Hope Republican, Volume 2, Number 36, Hope, Bartholomew County, 28 December 1893 — Page 3

corn-factor’s, they had been made to wince individually on mors than one occasion. So he went out of the hall and down the street »lone. Reaching home he seemed to recollect something with a sour satisfaction, He called Elizabeth Jane, ■oeeing how he looked when she entered she appeared alarmed. 'Nothing to find fault with,” he observing her concern. ' ‘Only I want to caution you, my dear. That man, Farfrae—it is about him. I ve seen him talking to ye two or three times—he danced with ye at the rejoicings, and came homo with ee. Now, now, no blame to you. But just hearken; Have you made him any foolish promise? Gone the least bit beyond sniff and snaff at all?” “No. I have promised him nothing-’’ “Good. All’s well that ends well. I particularly wish you not to see him again.” “Very well, sir.” ■“You promise?” She hesitated for a moment, and then said: “Yes, if you much wish it." “I do. He’s an enemy to our house.” When she had gone, he sat down, and wrote in a heavy hand to Farfrae thus:

“Sir.—I particularly request that hehceforth you and my stepdaughter be as strangers to each other. She on her part has promised to welcome no more addresses from you; and 1 trust, therefore, you will not attempt to force them upon her. M. Henchard.” One would almost have supposed Henchard to have had policy to see that no better modus vivendi could be arrived at with Farfrae than by encouraging him to become his son-in-law. But such a scheme for buying over a rival had nothing to recommend it to the mayor’s headstrong faculties. With all domestic linesse of that kind he was hopelessly at variance. Loving a man or hating him, his diplomacy was as wrongheaded as a buffalo’s; and his wife had not ventured to suggest the course which she, for many reasons, would have welcomed gladly. (to be continued.) hew Wallace’s Grief. Dan Maoauley, in Washington Post. Strolling down Broadway, I asked Gen. Lew Wallace what were his special complaints against fate —all men have them —but here was one, I said, of so apparently perfect a life, healthy and happy in every prized relation of family, fame and fortune, a prosperous lawyer, an able general, an usually fine musician, and an artist of recognized ability, a gifted orator, a conspicuous honor to his country as a foreign minister, and last, and greater than all, an author whose fame will never die while books are known to man. “Now,” I said, “what is your particular lament, your accusation against the existence of things as you find them, your pilgrim's bundle of woe and disappointment?” We walked along slowly a moment, and finally he admitted, half reluctantly, that he hardly knew how to answer —that really fortune had been kindly gracious to him —and yet — but — of course it was laborious to travel over the country lecturing. “Yes,” I assented, “that’s hard.” And sometimes six nights a week, he said, now here, now there, jumping from place to place as his tyrannical agent sent him. Again I acknowledged the evident Severity. “And more than that,” he warmly summed up, glancing at me rather sharply, “some days they compel me to lecture twice, afternoon and evening!” Of course, in a worldling like myself, sympathy was somewhht hamstrung by thoughts of the wampum pouring in upon liim. but just then ho melted, and snuggling up to me revealed in fervent tones the veritable skeleton at the feast of his existence. “It may be true that I have been favored in some degree, as you insist; indeed, my life does seem to have been what men call happily successful, but. honor bright, what worries me is that I’ve invented a flshpole and can’t do a thing with it. The finest thing you ever saw, made of aluminum, hollow, line comes down inside the pole, light, well balanced” —here we drifted into a consideration of fishpoles and the like until the hammer fell. More Light Wanted. ■Chicago Tribune. The professor of the chair of political economy had talked to the class an hour and a half. “I have tried to make this whole question of the tariff perfectly plain to you,” he said, wiping the perspiration from his glowing face, "and I trust I have succeeded. Still, if there should be some among you who desire further light on the matter I am ready to answer any questions you may ask.” “I think I understand the most of vour lecture, professor," spoke up a deeply interested young man on the front seat, “but I’d like to know whether this Ad Valorem you’ve been talking about is a man or a woman.”

OLEYELANDAND HAWAII. The President Submits the "Whole Matter to Congress. HU Message—The Queen Ki-fined to Ac. ocpt the Condition* Imposed—A Curious Compllentiou. The President, on tho 18th. submitted to Congress his long expected message on the Hawaiian affair. Following Is the text of tho document: To tho Senate and House of Representatives: In ray recent annual message to Congress I briefly referred to our relations with Hawaii, and expressed the intention of transmitting further information on Hie subject when additional advices per- / milled. Though I am not able now to report a definite change in the actual situation, I am convinced that the difficulties lately created both hero ami in Hawaii, and now standing in the way of a solution, through executive action of tho problem presented, render it proper and expedient that the matter should bo referred to the broader authority and discretion of Congress, with a full explanation of tho endeavor thus far made, to deal with the emergency and a statement of tho considerations which have governed my action.

1 suppose that right and justice should determine tho patli to he followed in treating this subject. If National honesty is to bo disregarded, and a desire for territorial extension or dissatisfaction with a form of government not our own, is to regulate onr conduct, I have entirely misapprehended tho mission and character of our Government: and tho behavior which the conscience of onr people demands of their public servants. When tho present administration entered upon Its duties the Senate had under consideration a treaty providing for tho annexation of the Hawaiian islands to the territory of tho United States. Surely under our constitution and laws tho enlargement of our limits Is a manifestation of the highest attribute of sovereignty, and, if entered upon as an executive act. all tilings relating to the transactions should bo dear and free from suspicion. Additional importance is attached to this peculiar treaty of annexation|because it contemplated a departure from unbroken American tradition In providing for addition to our territory of islands Of the sea more than two thousand miles removed from our nenrosf coast. Those considerations might not of themselves call for interference with the completion of a treaty entered upon by a previous administration. But it appeared from the documents accompanying the treaty when submitted to the Senate, that (he ownership of Hawaiiaiwas tendered to us by a provisional government set up to succeed the constitutional ruler of the islands who had been dethroned, and itdid not appear that such provisional government had the sanction of eitlfbr popular revolution or sulfrage. SOMK REMARKABLE FACTS. Two other remarkable features of the transaction naturally attracted attention. One was the extraordinary f asto—not to say precipitancy—eharacterijng all tho transactions connected with tho treaty. It appeared that a so-called committee of safety, ostensibly the source of the revolt against the constitutional government of Hawaii, was organized on Saturday, tho 14th day of January; that on Monday, the 16th, the United States forces were landed at Honolulu from a naval vessel lying in its harbor; that on the 17th tho scheme of a provisional government was perfected and a proclamation naming its officers was on the same day prepared and read at, the government buildings; that immediately, thereupon, the United States minister recognized the provisional government thus created; thit two days afterward, on the 19th day of January, commissioners representing such government sailed for this eountry in a steamer especially chartered for tho occasion, arriving in San Francisco on the 35th day of January, and in Washington on the 2d day of February; that next day they had their first interview with tho Secretary of State and another on the 11th, when tho treaty annexing the islands was practically agreed upon, and that on the 14th it was formally concluded, and on the 15th transmitted'to the Senate. Thus between the initiation of the scheme for a provisional govermont in Hawaii, on the 14th of January, and the submission to tho Senate of the treaty of annexation, concluded with such government, the entire interval was thirty-two days, fifteen of which were spent by the Hawaiian commissioners in their journey to Washington. In the next place, upon the face of the papers submitted with the treaty, it clearly appeared that there was, open and undetermined, an issue of fact of the most vital importance. The message of the President accompanying tho treaty declared that “the overthrow of the monarchy was not in any way promoted by this government.” But a protest also accompanied said treaty signed by the Queen and her ministers at the time she made way for the provisional government which explicitly stated that she yielded to the superior force of the. United States troops, whose minister had caused the United States troops to be landed at Honolulu and declared that he would support such provisional government. The truth or falsity of this protest was surely of the first importance. If true, nothing but the concealment of its truth could induce our Government to negotiate with the semblance of a government thus created, nor could a treaty resulting from tho acts stated in the protest have been knowingly deemed worthy of consideration by the Senate. Yet the truth or falsity of the protest had not been investigated. MR. BCOUNT’8 REPORT. I conceived it to be my,duty, therefore, to withdraw the tready from the Senate for examination, and, meanwhile, to cause an accurate full and impartial investigation to be made of the facts attending the subversion of tho constitutional government of Hawaii and the Installment in its place of the provisional government. I selected for the work of investigation Hon. James H. Blount, of Georgia. His report detailing his action undr the instructions given to him, and the conclusions derived from his investigation accompany this message. These conclusions eo not rest for their acceptance entirely upon Mr. Bount’s honesty and ability as a man, nor upon liis acumen and impartiality as an investigator. They are accompanied by the evidence on which they are based, which evdenee is also herewith transmitted, and from which, it seems to me, no other deductions could possibly be reached than those arrived at by the comraiasioner. sThe report, with its accompanying proofs and such other evidence as is now before Congress, or is herewith submitted. Justifies. in my opinion, the statement that when the President was led to submit the treaty to the Senate with the declaration that “the overthrow ot the monarchy was

not In any war promoted by this Government.” and when the Senate was Induced to recolvu and dlscuM it on that basis, both President and Senate were misled. The attempt will not be made In this communication to touch upon all the facts which throw light upon the progress and consummation of this scheme of annexation. A very brief and imperfect reference to the facts and evidence at hand will exhibit its character and the incidents In which It had Its birth: It is unnecessary to set forth the reasons which, in January, 1893, led a considerable portion of American and other foreign merchants and traders at Honolulu to favor the annexation of Hawaii to the United States. It is sullicieut to note the fact and to observe that the project was one which was zealously promoted by the minister representing the United States ,in that country. On the 19th day of No>%rabor, 1892. nearly two months before the first overt act tending toward the subversion of the Hawaiian government and the attempted transfer of Hawaiian territory to the United States, he addressed a long letter to the Secretary of State, in which the cause for annexation'was elaborately argued on moral, political and economical grounds. He refers to the loss to the Hawaiian sugar interests from the operation of the McKinley bill, and the tendency to a still further depreciation of sugar property unless some positive measure of relief is granted. He strongly inveighs against the existing Hawllan government, and emphatically declars for annexation.

These declarations certainly show a disposition and condition of wind which may be usefully recalled, then interpreting the significance of the minister’s conceded acts, or when considering the probabilities of such conduct on his part as may not be admitted. The President, to sustain his assertion that Stevens was an annexationist,quotes a letter from the ex-Minister to Secretary Illalno, in which Mr. Stevens asks for instructions as to how far ho could deviate from established usage, aod shows by other correspondence that on the day the letter was written ho had issued a proclamation assuming control and protection of the islands. Proceeding the President includes in his message a detailed account of the revolution in Hawaii, which is substantially the same that has already been repeatedly given to the public, and again asserts that the acts of Minister Stevens were wholly unjustifiable. Continuing the President says: Nevertheless, this wrongful recognition by our Minister placed the government of the Queen in a position of most perilous perplexity. On the one hand she had possession of the palace, of the barracks and of the police station, and had at her command at least live bunured fully armed men and several pieces of artillery. The President refers to to the annexation of Texas and the incidents loading thereto and the delay of President Jackson in recognizing Texas, independence and says; This is in marked contrast with the hasty recognition of government openly and conceded!}' sot up for the purpose of tendering to us territory annexation. I believe that a candid and thorough examination of the facts will force the conviction that the provisional government owes its existence to an armed invasion by the United States. Pair- i minded people, with the evidence before I them, will hardly claim that the Hawaiian government was overthrown by the people of the islands, or that the provisional government has ever existed with their consent. I do n> \ understand that any member of this Government claims that the people would uphold it by their suffrages if they were allowed to vote on the question. While sympathizing with all efforts to establish a republican form of government, in the present instance our duty does not, In my opinion,end with refusing to consummate this questionable transaction. It has boon the boast of our Government that it seeks to do Justice in alf things, without regard to the strength or weakness of those with whom it deals. I mistake the American people if they favor the odious doctrine that there is no snch thing as international morality. The United State; can not fail to vindicate its honor and its great sense of Justice by an earnest effort to make ail possible reparation. These principles apply to the present case with irresistible forte when the the special conditions of the Queen’s surrender of her sovereignty are recalled. She surrendered not to the provisional government, but to thd United States. She surrendered, not absolutely and permanently, but temporarily and conditionally. MINISTER WILLIS'S INSTRUCTIONS. Actuated by these desires and purpose, and not unmindful of the inherent perplexities of the situation, nor of the limitations upon my power, I instructed Minister Willis to advise the Queen and her supporters of my desiro to aid in the restoration of the status existing before the lawless landing of the United States forces at Honolulu, on the Kith of January last, if such restoration could be effected upon terms providing clemency as well as justice to all parties concerned. These conditions have not proved acceptable to the Queen, and though she has boon informed that they will bo insisted upon and that, unless acceded to, the efforts of the President to aid in the restoration of her government will cease, I have not thus far learned that she is willing to yield and give them her acquiescence. Thecheck which my plans have thus encountered has prevented their presentation to the members of the provisional government, while unfortunate public misrepresentations of the situation and exaggerated statements of the sentiments of our people have obviously Injured the prospects of successful executive mediation. I therafore submit this communication with its accompanying exhibits. In commending this subject to the extended powers and wide discretion of the Congress, I desire to add the assurance that I shall ho mnch gratified to co-oper-ate in any legislative plan which may be devised for the solution of the problem before the United States which is consistent with American honor, integrity and morality. Grover Cleveland. Executive Mansion, December 18, 1893.

INSTRUCTIONS TO WILLIS. I — Conditions on Which Lillioukalanl Could Be Restored to Power. The reception of the message and accompanying documents gave rise to a wrangle in the Senate over the question of making the correspondence public. At the same time Speaker Crisp gave them to the public in the House. The first of importance was Secretary Gresham’s letter of introduction to Minister Willis, in which he says: “On your arrival you will Inform the Queen of the President’s position regarding the reprehensible conduct of the American minister, and the presence on Jaud of the United States forces. Advise

her of the desiro of this Government to do Justice and undo wrong. You will, however, at the same time inform the Queen that the President expects that she will extend amnesty to ail who wore connected with the provisional government, deprivj ing them of no right or privilege. Having | secured the Queen’s agreement to pursue i this policy, you will advise the executive of too provisional government and his ministers of the President’s determination of this question, which their action and that of the Qu-on devolved upon him, and that they arecxpcctcd to promptly restore her constitutional authority. Should the Queen decline to pursue the course suggested, or should the provisional government refuse to abide by the President’s decision, you will report the facts and await further instructions. Mr, Gresham telegraphed to Minister Willis at San Francisco under date of November 3: The brevity of your telegrams Is embarrassing. You will insist on amnesty and a recognition of the obligations of the provisional government as essential conditions of the restoration. All interests would he protected by prompt action. GRESHAM’S FURTHER INSTRUCTIONS. Mr. Gresham to Mr. Willis; Department of State, I Washington. D. C.. Dec.. 3. 1893. f Your dispatch, which was received by steamer on the 25th of November, seems to cal! for additional instructions. Should the Queen refuse to assent to the written conditions, you will at once inform her that the President will cease Interposition in her behalf, and while lie deems it his duty to endeavor to restore her, as the sovereign, and the constitutional government of the islands, his further efforts in that dh rection will depend upon the Queen’s unqualified agreement that all obligations created by the provisional government in a proper course of administration, shall be assumed. The President feels that by our original interference and what followed, we have incurred rcsoosibiiity to tho whole Hawaiian community, and it would not be Just to put one party at tho mercy of the other. Should the Queen ask whether if she accedes to. the condition, active stops would be taken by the United States to effect restoration or to maintain her authority thereafter, yon will say that the President can not use force without tho authority of Congress. Should the Queen accept conditions and the provisional government refuse to surrender you will be governed by previous instructions, Gresham. VACCINATION AN l> SMALLPOX. Immunity from the Disease Has Ore ated a False Security. Harper’s Weekly. If the truth were known it would probably appear that vaccination has not accomplished all that .Tenner hoped for it. Seeing his discovery so universally accepted at the outset, seeing it nip epidemics of smallpox in the bud, and so vastly reduce the mortality within a few years, he would have been strangely unimaginative had he not dreamed of a day when vaccination should so fully have triumphed as to have banished smallpox from the world forever. In theory such a hope found ample warrant. Tho human body furnishes the only soil, so far as known, on which the germs of this disease can multiply and retain their virulence. Vaccinat! ;a renders the body no longer habitable for these germs. If, therefore, the entire racecould be given immunity through vaccination, time being allowed for the destruction of such unproductive germs as had found temporary lodgment elsewhere than in the body, smallpox would cease to exist. Its last germ killed, there is no more reason to suppose that it would ever originate again than there is to expect the reappearance of the great auk, the mammoth, or the glyptodon. In theory such an achievement might require but a month or a year, but in reality a century has not accomplished it. The chief reason why vaccination has failed of this ultimate ideal achievement is—paradoxical though it sounds—because vaccination has Operated so efficiently. So nearly has it banished smallpox that no.onc no one now fears that disease and a general carelessness now prevails regarding it. No better commentary in this regard could bo made than mention of the fact that two physicians recently contracted the disease in New York from a case which came to a dispensary where the}' were in attendance. If physicians fail to give themselves immunity, what shall we expect from the public at large?

The other chief factor which cooperates with carelessness to keep smallpox in existence is ignorance. So little is smallpox heard of now that many among the more ignorant classes scarcely know the meaning of vaccination. Health officers find many persons who supposed they are being vaccinated to “cleanse the blood. It does not matter much what they think, perhaps, so long as they submit to the operation. But many decline the boon, and these, of course, remain susceptible to the disease. Our laws offer protection to all but force it on no one. Abroad in many places vaccination is compulsory, a fine being imposed if any child is found unvaccinated at a certain age. The result thus aimed at is accomplished in this country in a more pleasant way by prohibiting unvaccinated children from attendance upon the public schools. This measure, together with the constant solicitations of health officers, results in the vaccination of a very large proportion of infants. But vaccination in infancy is not enough. It gives immunity for a time, but with growth the tissues change, and after a few years the body becomes again susceptible.

OUR ITALIAN AMBASSADOR. Wayne HcVmeh, of I’cnniylranl*, Chows to Fill th* Vacancy, The declination of Mr. Van Alen to accept the post of Ambassador to Itally after his confirmation by the Senate because jf the severe criticisms and censure of the press and many political reformers of his supposed course In making a largo contribution to the Democratic campaign fund

WA.YNK MACVEAOH.

In 1892, made it necessary for the President to fill the vacancy. Accordingly Mr. Cleveland, Tuesday, sent the name of Wayne McVeagh, of Pennsylvania, to the Senate for that position. Mr. McVoagb was always a Republican until the last campaign, and was Attorney-General In Garfield’s cabinet. He was born in Chester county, Pa., In 1833, and la related to the Cameron family by marriage. THE CHICAGO ELECTION. John P. Hopklnw, Democrat, Elected Mayor by a Majority of 1,387. John P. Hopkins, the Democratic candidate for Mayor of Chicago, was elected over Gedrge B. Swift, Republican, by a majority of 1,387, Tuesday. The total vote was: Hopkins (Dem.), 112,700; Swift (Rep.), 111,313; Britsins (Socialist-Labor), 1,517; Wakely (Pcoplo’s-Sjlver), 367; total, 225.897. The vote, which was one of the heaviest ever polled in the city, shows a decided Republican gain. The Democracy carried the city by 30,000 in the last Presidential election, and in the county election las*

>r.\jon hoi'kikp.

month several of the Democratic candidates had majorities of 4,000 in the city which were only overcome by the Republican vote in the county. A PATHETIC SCENE. Ex-Treasurer Armstrong, of Tipton county, was taken to the Prison North from Noblesvllle, Tuesday. The usual formality in passing sentence was observed, and Mr. Armstrong was asked if he had anything to say. With tears streaming down his face he replied: “It’s useless for mo to say that I did not get a cent of Tipton county’s funds. It will not alter the decision of the jury, but I know that I am innocent of any wrong-doing. 1 never did appropriate one cent of that money to my private use, and now before my God and facing a court of justice I declare I am an innocent man. I will go to the State’s prison, serve out my sentence and return to my homo in Tipton county to live an honest and upright life the remainder of my davs. though they may be few, as I always have lived. This Is the saddest hour of my earthly career. For such punishment to be meted out to a man guilty of no wrong and who has always led an honest and upright life will cause the most strong-willed and hardhearted men to weaken.” Thanking the court for having granted him the opportunity of speaking those few words, the defaulting treasurer was seated. The scene was one of the most heart-touching over enacted in the Hamilton circuit court room.

CAN SERVE FOUR YEARS. Democrats In Indiana have for aomo time been trying to persuade Postmaster General Bissell to rule that where Presidential postoffices have been in the hands of Republican postmasters for four years they shall lo given out to Democrats, whether the commissions of the incumbents have run four years or less. There are several of those cases in Indiana, where two or more postmasters were appointed to the same office under President Uarrison, and in some instances the incumbents have been in possession of the offices but two years. There are two or three thousand of these cases the country over. It is stated that the Postmaster General will not turn out the postmasters where they are efficient and honest until they have served four years.