Indiana American, Volume 10, Number 29, Brookville, Franklin County, 15 July 1842 — Page 2

and he stands forth erect and pre-eminent, in the dignity of purity and patriotism. How marked the contrast! The one, with reeretaud admiration of his fellow citizens,

retirein from the glorious conflict of mind and I the

the honorable discharge of his country's trust; Qf ii

t nth.r nmidst the ieers of political foes

.UW - m and the reproaches of betrayed friends, clinging to place at the expense of honor. (Cheers.) But, fellow citizens, other and higher objects than mere individual preferences demand our attention. To the depression of labor, the de

struction of credit, and the utter prostration of

the business energies of the country, consequent upon the policy and conduct of the late Administration, must be superadded a bankrupt Treasury, a National Debt, and a deficiency of revenue to provide for current expenses.At the same time, the blight of unshackled foreign competition has fallen upon the great manufacturing interest of the country, and our resources have been constantly drained as tribute to foreign enterprize, while our own has been utterly neglected. Our Agricultural products with few exceptions, are chiefly confined to a home market; and discriminating duties abroad, coupled, in regard to the colonial trade with restrictions amounting to a total prohibition, haveeiqually affected our commerce; and aim st placed the carrying trade of the seas in the hands of stranaers.

These three great branches of national in

dustry and wealth are in fact so linked togetn

er, that the same operating cause of prosperity

or adversity extends its influence to all. lint

ish legislation has indirectly accomplised more

towards our national depression than ever Defore ensued from direct hostility and open war,

Let us briefly examine its effects, as drawn by

a master hand.

"It excludes by interdicting duties all importations (except in time of approaching famine)

of the great staple productions of the middle and Western States. It proscribes with equal

ligor, the bulkier lumber and live stock of the same portion and also the Nothern and Eastern part of our Union. It abounds with regulations of interdict upon all the productions of our soil or industry which come in competition witlrits own. But the cotton, indispensable for their looms, they will receive to weave it into a fabric for our own wear to the destruction of our own manufactures." Need we wonder at the stagnation of trade, that our ships should lie dismantled at our wharves, our looms no longer be in motion, our mechanics unemployed and

the hum of business hushed in our streets, when the self-protecting power of the country is not exerted to counteract this bias of foreign legislation? (Cheers.) - These things, fellow-citizens, should not, must not be and through the candidate whom we have nominated, we advocate a revi

sion of the present Tariff, so as to impart pro

tection to domestic industry, provide an ample revenue, restore the national credit and replen

ish an exhausted treasury, without aggravating

the burdens imposed on the other great interests of the country. We believe, also, that the proceeds of the Public Linds belong rightfully to the S atcs

that the expenses of Government in time of

pe ice should be mat from other sources, and thitth.3 present system of distribution ought not to be disturbed. (Cheers.)

We are in favor of a restriction of the Presi

dential service to a single term of a retrenchment of public expenditure in the Legislative, Judicial and Executive Departments of the

Government of the strict accountability of

public officers of a uniform currency, based

alike upon the public faith and private resour

ces, and of a total seperation of the purse and

the sword. (Cheers.)

In the support of these principles we ask

your co-operation, and as their Advocate in times past, their Champion in the hour of peril, and their only sure reliance in time to come, we call upon vouto rally in behalf of 'HARRY OF THE WEST.' (Repeated cheers.) Addison Dougherty, Esq. read the following Resolution: HTiereas, The imbecile course of the National Administration the embarrassed condition of the country the stagnation of trade and

commerce the decline of manufactures the

disordered state of the currency thedepression

in the value of labor the great prostration of

industry and the parahzed condition of the

energies and resources of the nation all indi

cate that the time has arrived when it is alike

just and patriotic for the People to consider the remedies for these alarming evils, and to make

a prompt and fearless public declaration of

mat course which they deem essential to a res

toration or national prosperity: And whereas, recent experience demon

strates that the President of the United States,

j leiaing to the dictates of a misguided ambition, constantly thwarts the efforts of the Na4 : i w - i , - . .

uui.iu legislature; aim, instead oi acting in concert with the Representatives of the Peo

ple, seeks to represent himself, instead of the Nation, thereby forbidding any reasonable hope of better things during his official term: And whereas, it is apparent that to secure an efficient and dignified administration of the Government, it is requsite that a Chief Magistrate should be selected who not only combines in his character brilliant natural endowments, wisdom matured by experience, energy tempered by prudence, but who is emphatically an honest man, and who shall act with a single aim for the advancement, happiness and glory of his country. And whereas, among the many distinguished SERVANTS of the People, the name of HENRY CLAY is illustrious, in a pre-c.nincnt degree these important requisites of a great and good Chief Magistrate. Therefore, be it Resolved, That we the Democratic Whig Electors of the City of New York, do hereby nominate HENRY CLAY of Kextccky as a Candidate for the Presidency in 1844; and deeming that a tribute of gratitude is justly due to him as a faithful" and well tried rmi.tc "ghvant, of Aoworasan illustrious Orator and Statrsmak, and of affection as a Patriot, and trueaad warm-he irtel Man, regarding him as "e Protector of American Labor as the 8at Advocate of a Sound Currency as essence UUfie? Wit? the rest 'interests of the aid of our muSi

resolute and untiring exerlious to elevate him the statu'e in question. The manufacturing lothe CHIEF MAGISTRACY OF TH E RE- classes have now an opportunity that may nevPUBLIC. 'er occur again, of permanently identifying their interests with those of the whole country, them in the hiahest sense of the

JDV av tl Luciawc iw v- . - t - " i . o

innocent Act which was the subject

An Act to extend for a limited period the pre

sent laws for laying and collecting duties on imports. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled. That all laws in actual operation on the first of June, eighteen

hundred and forty-two, regulating auu nxiug ,

the amouut and rate of duties to be levied ana collected on goods, wares, and merchandize,

imported into the United States, and preserving the mode of collecting the same, and all provisions relating thereunto, shall continue and be in force as they existed on that day until the first day of August, eighteen hundred and forty-two, at which time, if there be no

further legislation on that subject, the laws for laying and collecting duties shall be the same as though this act had not been passed; any

thing in the act entiled "An act to moaiiy an np of the fourteenth dav of July, one thousand

word, a national concern, lne moment u

propitious to the interests of the whole countrv. in the introdnction of harmony among all

its parts, ana an us several nuciois. same rate of imposts, and no more, as will most surely re-establish the public credit, will secure to the manufacturer all the protection he ought to desire, with every prospect of permanence

and stability which the hearty acquiescence of

the whole country, on a reasonable system can

hold out to him. But of this universal acquiescence, and the harmony and confidence and the many other benefits that will certainly result from it, I reeard the suspension of the law for distributing

the proceeds of the sales of the public lands as an indispcnsible condition. This measure is, in my judgment, called for by a large number, if not a great majority of the people of the U.

States, by the state of the public credit and finances; by the critical posture of our various

foreign relations, and above all, by that most sacred of all duties; public faith. The act of

tedv which while it will yield a revenue suffi-1 cienl to maintain the Government in vigor by restoring its credit, will ufiord ample protection, and infuse a new life into our manufacturing establishments The condition of the

country calls for such legislation, as will af

ford me the most sincere pleasure to co-operate

in it.

JOHN TYLER.

eiht hundred and thirty-two, and all other , September last, which provides for the dislri-

acts iiuDosins duties on imports," approved

March second, eighteen hundred ana miriythree, to the contrary in anywise notwith

standing.

Provided, That the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands, authorized and directed by the act of Congress passed the 4th of September, 1842, entitled ."An act to appropriate the proceeds of the sales of the public lands, and to grant pre-emption rights," shall be and the same is hereby suspended and postponed until the first day of August 1842; and the said act of the 4th of September, 1842, shall be no otherwise or further affected or modified, than

merely to postpone to the said 1st day of August next the diitribution of the said proceeds

directed by that act to he made on the first day of July, 1842, anything contaiued in this act or the said act of the fourth of September, 1841. to the contrary notwithstanding. . VETO MESSAGE. Washington, June 29, 1812. To the Home of Representatives: I return the bill which originated in the House of Representatives, entitled "An act to

bution, couples it inseperably with the condi

tion that it shall cease first, in case of war; second, as soon, and so long as the rate of duties shall, for any reason whatever, be raised above

20 per cent. Nothing can be more clear, express, or imperative, than this language- It is in vain ta alledge, that a deficit in the Treasury

was known to exist, and that means were taken to supply this deficit by loan when the act

was passed. It is true that a loan was authorized at the session during which the distribu

tion act was passed; but the most sanguine of the friends of the two measures entertained no doubt but that the loan would be eagerly sought after and taken up by capitalists, and

speedily reimbursed by a country destined, as they hoped, soon to enjoy an overflowing prosperity. The very terms of the loan, making it redeemable in three years, demonstrate this beyond all cavil. Who at the time foresaw or imagined the

i possibility of the present real state of things,

when a nation that has paid off her whole debt since the last peace, while all other great powers have been increasing theirs, and whose re-

Corrcspondencc of the Cincinnati Gazette. Washington, July 3d, 1842.

Messrs. Editors: Y'ou have the third Veto of Mr. Tyler. Its reception here produced a

feeling altogether unexpected. It was a blow that elicited the spark which flew into the magazine of pent up feelings, from which the flames at once burst forth. The debate which immediately commenced, and which has not yet closed, has been characterized by the greatest heat, the strongest language, the most indignant feelings, and the firmest resolve. For many years has there been an occasion that called

forth so much eloquence and ability on the floor of the House. The blow intended by Mr. Ty-!

ler to shiver in pieces the Whig party, has riveted it together in a stronger band than ever,

and at the same time produced an explosion

which will not fail to bring upon the head of

the plotters that ruin they meditated for the

Whigs.

There is little doubt but this vilianous veto, was the consummation of a bargain made and

entered into by and between the Executive ofli-! cer of this government, The scourge, I fear,

by which an offended Deity inflicts his judgment and anger upon the Nation, and the Locofoco party: or if not a part of the consideration of such a contrast, it must have been a pro-

ify them, and thus get their votes for a re-election. As Mr. W. had Ivon r.mA j

' men, auu rjelieved, on the night after the veto had been relieved, a large body, of the Locofoco gentlemen

ec "F i io congratulate him on

me reuempuon oi tne liberties of his country The veto message had had a wonderful effect

muccii, upuu me geniicman lrom South Caroli na. (Mr. Holmes:) it had converted him to true

religion; me gentleman had broken forth into the most pious praises to God. that Mr. Tvlev had saved the country from ruin. Mr. Holmes, aside. Do you say that I went

io me H-Mucm s, to congratulate him' Mr. White. Oh, no! not you! you staved away and prayed. Loud laughter.' Mr. W. said that, although the marriage union had been consummated but the night before in the morning a gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. Weller,) a new chancellor, rose in his place, as soon as the House had got together, and proposed to take away the reins of power from the

naughty w lugs. 1 es, so rapidly prolific had this new union proved, that on the very day after the marriage, the bantling was presented for baptism, loud laughter; and, thou oh e

whole House had witnessed the offspring, they were gravely told there had been no alliance! The gentleman from South Carolina had lectured the House on the subject of holding caucuses; but Mr. W. would call on that gentleman to rise and say whether the bill offered bv

the gentleman from Ohio had not been the re

sult of a caucus; and whether it had nut been

brought into the House with the privity and after consultation with the President, Cries of "Weller! Weller! where are you? stand up! He's gone; he's runaway." Mr. Weller, who had been indulging in a

nap in one corner of what is called the House

extend for a limited period the present laws sources, already so great, are yet but in the

lur laying tin a tuiivtun umio vi

with the following objections;

It suspends, in other words, abrogates for

the time, the provision for the Act of 1833, com

monly called the 'compromise act.' The only-

ground on which this departure from the solemn adjustment of a great and agitated question seems to have been regarded as expedient

is, the alleged necessity of establishing, by legislative enactments, rules, and regulations for assessing the duties to be levied on imports, af

ter the 30th of June, aocording to the home valuation, and yet the bill expressly provides that "if before the first of August there be no further legislation on the subject, the laws for

laying a'ld collecting duties shall be the same as though this act had not been passed." In other words, that the act of 1833, imperfect as

it is considered, shall in that case continue to be, and to be executed, under such rules and regulations as previous statutes had prescribed, or had enabled the Executive Department to prescribe for that purpose, leaving the supposed chasm in the revenue laws just as it was before. I am certainly far from being disposed to deny that additional legislation on the subject is very desirable; on the contrary, the necessity as well as difficulties of establishing uniformity in the appraisements to be made in conformity

with the true, intention of the act was brought

to the notice of Congress in my message to Congress at the opening of the present session.

But however sensible I may be of the embarrassments to which the executive in the absence

of all are from the superior wisdom of the Leg

islature, will be liable, in the enforcement of

the existing laws, I have not, with the sincerest wish to acquiesce in its expressed will, been

able to persuade myself that the exigency of

the occasion is so great as to justify me in sign

ing the bill in question, with my present views of its character and effect. The existing laws, as I am advised, are sufficient to authorise and

enable the collecting officers, under the direc

tion of the Secretary of the Treasury, to levy

the duties imposed by the act of 1833. That act was passed under peculiar ri renin

stances, to which it is not necessary that 1

should do more than barely allude. Whatever may be, in theory, its character, I have always regarded it as imposing the highest moral ob

ligation. It lias now existed for nine years, unchanged in any essential particular, with as general acquiescence, it is believed, of the whole country, as that country has ever mani

fested for any of her wisely established institu

tions. It has insured to it the repose which al

ways flows from timely, wise, and moderate

counsels a repose the more striking because

of the long and angry agitations which prece

ded it. This salutary law proclaims, in express terms, the principle which, while it led to the

abandonment of a scheme of indirect taxation

founded on a false basis, and pushed to dangerous excess, justifies any enlargement of duties that may be called for by the real exigencies of the public service. It provides "that duties shall be laid for the purpose of raising such revenue as may be necessary to an economical administration 'of . the Government." It is therefore in the power of Congress to lay duties as high a its discretion may dictate, for the

necessary uses of the Government, without in

inngmg upon the objects of the act of 1833 rial lint t.-k,il,i !. : f .

till fxiscnt-ies oi me government do require an increase of the tariff of duties above 2l) per cent.; and I as little doubt that Congress may, alove and below that rate, o discriminate as to give incidental protection to manufacturing industry thus to m ike the burdens which it is compelled to impose uimn t;u.

pitiatory sacrifice of duty and honor, intended

to smooth the way for an alliance offensive and ."sleepy hollow," here rose up and exclaimed,

defensive. I know the nuptials between the

parties have been stoutly denied by one; but if they have not been solemnized, why are the parties found in each other's embrace? Wherefore this illicit intercourse? What good can it bode the nation? I fear none, but much evil.

I fear another measure is to be sacrificed as one

of the conditions of this union of traitor and harlot, the Tariff bill, and wilh it the Distri

bution Act.

The veto message has been examined in all its phases, and compared with Mr. Tyler's previously avowed opinions in reference to the

;Here I am; what's the matter?" Roars of

laughter and much confusion.

Mr. hite here inquired whether Mr. Weller

had not been, with other of his political friends, at the President's mansion on the night after veto; and whether it had not been agreed in caucus that the bill he had next morning offered

should be presented; and whether the President did not know that that bill was to be brought into the House? Mr. Weller replied that he had been there but that he had had no conversation with the President either on the veto or on the bill he

fancy of their developement, should be com

pelled to hangle in the money m:irket for a paltry sum, not equal to one year's revenue upon her economical system? If the distribution

law is to be indefinitely suspended, according

not only to its own terms, but by universal consent, in the case of war, wherein are the actual

exigencies of the country, or the moral obliga

tion to provide for them, less tinder present cir

cumstances than they could be, were we'actual-

ly involved in war? It appears to me to be the

indispcnsible duly ofali concerned m the admin

istration of public affairs to see that a state of

things so humiliating and so pcrillous should not last a moment longer than is absolutely un

avoidable. Much less excusable should we be

in parting with any portion of our available means, at least until the demands of the Treasury are fully supplied. But, besides the urgency of such considerations, the fact is undenia

ble that the distribution act could not have become a law without the guaranty in the proviso

of the. act itself. This connexion, thus meant to he inseparable is severed by the bill presented to me. The bill violates the principle of the acts of 1833 and September, 1811, by suspending the first, and rendering, for a time, the last inoperative. Duties above 20 per cent are proposed to be enacted, and yet the proviso in the distribution act is disregarded. The proceeds of the sales are to be distributed on the 1st of August, so that, while the duties proposed to be

enacted exceed 20 per cent., no suspension of the distribution to the States is permitted to takelplace. To abandon the principle for a

month is to open a way for its total abandonment. If such is not meant, why postpone at all? Why not let the distribution take place on the 1st of July, if the law so directs? (which however is regarded as questionable.) Is it for the accommodation of the Treasury will be in better condition to meet the payment on the 1st of August than on the 1st of July. The bill assunirs that a distribution of the proceeds of the public lauds is. by eis;iii laws

Distribution Act; and he has been exhibited to j had subsequently proposed to the House. He the world as faithless, perfidious, incosislcnt, had introduced it on his own responsibility adishonest. The lash has been laid on with a j lone, without any consultation with a human severity, not understood, even by those who; being on the subject until he came to the

have heretofore been disposed to cast a veil of j House

charily and oblivion over liis former treachery,

and who certainly have been "To his faults a little blind, And to his foibles very kind."

The subject came up in the Senate by the

new Chancellor of the Exchequer. Mr. Wood

berry, bringing in bills to levy and collect, for ed his seat at the descent of the Speaker's hama limited period, duties on imports, and to pro- merand loud and repeated calls to order, vide for a home valuation; on which occasion Mr. White said it might be all true; he did Mr. Crittendon broke forth into one of the most : not deny that it was; if there was not an actual

eloquent bursts of feeling that ever echoed from; bargain consummated, things had "an awful

Mr. While. Then the consultation w as held

in the House, after you came here. Mr. Weller went on to reply, but what he said was lost amid loud conversation, louder laughter, and a general roar, which completely drowned what he said. He ceased and resum-

the dome of that chamber, so often vocal with

the eloquence of a Clay, a Pickney,a I lay no, and a Webster yes, of a Webster, for a Webster was the great champion of the Constitution, the Ajax of the people's rights, the dreaded foe of Executive usurpation, tergiversation and proscription. The debate will come up

again in the Senate on these bills. In thcllouse it will probably close to-morrow or Tuesday, when the Tariff or Revenue bill will be taken

up and pushed forward with all convenient speed. That bill will be passed and presented to Mr. Tyler for his signature; but there can now be little doubt but he will re to it: what then will be done, I cannot under take to predict. Sufficient for the day is the evil thereof. Already has the credit of the Government suffered severely by this veto. A gentleman

was here a few days ago from New Y'ork, one

of the firm who took a large amount of the late

Government loan, and who were willing to

take more of it under a more favorable state of

circumstances: but learning that the veto was

to be sent in, he declared that neither his

house, nor any American much less European

capitalists, would take anotherdollar under pre

sent circumstances. The government, I understand, have funds to last till the 15th inst., when their coffers will again be empty. The Navy Appropriation bill which Mr. Fill

more was very aux ions to have passed a week

to be made on the 1st day of July, 1SJ, not-' a yesterday, and which might have been had

withstanding there has been an imposition of

duties on imports exceeding 20 per cont. up to that, and directs it to be made on the 1st of August next. It seems to me very clear that this conclusion equally erroneous and dangerous; as it would divert from the Treasury a fund secretly pledged for the general purposes of the government, in the event of a rate of duty above 20 per cent, being found necessary for an economical administration of the Government. The bill under consideration is designed only as a tempory measure;-and thus a temporary measure, passed merely for the convenience of Congress, is made to effect the vital principle of an important act. If the proviso or the actofSeptember.USll can be suspended for the whole period of a temporary law, why not for the whole period of a permanent law? In fact a doubt may be well entertained, according to strict legal rules, whether the condition, having been thus expressly snsnended hv this

- j

not Mr. Wise objected, still lies over waiting

for hi in to make the speech, the delivery of

which he thought more important than the relief of officers, who have not received a dollar

for two or three mouths, than the payment of

squinting" toward it.

Mr. Lane of Indiana said: Congress, in its strong anxiety that the revenue laws of the count uy should not be suffered to expire, had passed a bill extending them, as they at present stood, for one month longer, till further legislation could be had. The President differed from them on a question of expediency, and had vetoed the bill. The question

ilicn, was now put to the country, in whom re

sided the right to originate revenue measures

under the Government in the President? or

in the People, through their Representatives? The issue was between a President who had

proved recreant to every obligation of morality and patriotism, and an abused and betrayed constituency, who had given him the place he occupied. Well was it for that individual that we were a law abiding people, and that he had constitutional safe-guards thrown around hiro which they could not violate. In other countries, and under other Governments, a veto like this would have caused a very different spectacle from that of a deliberative assenihy, calmly discusiug the subject of their com

plaints. Had the Britsih Crown ventured inns to treat a measure in which both Houses oi Parliament concurred by majorities such as those which had passed this bill, instead of a grave parliamentry debate, the King would have heard the voice of God speaking from the highest and holiest throne in the heaits of a free and honest People. Such a voice roigli' yet le heard when the effects of this measure raimlo be fully felt. The 1'resident had set himself against tli?

Representatives of the nation; the contest '

drafts that have laid many weeks under protest, (now between their will and his a contest not I mention this that the people may know who now for the first time waged. That question

it is that delays business. The Tyler press,

and the Tyler men in the House are constantly dealing out denunciation against Congress for its dilatoriness and delay, and yet "the guard"

have caused more durmsr this session than eve-i

ry other member besides.

The Army bill is still before the Senate who have also been enwafred for some davs oast on

the Claim of Massachusetts for the services of: and executed their own laws. When and her Militia during the last war, which Mr. Sc- j where had popular liberty been cloven doa vier declared he would oppose right or wrong.! by the People's Representatives? Had they

had long since been tried in Europe, and kin?5

had felt and trembled before the power of the People. Here it had openly been said that the President had interposed between the People and their Representatives for the safety of the

Peonle. Strange doetrine. indceed! Mr. L.

thought that the theory of ourlGovernmenthad

been that the free People of this Republic niado

just or unjust! A most worthy Senator, truly! We learn that the whigs of Maine have enrolled the banner of Henry Clay, and flung it

to the breeze of popular feeling which kisses

people: for llie

' - i r"1"-3 ' i n him. "in. productive of a double benefit. This most of the reasonable opponents of protective duties seem willing to accede, and. if we mav in.ian rm

the manifestations of.public opinion in al! quarters, this is all that the manufacturi.iff nrc

luauy require

bill, and rendered inapplicable to a case where ' and plays with it as with a loved object. Hen-

111 "ll ioinerwise nave clearly applied, will not be considered as ever after satisfied and gone. Without expressing one decided onin-

i- j ion on this point, I see enough in it to justify I j me in adhering to the law as it stands, in pref

erence to subjection, a condition so vitally affecting the peace of the country, and so solemnly enacted at a momentous crisis, and so steadfastly adhered to ever since, and so replete if adhered to; with good to every interest of

i the country, to doubtful or captious internre-

tation. !

not a right to legislation without com'"? to consult the Executive pleasure ? Was the President, and the Legislature, to ,lie

judge of questions of expediency in relation

j In ilischarging the high duties thus imposed

upon me ny the Constitution. I repeat to the House my entire willingness to co-operate in all financial measures, constitutional and proper

ry Clay is the rallying word of the Whigs

every where his name is pronounced with delight, every where it calls forth enthusiasm, every where it inspires Hope. Henry Clay and ioiix Davis, "honest John,''' in these we conquer. The friends of Mr. Calhoun are making extraordinary exertions, and no little progress, to secure his nomination as the Candidate of the party, and the prospect is very fair that he will be too strong for Van Buren. L. M. C.

Uo the

ginate House.

am happy in the iurun-uirii i nnki; in .:.... . i .i. m

Hni t h; ,lrti.i u- , , 1 "--"-"" it-ink i esioreu iu me treasury, or, comilltahirS .1? mr" ea"i,y aC l morePPrly speaking, the proviso of the act complisned at the present lu u-tnre n ithnni ' a,n(n...w ion ..

anvdenarture frm .... . . . t - . - "TV'S P ' " remain in

, .im aim principle to; tun lorce.R tariff of dut

THE VETO. Mr. White of Indiana asked: What was the truereason for this veto? Was it that the President had any constitutional nh-

u rc-esiaDiisn tne credit of the Government, jection to the bill or any objections founded on

neneve mai me proceeds ol the sales ot the

revenue ? Were money bills to onwith him, or in the People's own

expediency? Not at all. For what end, then, had he done this thing? Mr. Tyler had long severed himself from the whig party, and he found it necessary to do soinethinff to make his

ies may easily be adjus-j peace w ith their opponents, something to grat-

NEW GOODS, if. $ S. TYNE11 "LWAVE just received from Philadelphia Pittsburgh and Cincinnati a large assortment of Dry Goods. Groccrics,Hartlit(irt' Shoes, Bonnets, Palm Lcof Hats, Hoods, $. ALSO IRON, NAILS and SALT all of which they will sell very low for Cash. Brookville, June 1, 1842.

NEW BACON

WTTAMS and SHOULDERS, for sale by

JUL Feb. 2. 1842.

R. & S. TVNt'K