polk and Dallas, and finding no fault whatever with their nomination. Now if those Northern men who voted

for the Missouri Compromise are to be called dough faces, by what epithet shall we describe these men, here in New England, who are now so ready to forsake and abandon the men they once so warmly supported for, apparently, the sole, simple sake of the annexation of Texas and other new territory who went for them thro' thick and thin till the work was accomplished; and then, and now desert them for others. For my part , I think that "dough-faces" is not a sufficiently reproachful epithet. They are all dough. Dough-heads dough-hearts doughsouls. They are earth that the coarsest potter may mould to vessels and shapes of honor or dishonor most readily to those of dishonor. But now, what do we see? Repentance has gone far. There are amongst these very gentlemen many who espouse the interest and causa of the "free soil party." And I hope their repentance is as sincere as it pretends and appears

to be that it ia not mere pretence for the purpose of obtaining power and official influencebut through all these pretensions, I think I still see the dough sticking npon some of their cheeks. 1 herefore, I have no confidence in them not a particle. I do not mean to say that tha great mass of the people, especially those that went to that Convention from this State, had not and have not the highest and purest motives. I think they acted unwisely. I acqnit them of dishonest intentions. And with respect tooth

ers, and thorn who Trave been part and parcel

with them those who have brought ilat'ry in to this Union I distrust. Ifthev renent t.t

aa I believe, consistent with the security of the

peace and honor of tha country. Therefore, it ia for yon, and for me, and for all of us Whigs

to consider, whether In this state of the case

we can, or cannot, we will, or will not, give our votes for the Whig nomination. 1 leave that to every man's conscience. I have endeavored to

state the case aa it presents itself to me.

Gentlemen, before Gen. Taylor's nomination,

I stated always, when the subject was mentioned

by my friends, that I did not and could not tec-

ommend the nomination of a military man to

tha people of the United States, for the office of

President It was against my conviction of

what was due to the beat interests of the coun

try, and to the character of the Republic. I

stated also, at tha same time, that if Gen. Tay

lor should be nominated by the Whig Conven

tion, I should not offer any opposition to his

election. I stand anon the same ground now.

they had better admit him and then put limita

tions npon him chain him down restrict him.

When the debate was going on, a member Is re

ported to have risen and expressed his sentiments

by rather a grotesque and plain comparison, but

one of considerable force, which waa aa follows:

"I hear a lion in the lobby room, Say, Mr. Speaker, shall we shut the door And keep him out, or let him in And then try to get Mm out again!"

Other more confident spirits, who are of the

character of Woomwell, were for letting the li

on in, and disturbing all the interests of the country, but I was for keeping him out altogether. And when this Mexican treaty came before the Senate, it had certain clauses ceding New Mexico and California to the United States. A southern gentleman, Mr.

Badger, of North Carolina, moved to strike out those clauses. Now you understood, that if a motion to strike out a clause be supported by one-third, it will be struck out that is, two-

thirds of the Senate must vote for each clause,

I feel every injury inflicted on this- country,

almost as a personal injury. I blush for every fault which I think I see committed in its public

couneils, as if they were faults or mistakes of

my own. I know that at this moment, there is no object upon earth so attracting the gaze of tha intelligent and civilized nations of tha earth aa

this great Republic. Ail men look at us, all

men examine aur course, all good men are anx

ious for a favorable result to this great expert' ment of Republican liberty.

We are as a city set on a hill, and cannot be

hid. We cannot withdraw ourselves either from

the commendation or tha reproaches of the civ

ilized world. 1 hey see us aa the star of em'

pire which half a century ago was predicted as making its way westward. I wish they may see

it aa a mild, placid, though brilliant orb4making its way athwart the whole Heavens to the en

lightening and cheering of maakind, and not a

meteor of bra and blood, terrifying the nations.

BULLETIN NO. 5.

rilHE Season of the .1 7 rha come hrn rxtrrme care houid be taken of the health. Nearly all the diieaira of

summer are traceable to expoaarea in tbe Spring, or to the neglect of thoie

rnruicai mrana which ihould hare been retorted to. It it not urp riling that the human yttrro ihou Id be po werfu 1 1 j affected at thia time. The whole realm of nature how that vnnilHf.ii in

fluence! are abroad. Th oater world awake to new

life, and man and bea.it and all animated nui

are affected. Mow ia tbe time, therefore, to ate inch medicinal preparations a eiperimee haa shown to ba

iiiaiuuir ia ine prerention ana core ot diseasva. Aa

SrKING MEDICINES, the Graefenbert; Vegetable Pilla, the Graefenbrrr Health Bitten, and tbe Graefenbert; Saraapanlla Compound, ihould superceded all others. For universal use the Pills and Bitters are of incalculable value. Those who take them need not fear the ener

vating effecta or tbe Summer which is at hand. The

WW

obpet ot the present Bulletin it to apprize tbe pub-

incKnowieagra iiperionij ot loruraetenber

SAKSAFARILLA COMPOUND.

I considered that such a nomination it waa not in order to have it retained. Tha vote on that

tant military services. Rut General Harrison, nevertheless, was for a much greater part of his life in civil than in military service. He wa for twenty years either Governor of a Territory,

(it for the Whigs to make. Still my opinion on the subject was, in the nature of things, subject to some exceptions. If I supposed that General Taylor would be likely to plunge the country into any further wars for any purposes of ambition or conquest, I would oppose him, let him be nominated by whom he might; if I believed that he was a man who would exert his Influence for the further extension of the slave power, I would oppose him, let him ba nominated by whom ha might. But I do not believe either. I believe that he has been, from the first, opposed to the policy of ihe Mexican war, as im

proper, Impolitic and inexpedient I believe, from the best information I can obtain and you will take this aa my opinion, gentlemen I believe, from the best information I can obtain, that ha has no disposition to go to war, or to increase the limits of slavery, or to allow of tha annexation of new States to this Union.

Gentlemen, ao much for what may bo con

sidered aa belonging to the Presidency as a na

tional question. But the case by no means stops here. We are citizens of Massachusetts. Wa are Whlga of Massachusetts. We have suppor

ted the present Government of the State for years with success; and I have thought that most Whigs were satisfied with the administration of

the State government in the hands of those who have had It. But now it is proposed to establish a new party, on tha basis of the Buffalo platform, and to carry this issue into the State elections, aa well as into the national elections. There is to be a nomination of a candidate for Governor, against Mr. Briggs, or whoever may be nomina-, ted by the Whigs; and there is to be a nomination of a candidate for Lieutenant Governor, a-

gainst Mr. Reed, or whoever may ba nominated by the Whigs; and there are to be nominations against the present members of Congresa. Now, what is the utility of all that? We have ten members in the Congresa of tha United States. I know not ten men of any party who are more zealous, and firm, and inflexible, in their opposition against slavery in any form. And if the Whig candidates should be defeated,what would ba the result? Suppose that a considerable number of Whigs secede from the Whig candidates, and go to candidates of this new party; what will be the result? Do not we know what haa been the case in this county? Do not wa know that thia dis

trict haa been unrepresented from month to month, and from year to year, because there haa been an opposition to aa good an anti-slavery

man as breathes the air of thia District? On thia occasion, and in this presence, I may allude to our present representative, Mr. Halo. Do

wa want a man to give a better vote in Congresa than Mr. Hale givea? Why, I undertake to say that there Is not one of the Liberty party, nor will there be one of thia new party, who will have the least objection to Mr. Hale, except that ha waa not nominated by themselves. Tan to one, if the Whigs had not nominated him, they would have nominated him themselves. Now, gentlemen, I remember it to have occurred that on many very important questions In Congress, the vote was lost for want of two OT three members which Massachusetts might have sent, but which, in consequence of the di

vision of parties, aha did not send. Many qu

them, before we trust them, do wors worthy of. tions went wrong that would had gone right, If

as opperating upon these conventiona throughout the country, or on that at Philadelphia at least as regards the majority of their members in the nomination and election of Genera)

a Member of Congress, or a Minister abroad. j Tayior( i don-t brieve one word or it. And he performed bis duties in all these jstatious j Rut t ,al part of wha, ; ca,1wl ,he

to the satisiaciton ot we people. , Rufr,d platform, says that the nomination at

This case, therefore, stands by itself, without ( Philadelphia was made under the dictation of!

a precedent In our previous history. And It is ibe slave power. I don't believe a word of that on this account, principally, I imagine, that the ' either. For there was a great majority of memWhigs of Massachusetts feel dissatisfied at the bers from the free States in that body, who nomination. There are other reasons of less might have nominated any body elsi they chose, importance, and more easily to be answered. ' on whom they rould agree. And, then, there But, geutlemen, if I m.y venture to use a were a great many of his most earnest advomercantile expression, there Is another side to rates, some from New England, who would this account, aud impartiality aud duty require ! sooner cut otT their right hands than submit to us to consider that. ! any such dictation ia any such case. I may In the first place Gen. Taylor was nominated J not admire their discretion or policy, but I must by a Whig Convention, in conformity with the acquit them of all such base motives as have uagw of the party for years past. He was been charged upon them. I think I underf.urly nomiuated, so far as I know, and is now stand their motives. Their reasoning waa just to be considered aa the only Whig, fairly before this: "General Taylor is a Whig, an eminent the country as a candidate for the Presidency; j man not indeed in civil life, but circumstances and no citizen claiming to lie a Whig, can give ! have given him eclat with the people; if he is

Ins vote for an v other, let his personal prefereu- elected, with him we shall have an increase of

the V lug strength in Congress, and therefore it is best to snstain him. That was the object and motive, however wise or unwise, of a larg majority of the Convention. In my opinion it was a wholy unwise policy. It was not suited to the Whig character. It was short sighted . But I acquit the members of the Convention of any of the notives ascribed to them, especially this one set forth in the Buffalo platform. Such, gentlemen, are the circumstances connected with the nomination of Gen. Tavlor.

ces be what they may. In the next place, it is proper to consider the personal character and political opinions of Cn. Taylor, so f tr as knnwn. Now, I wish every body to understand that I have no personal acquaintance whatever with Geo. Taylor. I ouly saw him once, and then but for a few moin nits, ia the S-jn tte ChnuiW. The sources of information from which I derive my acquain

tance with his political opinionsare open to you ' add all, a well as lo me. But I have endeavor-

repentance.

I have said, gentlemen, that in my opinion, If it were desirable to place Mr. Van Buren at the head of the government, there Is no chance for him. Others are aa good judges as I am. But I am not able to say that I know of or can see any State in theT.nion, in which there ia a reasonable probability that he will get a single vote. There may be. Others are more versed in such statistic than I am. But I see not, and therefore I think that the issue is exactly between

Oen. Cass and Gen. Tavlor.

You may remember that in the discussion of

1844, when Mr. Birney, in New York and other states, was drawing off Whig votea from Mr.

Clay, I said that every Whig vote for Mr. Birney was half a vote for Mr. Polk. Waa It not true? Did it not turn out as I stated? In New York, that great state, the votes carried off from the Whig party for Mr. Birney defeated the election of a Whig President, and therefore Mr. Polk waa elected. That is as clear as any historical fact. And, in my judgment, it will be so now. I consider every Whig vote given to Mr. Van Buren directly aiding the election of Mr. Casa. Mark, I say Whig vote. Now, there may be States in which Mr. Van Buren may draw from the other side largely. But I speak of Whig votes, in this State and in any State. And I am of opinion that any vote given to Mr. Van Buren enures to Gen. Cass. Now, as to General Cass, gentlemen. We need not go to tbe Baltimore platform to instruct ourselves aa to what his politic are, or how he will conduct the Government General Cass will coma i nto the Government, if at all, as coming in by the same party that elected Mr. Polk; and he will "follow in tha footsteps of his illus-

this district, only, had bean represented. And ! now I foresee that if In thia district any consld- i erabla number of Whiga think it their duty to

join in the support of Mr. Van Buren, and in

the aupport of gentlemen whom that party may nominate for Congress I foresee the same thing will take place, and we ahall be without a Representative, in all probability, In the first session of the next Congress, when the very battle ia to be fought on thia very slavery question. I am sure that honeat'intelligent and patriotic Whigs, will lay thia consideration to their consciences, and judge of it aa they think they ought to do. Gentlemen, I will detain yon but a moment

longer. You know, perhaps, that I gave my vote in Congresa against the treaty of peace with Mexico, because it brought under the authority of the United States, with a pledge of future admission Into the Union, the great, vast, and almost unknown territory known as New Mexico and California. Other gentlemen were willing to admit that territory, and leave the question aa to whether it ahould be a free territory or not, as an open question, but I thought it better to keep it out altogether. In the session before the last, one of the Southern Senators, Mr. Berrien of Georgia, had mov

ed a resolution, to the effect that the war ought not to be continued for the purpose of conquest and acquisition. He declared that the war with

Mexico ought not to be prosecuted by thia Gov

ernment with any view to the dismemberment

of that Republic, or to the acquisition, by conquest, of any portion of her territory. That proposition he introduced in the form of a resolu

tion into Congress, and I believe that everv

Whig tn Congresa but one voted for it But the Senators belonging to the Loco Foco or Demo-

trious predecessor." laughter. 1 hold him, I cratic party voted against it. The Senators I con less, in the pre sent state of the country, to j horn New York voted against it Gen. Cass, be the most dangerous man in whom the power from the free Btate of Michigan; Mr. Fairfield,

question wa 3d to 14. Not one-third. And

why waa there not one-third? Only because four New England Senators voted against the motion.

That la the only reason. They said we must

have peace at any rate. And there was thia sort

of apology which I confess rather annoyed me

at the time that certain portions of the pnblic

press, that a good many respectable people of

the country, and especially in the large citiea, many of whom I hold in great estimation, cried out "Peace! Peace!" "Staunch the wound of

war and let us have peace." I did not feel dis

posed to be carried away by any such enthusi

asm. I believed we could get peace just a soon without these new accessions of territory as with them, and I was disposed to leave it to the people to say whether the war should be carried on longer for the sake of acquiring territory or no if so, they were the artificers of their own fortune and must take the consequences. I was not afraid of the people on that subjedt If the rejection of those articles had continued the war some time longer, I would have preferred that the war should continue some time longer rather than that those territories lying on our south-

ern border should come in hereafter as alave ter

ritory. I ahould speak on this subject with more confidence, were It not that other gentlemen of the same party with myself voted for the treaty.

I voted to atrike out the articles of cession.

They would have been stricken out if our New England Senators had voted for the motion. I

then voted against the ratification of the treaty ,8c

that treaty would have failed If three New England Senatora had voted as I did and Whig Senators too. I should do the same thing again

and with much more resolution I would have

ran a still greater risk, I would have endured a

still greater shock before I would have agreed to

any thing rather than have been a participator in any thing which should have a tendency to

annex Southern territory to the States of thia

Union. Gentlemen.sincel have had the honor of receiv

ing the invitation to meet my fellow-citizens

here after receiving thia invitation I should

say I found it necessary in the discharge of my

duty, though with great inconvenience to mv

health, to go to Washington, and to be present

at the closing scenes of the session. You know

what there transpired. You know th e impor

tant decision that'was made in both houses of

Congress, in regard to Oregon. The immediate

question was the passage of the bill establishing the territory of Oregon, and as it at first passed

the Senate, it established the new territories aa

slave-holding territories. The House disagreed

The Senate, receded from its amendment, and

the bill passed establishing Oregon as a free territory, and making no provision for the newly

acquired territories on the South.

Gentlemen, my vote and the reasons I gave

for it, are probably known to the good people of

Massachusetts, and I have not heard that they yet expressedjany particular disapprobation of it

But this question ia to be resumed at the first

of the next Congress I think not in this Congrtta I think at least there is no probability that it will be settled at the next session of this

Congress; but the first session of the next Con

grass this question will be resumed. It will

enter at thia very period into all the elections of

the South. And now I venture to say, gentlemen, two things the first well known to you that Gen. Casa Is in favor of what is called the Compromise Line; and that the Wilmot Proviso, or the Ordinance of 1767, which excludes slavery

from territories, ought not to be applied to territories lying south of 36 degr 30 minut.

He announced this before he was nominated

and if he had not announced it, he would have been thirty-fix degrees, thirty minutes further off from being nominated. In the next place he

will do all he can to establish that compromise line: and lastly, which is a matter of opinion in my conscientious belief, he will establish it Give him the power and the patronage of the government, let him exercise it over certain portions of the country, whose representatives voted on this occasion to leave that question for future consideration, to settle it that Oregon shall be free, and leave New Mexico and California to be decided hereafter; let him have the power of this government with his attachments, with his inducements; I verily believe unless there is a renewed strength, an augmented strength of Whig votes In Congress, he will accomplish his purpose. He will surely have the Senate, and with the patronage of the government with every interest which he can bring to bear, co-operating with every interest which tha South can bring to bear, he will accomplish tbe compromise line. We cry safety before we are out of the woods if we feel that there ia no danger about these new territories. Gentlemen, I came here to confer with you aa friends and countrymen, to speak my own mind, but if we all speak, and occupy aa much time as I have, w should make a late meeting. I shall detain you no longer. I hare been long in public life fa: longer

1 fcnl tire Oen. Trrlor'a Principle. "Baton Rodob, April S2d, 1848. "Dear Sir? My opinions hae recently been so often misconceived and misrepresented, that I deem it due to myself, if not to my frirnds, to make a brief exposition of them upon tbe topics to which you ba called my attention. "I hare consented to the use of my name ts a tandidate for the Presidency. I hare frankly avowed my own distjust of my fitness for that high station; but havina;, at the solicitation of many of my countrymen, taken my position as a candidate, I do not feel at liberty to surrender that position until my friends man-

test a wisn that I sbould retire from it. I will then most f Isdly do to. I hare no private purposes to ac coraplish, no party projects to build up, no enemies

to punisn notmne; to serv- nut my eountry. 1 have been very often addressed by letter, and my opinions have been asked upon almost every question that might occur to the writers as aBVetinr, the interests of their country or their party. I have not always responded to these inquiries, for various reasons. I confess, whilst I have rreat cardinal nrincinlea

which will retulate my political life, I am not sufficiently familiar with all the minute details of political leirisUtion t give solemn pledges to exert my influence, if 1 were President, to carry out this, or defeat ibat measure. I have no concealment. I hold

no opinion which I would not readily proclaim to my assembled countrymen; but crude impressions upon matters of policy, which may be rieht to-day and

wrone; to-morrow, are, perhaps, not the neat test or fitness for office. One who cannot be trusted without pledges, cannot be confided in merely an account of them. I will proceed, however, now to respond to your inquiries. Fr'. I reiterate what I have often (aid 1 sm a Whig, but not an ultra Whig. If elected I would not be the mere President of a psrty. I would endeavor to aet independent of party domination. I should feel bound to administer tbe Government untrammelled by party schemes. Sec nd. The veto power. The power given by the Constitution to the Executive to interpose his veto, is a high conservative power, but in my opinion should never be exercised except in easea of clear violation of theConstitution, or manifest haste and want of consideration by Congress. Indeed, I have t bought that for many years past the known opinions aud wishes of the Executive have exercised undue and in

jurious influence upon the legislative department of

tne uovernmem; ana lor tnis cause 1 nave tnoognt

our system was in danger of undergoing n great change from its true theory. The pmonat tpmtont

oj rne tnatvtauai was may Happen to occupy the Executive rkair, ought not to control the action ot Con-

greit upon quettiom oj domett ic policy; nor ought hit

oojcciiom to oc tmerpotea wrier e question oj conttitutional power have been tettled by the variout depart-

mcnri oj government, ana acqutctcea m ny tne people. Third. Upon the subject of the tariff", the currency, the improvement of our great highways, rivers,

akes, and harbors, the will of the ncoule. as express

ed through their representatives in Congress, ought to be respected and carried out by the Executive.

rourtn. 1 Be Mexican war. I sineerely rejoice at

the prospect of peace. Mr life hat been devoted to

arms, yet I look upon war of all timet, and under all

ctrcumttancet, at a national calamity, to Be avoided

if compatible with national honor. The principles of our Government, as welt as its true policy, are opposed to the uhj ugation of other nations and the dis

memberment ot other countries by conquest.

Sarsaparilla is of vast efficacy in cleansing the system from its foulest taints; but it must be prepared on the moatscieatifie principles and in the most falth-

iui manner, it is not enougn that we put it in large vessels or vats to steep or boil, mixing it with great quamitiea of molasses and water. An article thus manufactured must injure the tone of the Stomach, anp be comparatively inert. Tbe Sarsaparilla Com

pound manufactured by the Graefenberg Company, is a most powerful coneentratiom. II is to Sarsaparilla what Quinine is to Peruvian Bark; one bottle containing more virtue than ten of any othar ever before manufactured. The doM ia half a tea -spoonful only; so that there are more doses in a bottle than there is in the largest bottle in market af any.otb.ar manufacture. It is almost literally a Sulphate of Sarsaparilla. The public are well advised of the ates of Sana parilla, by means of the numerous advertisements which crowd the press. It is unnecessary for us, therefore, to trouble the reader with a recapitulation of the matter. We would simply add that all persons who have made up their minds to use the article should purchase no other than that made by thia Company. 07 It is warranted to be ten times mora efficacious than any other known; no matter bow large the bnttle, or extravagant th advertisements, because it contains in addition to Sarsaparilla. a now-

erf u I concentration of Mandrake, Burdock, Queen's Delight, Elder, Yellow Dock, Quiacum, and other important medicament which are not found in any other preparation. It haa performed cores of a kind almost surpassing belief, and it recommended bv the Faculty. 07The General Agent for Indiana ia Myers Seaton Centreville, Wayne Co., Ind. to whom applications for agencies may be addressed.

Agent t tor rranklm County. John S. Williams.

Broukville; fackafeller t Cooley, Rochester, E. Tyner, Metamora.

EDWARD BARTON, Secretary. New Tork, April, 1848. 14-w. For Ladies:. 6 ps. plain and fancy SILK. 30 ps. Ginghams. 4 ps. Lawn. 150 ps. Calico. S ps. Muslin De Lane. 30 ps. White Dress Goods and a general assortment

of plain and fancy Lusters, Bombazines and other

dress goods for Ladies, Just opening ana tor sal low by BURTON fc MARTIN.

36

PBS. 98 S4 " 34 4a u

4

Boots fc Shoes. Men's fine Calf Boot, do Kip Brogans. do Calf do do do Slipper. Women' Calf Buskin do Colored Ties.

do Kid Spring do

34 Children' Shoes.

Just received and for al low by May 10, 184S.

TT!ra?.

In tbe

language of the great Washington, 'Why ihould toe ouK aur orwn to ttnnd on Joreign ground?' In the Mexican war our national honor naa been vindicated; and in dictatig terms of peace we may well afford to

oe loroeanngana even magnanimous to ourlalien tor. These are my opinions upon the subjects referred to by you, and any reports or publications, wri Men

or verba), from any source, differing in any particu

lar irora wnat is here written, are unauthorized and nntrue.

I do not know that I hall arain write nnon the sub

ject of national politic. I shall engage in no schemes.

no combinations, no intrieues. If the American neu-

dle have not confidence in me, they ought not to give me their suffrage. Ifthev do not. you know me welt

enough to believe me when I declare I shall be con

tent, i am too old a soldier to murmur against such

nign auinonty. Z. TAYL.OR,

to (.apt. j. s. Allison."

Than this, we need no better or safer chart to

guide us. It points to the riehta of the people,

and assures the country that the Government ! t . a a. .

win oe Drougnt nacK to its original simplicity and purity; that wiser counsels will prevail in

.. ... . . .

its administration, and more benibcent measures

result from its action.

The Dntv af the Peottlr.

Through their erencv and not a is. General

Taylor la before the people, a candidate for their

sunragea. tie in, therefore, tneir candidate, ana

they must sustain him. He is their candidate, because they were for him, when the politiciana

were against him. He is their candidate, be

cause he was nurtured in their bosom, and grew up under their care. He ia their candidate, be

cause his sympathies are all with them, and his

interests their interests. He is their candidate

because his election will be the vindication of

their principles, and restore to them the right now so dangerously abused by selfish demagogues, to choose their own rulers. He is their candidate, because he appeals to their intelligence, confides in their honesty, and acknowledges their voice in the Government which they have established. He ia their candidate, because the Constitution, as construed by Washington and his compatriots, will be his guide- He is their candidate, because the beets interests of his whole country, fettered by no sectional feeling, and bounded by no geographical division, will be hia first wish and his last aim. Standing in this position, he challenges their support on every principle of right and duty. Men of all parties, whatever their past bickerings, may shake handa and unite under his banner, the broad, free banner of the country and its Constitution. All he has promised will be fulfilled, and be has promised all the fair and reasonable could desire. He will "dare to do right," and hia word is worth all the pledges and all the promises, even though they were piled mountain hieh, scheming poli

ticiana could make in a lifetime. Hia pledge of

an honest heart and an upright will is above

tneir power to give, and hence tneir resort to resolutions never to be kept, and "platforms" to mean one thing now, and another hereafter, just as party and aelf may justify or require. The friends of General Taylor the People must, therefore, be up and doing. There must be "neither sleep to their eyes nor slumber to their eye-lids" from this until the election in November, for, weak as his opponents are, they are, nevertheless, unscrupulous and wmtchful. The wtohman'ciy of "all's well" must neither delude nor enervate the triumph is not to be celebrated until the victory be won. The Republic is in danger, and strong arms and stout hearts must defend it; but let these be true, and the spoilsmen and corruptionists, who have so long preyed on its vitals, will be pnt down forever. Bdena Vista will be fought again, perhaps, but with the General who "never surrenders," and always rights the enemy " in whatever force he meets him," if the volunteer corps of the People keep up the "grape," the struggle will be over, even before the trembling columns of the enemy can be bronght into line. It ahould be recollected, however, that the battle ia to decide great issues, and must be gained. A brave, gallant fight, without success, will not answer. To fail, will be to lose all that is valuable in a free Government, or advantageous to a peaceloving people. It will justify war at the mere caprice of the President; will degrade the character of Congress, deny to the majority the right to govern, and make the "One-man Power" supreme and dictatorial against tbe popular will. To avert these calamities, the people must rouse and to anna! There must be no faltering in their ranks. The march to victory and to freedom should be steady and onward. Even now their enemies are broken and disordered, and one sweeping charge ia only necessary to crush them. Courage, then, brave hearts, and be ready for the conflict! Your General is in your midst, and the eyes of the world are on you in thia, your struggle against corruption, and misrule, and usurpation. Stand fast and remember his famous declaration to Wool at Buena Vista, "We can't be beat when all pnll together." Let the same high resolve and uneonquering will which sustained him there, animate yiu now,

and the day is osrs! "Stand firm," as he did,

and give them battle "stand firm, ahd rf.lt ok A JCST FROVIDFCF FOR A RI;rlT eeeit.t!"

JUST RECEIVED and frr sale on accommodating crms 10 Sets Fancy Windsor Chair. 3 Urge do Rocking do 3 Fancy Settee. 1 do extra size. N. D. GALLIOjr. House & two Lots for Sale.

rTkjHE subscriber wishes to sell a house and two lots M in the town of Rochester, near the lock. It is a frame house, and a comfortable dwelling.

I HQS. FITTOX. May 39th, 184S. 33-Sw

Engine Shop and Foundry, by A. B. II A LABI RD.

Front Street opposite White Water Canal Basin,

Cincinnati, un nana and tor sale at tnis time, S F.ngines, 13 in. Cylinder, 4 feet stroke, a do 9 in. do 3 do do S do S in. do 3 do do 3 do 9 in. do 3 do do d do B in. do 3 do do I do 4t in. do 30 in. do PORTABLE MILLS AST CORN SHEI.LERS. All kinds of MILL GEARING mad to order. Mar. 35, 1848. 14

OHIO HOTEL: AT HARRISON, OHIO: D. GERARD, Proprietor. PIUS Hotel has been refitted up painted anew, am inside and out the rooms all furnished with new ctrpets, new bed, bedsteads, chairs, tables; and indeed, everything connected with, and appertaining and belonging to, a Hotel, haa undergone an entire change. Without doubt it is as neat aneitabluhmrol a can be found in any town of the aame aire either east or west of the mountain. His table, too, i not surpassed for the necessaries and luxnricaof life, and will satisfy tbe nicest epicure. The Stabling belouging to thia House ha also been improved. The best of provender will at alltimrs be furnished. Travelers will findit ta theircomfort and advantage to stop at the Ohio House. Feb 5, 1147 -tf

WOOL CAKDIIfG WE will be ready by the firt of May for Carding, and a our Machine are of the bet '.n the country, and we have old and tried hands, we can with confidence warrant the best of work, on short notice. CARDING AND SPINNING, Will he done for customers at tbe following prices: White Wool in broaches, U cts: pr. lb. Mixed " 17 Reeling Yarn, 3 The smallest lot for spinning mnt be 15 lbs. MANUFACTURING. Jeans, blue mixed, 3 leaf, 37) pr. yd. meel " " 3I " " 4 leaf, STjtosJl Sattiaet. according to color. S7toi " Caasimrre, according Co color, 2)to7l " Cloth, according to color, 50 toSI " White Flannel, according to width.15 to5 Dyed " " "Si to37 " Blankets, per pair, t J 00 We have a very large stock of WOOLEN GOODS of he above kinds, which we will be glad toexehange for Wool , Cash, or any kind of Produce, at very fir price. A we are determined to warrant our work good, and out good durable, we hope and expect a large hare of the public patronage. CALL! TRT US, AND SEE!! and ifjtm are disappointed, we will make yon whole. rr ' E. MACT & CO. Laurel, April 6th, 1141. IS-

Hale ft Female Institute. LAWRF. NCEBURGH, INDIANA. T be opened Jor the Reception ofPupilt, Morday, September 4th, 1(48 . THE year will be divided into two session, of five months, each: 'he first arsaioa eommenaing 1st Monday of September; tbe second commencing 1st Monday of March. Ample arrangement will be made for boarding a number of Toung Ladies in the family of tbe Principal, where every attention will be givea to their moral, intellectual, and personal welfare. Tbe Principal, desurniag to eatabHsh a permanent Institution, and one which will command the patronage of the city and surrounding country, has, at a cry considerable expense, nude every suitable prevision in competent Teacher, spacious and well regulated rooms, and a thorough course of Academical study, for the healthful accommodation and efficient intellectual training of a large number of pupils. Hence, he look with a comfortable degree of confidence for that patronage and general influence which will justify and sustain the enterprise. BOARD OF INSTRUCTION. Jfev. W. W. H1BBEN, Principal. H. B. HIBBEN, A. B. Teacher of Ancient Language and Mathematics. Miss REYNOLDS, Principal of Female Department. Miss S.J. HIBBEN, Teacher of Mental and Moral Science. Mis JANE CHAMBEJfS, Principal of Primary dep. of Female, and Ass't Teacher in Primary dep. Male. Mr. R. BOZINGTON.Teacher of Instrumental Musie

TERMS. Boarding, per session Tuition Primary department, per session Academical " 1st year " " 3d " . xd " 4th "

fSO 09 a eo s oo o 10 00 13 00

EXTRA CHARGES. Latin, Greek, and French, per session, each $10 00 Musie on the Piano Forte 30 00 Vocal Music I 00 Every Pupil in tbe Academical department of the Institution, should atudy vocal music, not only ' so accomplishment, but as an exercise tending to the health and vigor of the lung, if not, in fact, prevention of consumption itself. The room in the Institution will be so arranged to make the Male and Female Department separate and entirely distinct. The Principal, with pleasure, would refer, form? further information, to tbe BOARD OF TRUSTEES. Hon. Geo. H. Dunn; Wm. B. McCullough, M. v., Daniel S. Major. Esq.; M. H.Harding, M. D.; Mr. Wi. S. Durbin; Mr. Omer Tuey; Mr. Levin B. LeMr Wm Hrav. David Maer. Esq.; Mr. Elia-

1 Rurkham; C. F. Clark-mn, Hmokille, la ; Rev. A. ! Chambers, Boone courrfy, Ky.