Hope Republican, Volume 1, Number 25, Hope, Bartholomew County, 13 October 1892 — Page 2

HOPE REPUBLICAN. By Jay C. S.mit;i HOPE INDU.Ni Garrulous statesmen complain "bitterly at the way in which bush ess is interfering with politics this season. It seems strange to speak of a boom at Jerusalem, yet the historic city is having a regular wild western one both in building and real estate. Remarkable progress has been le in the matter of railroading, •'the complicated problem of doa double business on a single -track has never been solved. How all human sympathy goes out to ill-fated Hawaii. Leprosy holds its loathsome sway within her borders and now there is talk of foisting the Louisiana lottery upon her long suffering people. Solomon was accounted wise in his day, and ho certainly must have been to keep house with three hundred women. A man who would undertake such a task in this day, would be considered a blooming idiot. _ A New York drummer has been held up and robbed In Chicago by four women. If female footpads are to be added to the other iniquities of the breezy city, it is not too late to have a World’s Fair in some locality of comparative safety. The report that certain immigrants arriving at Philadelphia have been compelled to take a bath will do more to check immigration than all the proclamations that can be issued. Let the Government have the report telegraphed to all the countries of Europe at once. Whittier’s will as published leads one to infer that there is a great deal of substance to good poetry after all. As expected from a man of his broad views and generous heart, ho left numerous bequests, and in the aggregate they show that the good Quaker poet was by no means improvident.

The Rhode Island courts hold that it is the father's right to name the baby and not the mother's. Such a rule may do for a small State like little Rhody.for it makes very little difference what is law there. It will not do at all for the rest of the country. It is an insult to the mothers of the land. . Russian women havo some rare privileges. "When a husband is cent to Siberia for treason, his wife can accompany him in a gang of criminals. In America when a husband goes to the penitentiary, his better half frequently throws herself on a cold, unfeeling world by way of the diforce court. The custom of wearing the wedding ring on the third finger of the left hand originated from an old belief that from this finger a nerve went direct to the heart. So completely was this capricious bit of physiology confided in by the Greeks and Romans that the “ring” or ,“feeble finger” was termed the medical or healing finger by their physicians, who used it to stir their mixtures, believing that nothing hurtful could touch its giving immediate warning by a palpitation of the heart. Two hundred and sixty-two years ago September 17 Boston was born, and for seventy years she has flourished under city charter. St. Augustine, Fla., New York, and Salem, Mass., are the cnly three cities in the United States that are older than Boston, Her influence ia American history through every important era has been marked and almost universally beneficial. In literature, art, science and commerce, she long held supremacy, and always a foremost position. A oily cf substantial wealth and progressiva ideas, 1 lie whole country takes arUte in tee “Hub” and the vigor of youth which Ids attractions to the of ‘f vanccd years. / i

CURRENT COMMENT- Ji OUR HOOSIER PRESIDENT. Indianapolis Journal. Four years ago, when General Harrison was making his first race for the Presidency, the Journal appealed to Indianians to support him oc the ground of State pride. It reminded them that, while Ohio and Illinois had each furnished two Presidents, Indiana had not yet furnished one; that General Harrison was the first person ever nominated for President from this State, and that his election would be a great credit and honor to the State and do more to advertise it favorably than anything that had ever occurred. There is reason to believe that this argument had some effect; at all events General Harrison carried Indiana and was elected. Not 'that he is again a candidate, it is in (irder to ask whether the old argurfliWt 'ot State pride has been sustained and whether it still holds good. It will not be denied that President Harrison has fully sustained the expectations and predictions of his friends. Everybody admits that he has made an exceptionally good President. It is a common thing to read such expressions as that he is “the greatest President since Lincoln;” “the best equipped President we have ever had;’’ “a man of great ability and re-ources:” "no man ever grew so rapidly and steadily in popular estimation,” and so on. These and similar expressions by hundreds have come from leading men and papers. Every Republican convention that has met during the last two years has indorsed the President in strong terms. The national convention gave expression to the sentiment of the party by reuominoting him. In short, there is abundant evidence that he is hold in the highest possible esteem by the Republican party and possesses the confidence and respect of the people in an ordinary degree.

It would be absurd to say that Indiana is not honored by the position thus accorded to one of her sons. If President Harrison had proven a failure, or had brought dishonor on the high office he fills, every citizen of Indiana would have felt humiliated, and the State itself would have been disgraced. Suppose, it such a thing is possible, that President Harrison had been guilty of notorious corruption or had done something to cause his impeachment and removal from office, Indiana could scarcely have recovered from the disgrace. It would have clung to her for a hundred years. President Harrison has had it in his power to make the name of Indiana a hiss- j ingaud a by-word among men. Instead of that, what has he done? He has carried himself in such a way as to win the plaudits of his countrymen and the admiration of the worltl, thus bringing great and lasting honor to the State that sent him forth. He has caused the State to bo mentioned with respect everywhere. He has stopped the mouths of those who used to sneer about Hoosierdom, and has demonstrated that when it comes to a contest of brains and intellect Indiana is at the fore. It is not alone J wheat and corn, farm products and live stock, stone quarries and coal mines, commerce and manufactures, natural gas and petroleum, that makes a State great; it must produce great men also. It is no exaggeration to say that President Harrison has done as much to give the State a wide and favorable advertisement as all the material progress of the last twenty years. If he has done so much and so well for the State during one four years, why should he not be tried another four? What has Indiana to gwn by the election of a New York man to the Presidency? Why should any citizen of Indiana want to honor and advertise New York instead of his own State? It ought to be a matter of pride to every re lident of the State to know that there is an Indiana man in the White House? If President Harrison is defeated this year, it is not likely the child is born who will live to see another President elected from Indiana. Why should he be exchanged for a President who has no regard for the interests of Indiana, and no sympathy with its people, except as they may be used to advance his personal fortunes? The neople of Indiana could not do a better thing for the State than to record its vote in favor of the rc-election of Harrison, and they will make a great mistake if they fail to do so. THE 1873 SILVER ACT. The act of 1873, which dropped the standard silver dollar from our monetary system, has in recent years given a great deal of mental perolexity to some people. It is said in these later days to have been the result of a conspiracy by which a creditor " lass unjustly and surreptitious1\ added heavy burdens to the debtor class. The idea is conveyed that a rad'cal change in our currency was thus designedly and corruptly breftgat about. The act of 1373 was a general cne,

revising all of our coinage statutes. The bill was introduced in April, 1870, and a large number of copies printed with wide margins and distributed among experts and to whomsoever showed any interest in the subject. It finally became a law in February, 1873, being before Congress and the public nearly three years. During that time it was printed in full, with the amendments, by order of Congress, eleven different times, and twice, in addition, in official reports. The debates upon the bill in the Senate Occupy sixtysix columns, and in the House sev-enty-eight columns, of the Congressional Globe. Curiously enough, Senator Stewart, then as now representing the State of Nevada, voted for it, and there is nothing in the debates to show that anybody was seriously interested in the "silver dollar. The reason why no one was interested is simple. For fifty years previous the amount of bullion in a silver dollar had been worth from 101 to 10-4 cents, and nobody was taking it to the mint to be stamped 100 cents. The total number of silver dollars to be coined from the establishment of our government down to 1873 was less than the issue of any two months of 1891 or 1892. It w*a"s not until under the increased production the price of silver began to fall that the privilege of free coinage was valued or missed. When 412J grains of standard silver, instead of being worth 101 cents became worth only 90 cents the silver producer began to ask where the mint was located. He wanted the government to stamp 100 cents on it. By the time it was down to 90 cents lie was stirring himself to re-establish free coinage, and, as it has continued to fall under the continually increasing production, ho has grown in the opinion that the act of 1873 was an outrage and procured by a conspiracy. Tho argument that the act was passed in the interest of creditors has a flaw in it. Silver was then dear money, and gold, as compared with silver, cheap money. A gold dollar was worth 100 cents, and a silver dollar 102.65 cents. We are asked to believe that creditors sought to compel debtors to make payment in 100-cent dollars instead of 102ceut dollars. There is a flaw also in the the theory that the act of 1873 caused the decline in silver. The only way in which it could occasion a decline was by lessening the demand. The same act which dropped the standard silver dollar authorized the trade dollar which contained more silver, and during the next four years we coined three times as many trade dollars as we had coined standard dollars in all our history prior to 1873. So it was not a cessation of our mint demand which started silver downward. Silver is cheaper because of an increased supply, and because the uncertainty of its value has led to its disuse as money by so many nations. The United States, by buying every two months more than its total coinage down to 1873, and by its efforts to establish an international basis for free coinage, is doing its full duty to sustain the value of the white metal. FECK, PEELLE. PARSONS ET AL. If the Democrats, mugwumps, free traders and Adulamites of all sorts have been as anxious as they have professed themselves to be to make inspection of the figures whereupon Commissioner Peck based his report of increased wages and increased production since the passage of the McKinley bill, they will unite in a vote of thanks to our distinguished though youthful contemporary, the New York Recorder. Of course they will do nothing of the kind, for the figures justify the report; but all seekers after truth will thank the Recorder for this special record. The accuracy of the figures presented in several pages of seven columns each is sworn to by Commissioner Peck and by all the clerks in his office. They prove conclusively that wages are higher and the output of manufactures larger in New York State during the first year of the new tariff than in the last 3’ ear of the old one. Commissioner Peck’s statistics are unimpeachable. But the unimpeachable statistics of Mr. Peck, who is the Democratic Commissioner of Labor for the State of New York, are not the only testimony from Democratic sources in favor of the beneficent operations of the McKinley bill. There is the testimony of Mr. Ppcle, who is the Democratic Commissioner of Statistics for Indiana. There is the testimony of Mr. Parsons, who is the Democratic Commissioner of Savings Banks in New York. There is the testimony of the Labor Commissioner of Massachusetts, who serves under the Democratic Governor of the State. Peek’s Democratic report proves that wages are higher and manufactures more abundant in New York since the passage of the McKinley bill. This report rests upon the testimon\' of more than 6,000 employers of labor.

Peelle's Democratic report proves that wages are higher in Indiana since the passage of the McKinley bill. This report rests upon the testimony of wage earners. Parsons' Democratic report proves that the savings of labor in New York are greater since the passage of the McKinley bill. The Massachusetts Democratic report proves that the condition of labor is in every way improved since the passage of the bill. The protectionists of America appeal to the jury of the people for judgment in favor of protection upon the evidence given by officials of that part}' which has made absolute free trade to be the chief clause of its political creed. GEN. WEAVER AT THE SOUTH. The letter of General Weaver giving his reasons for making no more speaches in Georgia can hardly fail to produce a profound impression. The decent people of Georgia must feel humiliated, and the friends of free speech, everywhere, Democrats and Republicans, must see in it a National disgrace and menace. Tho American people have long flattered themselves that the days of Garrison and Phillips had gone forever, or at least that the South would give a fair hearing to political discussion, 1 if it did not take the turn of reviving war and reconstructiod questions, or any phase of the old issue of negro domination. General Weaver was indeed a soldier of the Union, but that was not the trouble. He is engaged in an attempt to weaken the majority party, which ever that maybe. At the North it is the Republican party; in the South the Democracy. That this Weaver movement is encouraged by the Democi’acy at the North, was relied upon b\' General Weaver and his associates to secure for the People's party fair treatment at the South. But that fact does not seem to cut much figure. The South cares very little about National politics, except as it bears upon what they call ‘‘home rule,” which really means ring rule. The ruling class which has run the politics of the South from the first, will brook no interference with their combine. White opposition is quite as exasperating as colored, and it does not matter whether their opposition be called Republican or Alliance. The old monopoly must be maintained alike against old and new comers. The Alliance movement at the South was an attempt to control,not antagonize, the Democracy. That it has gone beyond that in Alabama is due to animosities growing out of the recent gubernatorial campaign and not to any prearranged plan of the programme. Nothing was farther from the original purpose of that movement than to wage a crusade in the interest of free speech and honest elections, but that secondary feature of the movement may E rove the one to give it place in istory. The South is as impatient of free discussion in politics now as the whole country was in the early days of the abolition movement. The rotten eggs thrown at General Weaver and his party were laid in the same nest as those thrown at Garrison, Phillips, and their associate pioneers of anti-slavery. Macon and Atlanta may plead that they are no worse than Boston and Baltimore were in those evil days. As in those days, so now public sentiment needs the awakening influence of an outbreak. A great many well-mean-ing citizens could not believe that the South was under the domination of an unscrupulous oligarchy; they thought the trouble was that the only organized opposition to the Democracy at the South came from a party which put down the rebellion and reconstructed the Union on the basis of negro suffrage. That delusion has been dispelled, which is of itself a very important point gained. SLOW RUIN. CrawTordsville Journal, Mr. Cleveland, in his letter of acceptance, says that the Democratic party does not contemplate “the precipitation of free trade.” Precipitation, as defined by Webster,means “great hurry, rash, tumultuous haste,” etc. It is comforting to have an assurance trom Mr. Cleveland that the Democratic party is not going to rashly favor free trade, that they are not going to urge free trade witn tumultuous haste—that is that they are uot all going to rush pell-mell, heels over head, to the support of free trade. Still we are kept entirely in the dark as to the manner in which they do intend to move. We are assured they will not be rash; that they will uot 20 in tumultuous haste; not in the helter-skelter manner for free trade. But the country is kept entirely in the dark as to the particular speed with which they will go for free trade. Our mechanical industries are not to have their head chopped off at a single blow, but rather killed off by a slow poison of a yearly reduction of the tariff till protection is wiped out.

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