Hope Republican, Volume 1, Number 27, Hope, Bartholomew County, 27 October 1892 — Page 4

HOPE REPUBLICAN. PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY. nJAY C. SMITH, Editor and Proprietor. Subscription, 51.00 per Year, i*Q Advance. Advertising Rates, Apply at Office. THUBSDAY, 0CT08ER 27, 1892

FOIt PRESIDENT, BENJAMIN HARRISON, Oi' ludiuna. FOR VICE-PRESIDENT, WHifELAW REID, Of New ¥or!u STATE TICKET. For Governor, IRA J. CHASE, of Hendricks. For Lieut emint-governor, THEODORE SHOOKNEY of Randolph. For Secretary of State. AARON JONES, of Bt. Joseph. For Auditor of State, JOHN W. COONS, of Marion. For Treasurer of State. F. J. HCHOLTZ, of Vanderhurg. For Attorney-general, J. D. FERRALL, of Lagrange. For Supreme Court Reporter, GEORGE P. HAYWOOD, of Tippecanoe. For Superintendent of Public instruction, JAMES H. HENRY, of Morgan. For State Statistician, XMEON J. THOMPSON, of Shelby. For Judges of Supreme Court, Second District—JOHN D. MILLER. Third District—BYRON K. ELLIOTT. Fifth District-ROBERT W. McBRIDE. For Appellate Judge, First District, A. G. GAVINS, of Green. For Appellate Judge, Second District, C. S. BAKER, of Bartholomew. For Appella te Judge, Third District, JAMES B. BLACK, of Marion. For Appellate Judge, Fourth District, M. 8. ROBINSON, of Madison. For Appellate Judge, Fifth District, EDGAR C. CRUM PACKER, of Porter. COUNTY TICKET. epresentative—THOMAS E. DAVIDSON. Sheriff—RICHARD CONN. Treasurer—HENRY NOLTING. Coroner—Db. G. E. REYNOLDS. Surveyor—LEWIS VAN HORN. Assessor-W. U. JACKSON. Commissioner. First District—A. J. ALEXANDER. Third District-WM. E. MOFFAT. As election day approaches, party lines are more and more closely drawn. Mon who have been appearing as independents are allying themselves with one or the other of. the great parties. But there are some who are yet holding aloof, considering the matter. To these we commend the following words from the Indianapolis News, an independent paper, in an editorial replying to a correspondent: “Here is the case, as we have tried to make clear. The Eepubiicans have gone to the extreme of high tariff. The Democrats have declared for the extreme of tariff destruction, so far as it embodies the protective idea. Is it not natural for a tariff reformer — not a radical free-trader—to hesitate when confronted with this situation? If he vo.es to put the Democrats in full control of the government, is he not sanctioning a policy of tariff manipulation potent not of helpful and healthful reform, but of violent derangement and upheaval of our industries, now adjusted to present conditions? What makes the situation more serious is the utter lack of capacity, of clearness of view, of definiteness of purpose displayed by the present Democratic Congress. The party does not seem to know what it wants to do first. The result is it practically does nothing—but blunder. Yet Moralis seems to think if we elect Mr. Cleveland and give the Democrats full swing, they will all at once do something wise and sane and sensible. Much as we should like to believe this —as we desire to believe well of all parties—we can not find large ground for confidence.”

While it is generally recognized that the tariff is the heading issue in the present campaign, the fact must not be overlooked that the money question is one of great importance. Mr. Cleveland’s silver letter of last winter may have expressed the right idea, but he is at the head of a party which is far from standing on a sound money basis. Senator Voorhees and Congressman Bynum declare loudly that Cleveland is just as unsound as they arc. In his letter •pf acceptance, -Cleveland was far from being outspoken on that clause in the Democratic platform favoring the repeal of the tax on state banks. His accustomed frankness in speaking on public matters seemed to have ■deserted him for the time. He realized that he was out of sympathy with his party, and an attempt must be made to hold the votes of the ul-tra-money men, as well as those moire conservative. The election of Cleveland will undoubtedly mean the election of a Democratic House and a Democratic Senate. With the party committed to an extreme policy in money matters, could Mr. Cleveland —even if he were disposed to do so—keep his party entirely within the bounds of safe money? It would, perhaps, be unjust to suppose that the election of a Democratic government would mean the immediate appearance of a wild-cat currency; but we might reasonably look for some form of erratic tampering with our financial system, which would be a step away from a sound money basis and toward unsound money. Now the question is, can the voters of this country afford to take any unnecessary risks? Can business men afford to vote for a party which may imperil their business interests by giving them an unsound currency? Can laboring men afford to vote for a party which threatens to take a step—though it be only a step —toward wild-cat currency? Certainly not. It is to the interest of every laboring man to have one dollar equal every other dollar in value. It is to the interest of all business men—in fact, of all persons who have anything to do with money, to do all in their power to keep the currency sound and reliable. Here is the issue. Cleveland represents a party pledged to a repeal of state bank tax and threatening to interrupt the sound money basis of our country; Harrison represents a party pledged to maintain every dollar at a par with every other dollar; and not only this, but backed by a history in money matters which is a yet stronger pledge of its future action, for the present monetary system is an outgrowh of Republican legislation. The question now comes to the voter, which will you choose? Senator Gorman, in a speech made in Maryland a few days ago, said: “When the Democratic party was in power we had the best money and the soundest currency in the world. When we go back into power we will bring the same condition. ” If the Senator means the administration of Cleveland, four years ago, then he is correct, but that money was the result of Republican legislation. If he means the money of Buchanan’s time, it is only necessary to call up any citizen who lived in those day's and he will tell you of the wild-cat currency which was afloat in the country. No, give us none of the good old Democratic money. We want a dollar that will be worth a hundred cents when we go to pay our debts, and every laborer desires the same thing. / Republicans are awake. The vast throngs that flocked to the Indianapolis meetings last Monday night gave evidence of the fact. Wherever Reid and Depew stopped in Indiana on their trip through the state, they ■ i were met by crowds filled with the same enthusiasm. The party is realizing that only twelve days remain before the election and there must be no relaxing in vigilance. If Republicans understand the details of voting and cast their full vote, the result is not to be feared.

doyod KNOW now TO VOTE CORRECTLY? \\ Not, Road lira Following Garetully. IF YOU THINK YOU DO. READ IT ANYHOW. If the voter wishes any information as to the manner of voting, he may ask the poll clerks. There are two ballot-boxes and two ballots to be Voted. One ballotbox is painted red and is for the state ballot, which ballot is on red paper, the other ballot-box is painted white and is for the county ticket, which ticket is on white paper. The voter enters the room, tells the poll clerks his name; the clerks give him the two ballots to be voted and a stamp; (the stamp is a little stick with a rubber on the end of it; the voter goes alone into one of the booths with the two ballots and the stamp; in the booth on a little shelf he will find an ink pad; (this is a cloth saturated with ink;) the voter touches the ink pad with the stamp and then stamps his ballots. Let the ballots dry before folding. After stamping his ballots and the ink has become dry, the voter then folds each ballot separately before leaving the booth; he must fold them so that no one can see how he ; has voted, and so that the initials or first letters of the poll clerks’ names can be seen on the backs of the ballots; he then goes and gives the stamp back to the clerks, and hands the two ballots to the inspector; then he leaves the room. After the voter comes out of the booth into the room he must be careful not to let any one see the inside of his ballots; if he exposes his ballot so that it can be known how he votes, his ballot will be rejected. If the voter can not read English, or is blind, or is physically unable to stamp his ballots, he has a right to call on the poll clerks to stamp his ballots for him; this must be done in his presence and in the presence of both poll clerks. The voter must vote the ballots given him by the poll clerks and none other. The voter must not put any mark or sign on his ballots; if he does, his vote will not be counted. If by accident he blots his ballot in stamping it or makes a mistake, let him return the ballot, folded, to the poll clerks and get another. If you want to vote a Straight Republican' Ticket, stamp within the big square containing the EAGLE at the top of the ticket. If you stamp within the big square you must not stamp anywhere else on the ticket or you will lose your vote. You must not mark on the ballot with anything but the stamp. You must not stamp except inside the squares. If you accidentally stamp outside of a square, return your ballot to the poll clerks and get a new one. You must fold your ballot before coming out of the booth, so that the face will not show and the initials of the poll-clerks on the back will show. IP YOU WANT TO VOTE A STRAIGHT REPUBLICAN TICKET, STAMP WITHIN THE BIG SQUARE CONTAINING THE EAGLE, AT THE TOP OF THE TICKET, AND NOWHERE ELSE. One of the Democratic schemes which is being worked in this community is to induce voters to move from one precinct to another after the time allowed for them to become legal voters in their new homo has expired. ■ Houses are offered them free of rent, hands are offered increased wages as an inducement, and some have thoughtlessly changed ►their residence, thus losing their votes. If an average of one vote to the precinct should be lost throughout the state, whore the majority will be so slender as in Indiana, the result of the election might' be changed by it. It behooves Republicans to be on their guard against all such schemes.

WE CAN DO NE8THER WONDERS! NOR MIRACLES.But we can show you a line of Flee Sens and overcoats That for fine quality, good workmanship and low prices will be a REVELATION To you if you see them before you buy. We have them in all grades | s in all sizes for BOYS as well as MEN. We respectfully request that yc GIVE US A LOOK. SAM THE BOSS CLOTHIERS The LARGEST and BEST Clothing House in Indiana. 307 Washington st., Columbus, Ind. SAVE MONEY BUYINGS — MyTgIceIs Reed & son. THE GROCERS. 1853 GO TO 1892 “The Old Reliable” FOB HARDWARE, Tin, Iron and Steel Roofing, Wood, Iron and Chain Pumps, Cement, Plaster and Plastering Hair. STOVES! STOVES! STOVES! IN ENDLESS VARIETY AND PRICES. J5@“T am not running a lottery, and am not giving goods away, but will sell you goods cheaper than any lottery concern can afford to do. Call and see me and be convinced. CEMENT, $1 per bbl. GEORGE D. WEINLAND. We take the liberty of informing the public that we have just opened a FURNITURE JLUJD UiMlifiafcliiit IN PRUITT’S BUILDING, Two doors east of Wells & Mickel’s meat shop, on Main-Cross st., Edinburg, - - Indiana, With everything complete usually kept in a first-class furniture store. THE UNDERTAKING DEPARTMENT is under the supervision of Mr. DANIEL WURTH, a graduate of the same, and a lady attendant. Please call and examine our stock before buying elsewhere and be convinced. Very truly yours, J. M. BREEDING & CO. An immense line of iH===r — —J-s. Boots and Shoes — Which we will sell at lowest prices at the OLOBESbosStose! —/ 407 Washington st., Columbus, Ind. Frank Lindsay. Wholesome Advice: “Trade that ancient machine of thin© For Wheeler & Wilson’s No. 9.” See IT. D. Leeds, Hope, Ind., for particulars.