Indiana American, Volume 11, Number 6, Brookville, Franklin County, 3 February 1843 — Page 1

DND

HAWA AM IKDaYKL IF

'ft

OCR COCNTRT-OCR COUNTRY'S INTERESTS-AMD OCR COUNTRY'S FRIENDS.

BY C. F. CLARKSON.

DROOKVILLE, FRANKLIN COUNTY, INDIANA, FEBttUARFaTTT

POLITICAL..

ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF INDIANA. A portion of your fellow citizens assembled at the Capitol in 'obedience to the call for a State Convention, wish to address you on questions of public policy, invoking for the arguments by which they are sustained your mast impartial and tinbi assed judgments, desiring no more reliance placed upon them than their truth and correctness are calculated to inspire. That we, as a people, are laboring under pecuniary embarrassments of an almost unprecedented character, none will have the temerity to deny; yet, when we reflect that we are tn the possession of a country abounding in all the materials of permanent wealth, whose resources are unlimited, it cannot but create

surprise to find ourselves in the situation that the cry of a suffering people for relief, but too plainly indicates to be almost beyond endu

rance! This state of things did not always ex

ist, mere was a time in our past history

When they were unembarrassed, and when the proceeds of their labor commanded a fair tqaivalent, in a currency equal to silver, and

ot unuonn value throughoutlhe whole Union

Now how changed! The produce of your

Farms rotting down in your barn yards, or, if

sold at an, your pay is in miserable deprecia

ted currency, liable to become entirely worth

less on your hands. Our State indebtedness

amounting to about fifteen millions of dollars,

and increasing over a half million yearly in

dividual liabilities to Danks and trust funds, over five millions more, and, to discharge this vast sum, reliance must be had alone on the

produce of the soil, and this at prices scarcely

sufficient to quit cost of harvesting. This re

sult could not have been produced without

cause. It is not our province now minutely to

point it out. The history of the past twelve

years must be in the recollection of all. Un der the pretence of giving 113 abetter ctirren cy,"an institution whose bills were always con

vertable into specie was "destroyed, and in its

stead we have an innumerable host of irre sponsible shaving shops foisted on the coun

try. The consequences of this policy, so faith-

tuliy predicted by those who opposed it, has

been more than realized by us. The candor

of all compels an admission that in the above

fact, we find one of the primary causes of our

present difficulties.

Believing that our country can only be res tored to her former prosperity by the adop

tion of proper measures by the General Gov

ernment, aud detesting the dogma advanced

by our opponants, "that the people expect too much of the Government," when they ask for

the passage of laws calculated to have a bene

ficial influence upon their interests, we are led

o enquire wiiat course ougtu now to be pur

sued to accomplish, what all cannot but desire.

the restoration of a good currency a fair and certain equivolent for our labor a relief from

Cl.u.'.J.I.i.J .1

wiawc iiiucuieuueas, ana tne consequent, pros

perity of the whole people? We answer, the

permanent establishment of the following

measures, advocated by the Whig party:

1st. "An adequate revenue with fair protec

lion to American industry.

2d. "A sound Notional currency, regulated

oy the will and authority of the nation.

3d. "A faithful administration of the pub

lie domain, with an equitable distribution of

the proceeds of sales among all the States.

m. A.n amendment of the Constitution

limiting the incumbent of the Presidential of

fice to a single term."

First: Establish permanently, such discrimi

nating duties on the productions of foreign

countries as win protect such articles as can be manufactured by our own citizens, and the

inevitable effect Will be. to create an adequate

home market for the produce of our larms, and at the same time keep within ourselves a large amount of money, which would be otherwise annually withdrawn from circulation among us in order to pay for foreign manufactured goods. Our opponents say, "Give us free trade," which means, open our ports to all foreigners who may wish to flood our country with the fruits of their indu stry, without any restriction whatever, and pay therefo re (they siy) in ouraiicuiuir"'-. products, and that it is our interest to buy wherever we can purchase cheapest. This looks very well in theory, and is well calculated to decieve, but, will not bear the test of practical experience and the pres

ent condition of the commercial world. If

there could be a reciprocity of trade among all nations, there would be some reason in the pol

icy they propose. But, this cannot be. The ' practice f all nations is against it All we

ask is reciprocity. If we cannot have this

' if we are not permitted to pay for our calicoes j ' and our cloths in the produce of our farms free of duty, in foreign ports, we ought as a matter ' of justice manufacture Jthem ourselve. I it "policy for us to purchase of those'who will on

ly purchase of tit when they are compelled to do so by absolute necessity, as is the case with England when her crops fail ? We think not !

Our opponents endeavor to make the people

believe that a tariff on foreign merchandize results to the benefit of bur manufacturers at the

VOL. XI. NO. 0

fid." It is the sunnlv and rlpmn nrt that ratti,-

lates the price of every article in market.

i ms is a law oi traae which admits of no hange. In proof of this, we shall onlv refer

(although the evidence is abundant) to" the effect of the new tariff upon the price of articles which go into necessary use in all our fami-

ies, that being sufficient to establish the posi

tion. Imported calicoes sold in New York, in September last, at 15 cents per yard, before the operation of the tariff, and the same articles at 12 cents in November, after the existence of the tariff. The article of American flannel sold in September at the same place, at 30 cts.

and in November the same quality, at 24 cents per yard thus showing a decrease in the prices, instead of an increase and thus tesulting

to the benefit of the consumer instead of to his f injury. The same 'effect has been produced on the price of every article protected by the provisions of the late tariff, except, ac

cording to the Treasurer's report, the single

article of brand v. What becomes now, w ith

these 'facts before us. and none dare denv

their truth, of the hypocritical cry of "an in

jury to the consumer for the benefit of the

manufacturer." Many of those who use this

argument know that it is incorrect, and do it

with a view of misleading the people, others who have never taken the trouble to examine

believe its correctness. We as a western

people, above all others, are interested in the

permanent establishment of a tariff capable of

giving adequate protection to our industry. Our country of all other portions of the Union is best adapted to agricultural pursuits. Here

our soil is more luxuriant, and renders a more

fruitful return for our labor. But, of what a-

vail will all this be to us, if it is suffered to de

cay upon our hands for the want of a market?

We may drag out a miserable existence of un

requited labor, but, we can never reach that

degree of prosperity and independence we oth

erwise would, were our industry to recieve its

merited reward. hen the time shall arrive

that every article which is needed, possible for us to produce, shall be manufactured within ourselves, we shall enjoy a degree of hap

piness never before enjoyed by any people.

The leaders of the party opposed to this pol

icy, endeavor to create, in the minds of the

expense of the consumer, that the prices of

our manufactured articles increase in the pro

portion to the duty imposed on the foreign

productions of the same kind. This position

is not true. "One ounce of experience is worth pound of theory," an adage which could

never be more appropriately applied than now. The facts are to the contrary, as established by the Secretary of the Treasury in his last 'report, and by all experience during the past history of the eonntry. When the doctrine is presented to the people, all we ask is, that they will, before giving it that credence which its advocates think it entitled to receive, refer to the prices current and the statistics of trade tod protection. It will then be discovered that "the effectof a discriminating tariff steadily persisted in. has uniformly been to reduce tht price of the articles on which it is iropos-

people, a prejudice against a tariff, for the rea

son, as they falsely charge that its tendency

will be to build up among us overgrown mo

nopolies, and consequently teduce our citizens to the condition of the paupers of England.

In this argument, they attempt purposely to

decieve the people! They know that the condition of the operatives of England was

produced, and is continued, by other causes

that there they have their hereditary aristoc

racy their laws of primogeniture their established church, and their poor laws; (render

ed necessary by overgrown population) all of

which conspire to the result in which we find them placed. To create this unholy prejudice the hardships endured by those who labor in

the manufactories of England, are painted in

their darkest colors and helJ up to view, whilst

they conceal the fact that this is the result a

lone of the internal policy of that country.

They tell us it is our policy "to buy where we

can buy cheapest." How can we buy at all if

foreigners will not receive our products in ex

change for their goods? No 'one will contend

that we can, without draining our country of

our precious metals; and who we ask is billing

to see this result? Is it right that we should

throw openl our ports, free of duty, to those who will not reciprocote this policy, and who shut their ports to us? It is contrary to good

policy and sound American feeling to think of

it. Why not then as Americans, regarding

alone our interests as a great nation, pursue

that course of policy which our duty seems to

us to imperatively demand? Shall we be de

terred from doing so by the deceitful and hyp

ocritical cry of those whose interest it is to de

ceive the people that they may achieve per

sonal aggrandizement? We trust not! Who then is actuated by a proper regard for his

country, does not look forward with anxiety

to the consummation or the period when our

people shall be independent of the workshops

of Europe, and when the demand for our sur

plus produce shall be such as to cause the balance or trade with other nations to be in our favor. That a permanent tariff, modified only

as circumstances may dictate, would produce this result, is beyond dispute; then why not

lot this hornme our settled policy? Why not

merge all former prejudices on this subject in

to a desire to accomplish a measure fraught with so much good to us all? Our opponents in the U. S. Senate however, (with the prince

of nullification at their head,) immediately af

ter the n5tnrft of the present tariff gave forth

the war cry of repeal and it has been echoed hnrk hv nartv leaders throughout the country,

, j

but, it seems to us that the people cannot oe

found so lost to their own interesis as io jum m this denunciation.

Second: In the re-establishment or a meas

ure of public policy which, from any cause

may have been abandoned; reason aicuues mai we should look back on the operation of that

measure upon our country during the time of

its existence. Experiment is the only true mode of testinzthe policy to be pursued by

nations as well as individuals. Directly after the close of her revolutionary struggle when the country seemed to demand a "national

currency." the 6aees of those times established

under the sanction of Washington a National

Bank. During its existence, a currency, sate

to the people, and of par value throughout the

Union, constituted a circulating medium by which the commercial and ordinary business

of the people was transacted. Politicians without regard to the great interests of the country, created a prejudice against that institution, and on the expiration of its charter, Congress refused to renew it. The States then, in order to supply the deficiency, (m the onoonents of the National Bank nrged) char

tered numerous companies with banking priv

ileges. Theselocal institutions as was pi edict-

by those who established them. They soon extended their issues so as to fill the whole land with their irredeemable trash then failed, leaving thousands in the hands of the'in-

dustriotis poor Who were tumble to bear the loss. The price of labor and property depreciated and embarrassment pre vailed to an extent till then unknown. Relief laws were then passed by the different States. This only proved a temporary palliation. The seat of the desease remained untouched by such expedients. The misery of the people demanded more permanent relief. The experience of a few yeais convinced them that their commercial and agricultural interests could alone be advanced by a national institution whose issues should at all times be redeemable in gold and silver. Many of the same men who destroyed the first bank, when convinced of their error, came forward and established one similar to the one they hhd put down. The new institution went into operation. A enrrency in which all had confidence soon became established. The interests of the whole

people soon began to give evidenceof

its beneficial influence. Produce bore a high price. Plenty crowned the labors of industry, gladdened every heart, and spread a smile of happiness over the whole land. The farmer, the mechanic, and the manufacturer; were pressed with business, and all were on the high road to prosperity. There was no fear then that the proceeds of their toil would become worthless on their hands.

In an evil hour for the welfare of our people, their prejudices were aroused against the new

institution. Like the fiist it became the vie

lira of political warfare. Like causes produce

like effects. As at the destruction of the first T1 .. 1 . . ...

oaiiK, so now, locai uanits were usnerea into existence With more than magie rapidity.

Their issues soon covered the land as leaves

the earth in autumnal seasons. They soon

became worthless and as before, the earnings

of toil perished in the hands of the people,

Now. the question presents itself, whether

we shall remain as we are, without a currency

upon which we can rely, with worthless rags as our circulating medium or shall we return

to that state of things which the experience of forty years of our country's history seems to

have been above all others the most prosperous? Our opponents deafen our ears with their curses upon the Bank of the United States. They must not forget, whilst they do so, they

pour forth their blasphemous imprecations on

the heads of Washington, Madison and a host of our revolutionary fathers who were instru

mental in establishing the two institutions now

out of existence. They tell us a National

Bank is unconstitutional, notwithstanding the

opinions of Washington, Madison, Monroeand

Jackson a majority of its framers and the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States, to the contrary. They tell us of its inexpediency, whilst the history of the past should convince all to the contrary, and whilst

the present condition of our currency demon

strates its falsity. To deceive the people and

as an argument against a National currency,

our opponents present a false issue to the pub

lic. They point to the corruptions and frauds of that Bank, chartered by the State of Pennsylvania, and by a democratic Legislature too. called the United States Bank, concealing the

fact that it was entirely a State institution. Whilst they point to the great losses w hich the

people sustained by this institution they dare

not avow the fact that by neither of the insti

tutions created by Congress, was a single dol

lar lost to the people, although hundreds of

millions of the people's money passed through their vaults, in the financial transactions of the

Government. Is it a mark of wisdom to per

severe in doing wrong, after a conviction of our error, in order to preserve what may be

esteemed consistency of political action? or,

would not wisdom dictate a candid renuncia

tion of that error, and honesty compel a determination to do right?

A just regard fot western interests aside from a national point of view, demands the establishment of an institution of some kind, national in its character, and whose ability would be sufficient to give a safe circulating medium, and at the same time to regulate and equalize the exchanges. To do this it is unnecessary to give to the old charter to which many objections "existed. No one desires it. Let a new institution be created profiling by past experience in its formationavoiding all the evils of cither of those existing herrtofore and but a few years will find us enjoying, as we enjoyed in times past, a currency whose safety would be unquestioned. The 'effect of such

an institution on exchanges alone on the west,

would'be immense. We of Indiana have, du

ring the few years past, paid by way of ex

change alone, (the difference between our lo

cal paper and City par funds.) enough to have paid1 the interest on our Slate debt, which

would have been saved to us had a national

currency been in existence.

Third; The public domain is a ncn mnerii

nnre- nnrrWed bv the blood and treasure of

, , .- . . , ..

the nation, and the proceeds arising irom us sale should be "considered a common fund for

the use and benefit of all the States." It was unon this condition the rights of the States

were yielded to the lienerai uovernrnenu

Does not the terms or this cession create an equitable title in the States, after a certain specified indebtedness being discharged. The whole of our unsold land is estimated to amount to 800,000 millioms of acres one hundred and sixty of which are situated in the nine western nd onth western States. What an immense

.urn nf money will be derived, in the progress

of time from this sourpe, and, to what object other than a fair distribution among the States

should it be appropriated? To what otner purree mnld it be applied whereas much good

ha nrcnmnlished?

oressed with the justice of the

distribution policy, passed a bill, as early as imiiirivinir the nroceeds to the States in a Just

proportion. It was prevented from becoming

Se? direction of the general government for mill o orn hlVC F :. mer lhree at purpose, which, in its tendency, would millions of dollars as her distributive share up Have been to bind toieth, n ,he in3

-kJ i .1 f l,his measure my estsofthecountry-to have afforded a means be ascribed another cause of our present em- of national defence whenever the cunidit

r 2(l' T nllnal eas" foren foe 6hould brin? oar shorescustoms S fli ilLrf mS6 eTr Ir repudiated. The State, war f tKriJI"itr orpsablitr lands (owing j urged by the then administration to take the j PO'cy oi the proceeding administra matter into their own hands. Imrnen .uma

Sowon money ""de 1 Treasury, led anZrthe i ., d'StL'bU" which serVe5 for local institution, to Bank h. Z gB , ; lher WOliU not hav on-instead of being appropriated to its li f I Ei m f IT -y lPd,ePusUe ith mate object-caused. wildPand ugorLnSto the local banks created in obed enee m iJia!-:.;. r -

mandate of that administration, upon whlci Ilftd I nnc e ,ohe SSZ they discounted so largely by direction of the of those then in power, our Stale entered In" ,7h.7?lXr!l TtrT,ry-7,h.e reSUil f Which a s'8,m of inler"al improvements!? JEi was that wild spirit of speculation and visionary ever means may be adopted by our obponenu enterprises among individual, and Statethe to avoid the measures brought' upon theStit. the effect, of wh.cl. we now find in two hun- through the action of the general gownmen dred milhons of indebtednessof the States, and. whilst they were in power' whethe the insupportable embarrassments ofourpeo- tical or open repudiation, f concur! ?X

with the sentiments of the late message of interest on the Governor niweror N i1,.Wk!. .

WW ' W . J " - WWW

pie

When we

reflect that the

Urges, i nwe ioc iubhiuhuih u .v-.-. r.v,. -- , , , u ed, failed to accomplish the objects promised a law by the action of the President. Had it

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"v " '"-"'" '"vjuui3, annually, IU numil lnt thpir r.rr.M1 nm III, . r i .....

S750.000, and, that we have been unable for jail that can 'be AIZZtT the past two years to pay ,t by means of taxa- shall be accomplished to preserve, forever, the t.on, who is there that Would oppose a measure fair fame, by vindicating the honor ot Inda. calculated in the least degree whatever to re- Above, you have the prominent measures heve our people from the burthen of direct which the Whig party (without arrogating to taxation? Those who oppose this policy urge themselves more purity of motives than they that, as a reason against it, the deficiency occa- are willing to grant to their opponents,)belivo sioned in the Treasury by distribution must be'to be essential to the welfare of the Republic supplied by the customs, and, therefore, is in jThe reasons which bring them to this conclueffect taking it from "one pocket of the people sion could onlyb briefly givenin address of and placing it in another." We admit that in this character, and we only hope that enough consequence of taking it from the Treasury -has ben said to elicit an Inquiry into their ccV the amount must be supplied by customs, but, redness, and, that all may brinr to the examlnwhilst we do so, we by no means acknowledge ation a mind unbiassed by partizan, or any oththe justness of their conclusions. These cus- er feeling, that becomes one devoutly attached toms are raised mainly by duties imposed on to the best interests of the nation, the luxuries of life, and are paid by those who The measure to be established by the asconsume them. The great laboring class the j cendency of our opponents are the resusitation

suui oiwie repuouc would pay Dvt a small of the odious Sub-Treasury which was buried

beneath the waves of public indignation that rolled over it in" 1810: the issue of "Treasury Notes in denominations small enough to enter into the smaller dealings'' of the people; the destruction of adequate protection to American industry, and the retention of the proceeds of the public lands in the national treasury, which, of right, belong to the Slates. It is the province of the people to determine whose doctrines arc the best calculated to promote the happiness, prosperity,and permanancy of our institutions, and, hating an abiding

faith in the correctness of thtir judgments, wo

appeal to them with confidence for that decision.

In reviewing the political events of the past

year, we see nothing in the reverses which our party has sustained. In some of the States, at which to despair of success in that stmeirte

w hen our principles are at issue, and that issue is made with but one man, and that man the

personification of those principles, before the

people ! Many causes contributed to produce the result, which, at first thought, might lie cal

culated to dishearten but, when we know the

fact, that our vote in no instance, came up to

our vole of 1840, and that the vote of our op

ponents, m no instance, exceeds their strength

at that time, we are at no loss to account for

their triumph, and are satisfied that tiiumph

can only be temporary. The same noble and

unterrified spirits thai so signally achieved the political victory of 1840, are yet advocates of the same measuies iliat were vindicated in that triumph. Although our opponents taunt u.

with the charge that w e have failed to carry

out all those measures, they know, and the

people are aware of the unfortunate difficulties which have prevented it that it has been

citnscd by the Executive veto! This event could not have been foreseen by Us," and it

mav have been the design of thai inscrtilible

PROVIDENCE whose infliction in Ihe loss of the venerable HARRISON, the nation Was call

ed to mourn.that our country should suffer still

longer the evils of bad government in order to betterappreciate the advent of more propitious

times.

No measure of public policy can be effective, for good or evil, unless it be carried into practical operation. This can only be done by elevating men to office, possessing both honesty and capability, and whose political opinions correspond with those we profess. How important then that those who believe that our measures are the best calculated to benefit the country should be vigilant and active whenever an opportunity offers to maintain those measures at the ballot boxes. In this regard it

would be well for us to benefit by the example

of our opponents; they are nerer absent from the poll I There we should meet them with no personal feelings however, but as brethren of the same family, alikedesirous of promoting

the common interest. Present our measures

to their consideration convince their judge

ments of their correctness and it will do more

to secure their final triumph than were we to pursue the course too often adopted by overheated partizans.

Whigs of Indiana I Three years ago yester

day, a convention of our brethren assembled in

this capitol. It was the hrtt of the mighty

out-pourings of the people, down-trodden bf the iron rule of those then in power,) in vindication of their interests. It was to respond to

the nomination of the immortal Harrison to the Presidency. At that time our political horizon, was almost enshrouded in the blackness of despair. It was almost enough to make the heart of the good sicken at the prospect, hot the people came up with their energy which, whin properly directed, will always secure thejr triumph, and here an impetus was given to'that purifying spirit which swept over this mighty Republic, and drove from the councils of the. nation those whose policy has entailed upon us all that we now endure ! May we not ' anticipate that Indiana again may have the proud distinction of being foremost in the contest for Whig measures and lhategain may ascend to the result of every succeeding contest, the glorion honts of trinmph that resonnded at the

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pviiiuu Ji me ailtwuiifc, uu:i nicy wuuiu rctfp the benefit of distribution, because it would relieve them from taxation. Objection is made because our share is but a small amount. True, that now, when, owing to the present situation of our people, emigrating to the west has al

most ceased, and a small amount of lands are purchased. This will not always beourconJition. On the return of the better times consequent upon the final triumph of the measures

we advocate, the tide of emigrationi will again

set in, bearing down in its onward flow, every1 barrier, until the millions of acres of the public lands shall be teeming with people, and the face of the great West shall l e studded overi with towns and cities. What a vast sum will it not furnish, in time, to assist us in discharg

ing a debt w hich, for many long years would

otherwise hang over us paralizing our ener

gies and harrassing our people !

Its opponents denounce the meusure be

cause, they say, "it will bribe and corroupt the people." This argument is an insult, and those who give it utterance will be taught by the people that they know well how to appreciate an

objection w hich carries on its face a distrust of

their virtue and intelligence ! What ! are not the States capable of taking care of their own

money? This is strange doctrine to emanate from those who claim to be the true democrats

of the land !

At the extra session of Congress a distribution act again passed received the sanction of the President, but was in operation but a short period. Although during that time the sales of the public lands were not great, (ow ing to

causes above recited.) our portion amounted to

near S38.000 ! This law was repealed at the

last session, and the proceeds. of the public

lands now go into the general treasury. This

fluctuating course must result injuriously. It

is time for the matter to be permanently settled,

and it cannot be better disposed of than by dis

tribution.

Fourth: The founders of our Constitution

wisely provided the mode by which it should

when deemed necessary by the people, be amended. It the course of fifty year's experi

ence it would have been impossible not to have discovered some imperfection The most

prominent of which is that the Executive of

fice was not limited to a single term of four

years. An individual elevated to power, (no

matter what we may esteem his patriotism to be.) often becomes determined to retain that

power, without regarding the purity or measures by which his object is attained. The vast patronage givento the Executive is in danger

of being prostituted to that purpose. Against

this we cannot too seduously guard. In all Republics there has been a constant accumulation of power in the hands of their rulers. The tendency of this has been, and always will be. to enslave the mass of the people. In this has ever been found the grave in w hich the general liberty of mankind has been buried. When an incumbent wishes a re-elec

tion, its tendency is to bring all the offices of

the government, appointed oy tne rxecume, into the political market, to be given as a reward for services calculated to prepriate the

conferring power, and thus converting the pat

ronage of the government into a vast corrup

tion fund. Its effect will be, in time, to estao

lish among us "a mighty host of Executive jan

izaries," who would be in the midst oi us, insinuate themselves into our sanctuaries mnnust our domestic altars and house-hold

gods; and, under artful designs and ununngn-

forts, obtain a control over puouc opinion oy contaminating its very sources and elements.

No American can wish to see the institutions of his country thus endangerednd as a means

of averting it should aid m guarding against it

in the manner above nroposeo

As an important State election is sthand.one

word as to the State affairs would not oe amiss.

In nlaneinff at our situation a most gloomy

prospect is presented. The policy of the Na

tional coverment as to works of interna, im

nmvement underwent a change in 1832. The

Rtte were told that they alone should make

,.ir nam rojs and canals. The doctrine that

an expenditure of the people's money, under; elevation or tne oepanea narr r proudest station on earth I