Hope Republican, Volume 1, Number 12, Hope, Bartholomew County, 14 July 1892 — Page 2
HOPE REPUBLICAN. Bv Carter & Son. HOPE - - INDIANA Ex-President Cleveland’s girl is all right except that it ought to have been a boy. The principal business of the Civil Service Reform League is to meet once a year and re-elect George William Curtis as its President. The League base-ball games end with Boston 1st, Chicago 2nd, New York 3d, etc., and Pittsburg at the bottom. The world will now please settle down to business again for six months. The Canadian Parliament has adjourned, for the reason, probably, that it was ashamed to remain in session any longer when so many revelations of political corruption were being made in that country. Australian theater goers have concluded that John L. Sullivan is not an actor. This conclusion will hardly be regarded in America as a national affront. If the Australians will keep John L. nothing more wil 1 be said about it. The plundering of the wrecked savings bank in Kingston, N. Y.i appears to have gone on for twenty years without discovery, and to have been found out in the end partly by accident. Here is another instance in which directors do not (jj,irect. The past ten years the dSrn crop has averaged about 1,626,000,000 bushels annually. This year the yield is likely to be about 2,000,000,000 bushels, a figure which has been exceeded only once, and that was in 1889. Moreover, the demand for exportation will probably be great enough to exhaust the entire crop and insure fair prices. The action of a German guard in compelling a Chicago tourist to fetch a bucket of water and some soap and scrub his name off the base of a famous monument where the wretched man had written it made “the punishment fit the crime” in a capital manner. It is a pity that our law officers can not do the same with defacers of natural scenery and scrib* biers of autographs in public places. The total expenditure by Americans in European travel is estimated at $62,500,000 annually, of which $13,000,000 is for steamship fare, $11,000,000 for purchases abroad and the remainder for traveling expenses in Europe. In view of the magnitude of this last item the railroads and steamboats of Europe ought to furnish Americans with better accommodations than they do. London newspaper correspondents seem to have been taking lessons from the flowery gentlemen acting ns correspondents at Washington. They report an alleged interview of Emperor William and Queen Victoria, in which the Emperor declares that he proposed to make war on France very soon, and which knowledge the Queen took advantage of to circumvent his war proposals, etc. It is more than probable that there is not a word of truth in this alleged interview. It will perhaps encourage the American gentlemen who are going to South Africa to hunt for the Ophir of the Old Testament to know that I two sculptured monkeys upon the L wall of an Egyptian temple, and uaA der them an inscription recording a «Kca expedition on a gold hunting 1,700 years befei-o the Chris'MiBrj era, have been accepted by ™L-nod men as evidence that gold 'Wk sought further south in Africa early day. Seme people have i®k) show tb&t Ophir was in India. Mbs tone monkeys, however, are |mkably African and not Indian Salskand perhaps the evidence nfford is as substantial as any lafimen will pick up in South A New England school inarm near off arson villfc. Mass., who bad taught (r pupils to drill, marched them out a burning school house ia good der the attew day.
CURRENT COMMENTHARRISON WILL WIN. Stephen E. Elkins, Secretary of War, earefully summarized the political situation >n an interview today, when he said: “On the issues and on the record of the two parties, and on the Presidential records of the candidates, 1 anticipate an easy victory for Harrison. \Vhy not ? Who is there to say Harrison shall bo beaten because he has not been a good President? Who can say ho ought to be beaten on the general record of his party? If the Republican party could elect the untried Harmon over Cleveland with his tree trade dogmas in 18188 why can not it re-elect him over the same man and same platform intensified in 1898 ? Let me summarize: The people are satisfied with the business situation throughout the country. They aro satisfied with the relations of politics to business as illustrated by Harrison’s administration. There is the promise that the great crop of 1891 will bo supplemented by another nearly or quite as great in 1892: our foreign trade is growing so steadHy and rapidly as to excite the watchful je.alpusy and fear of Great Britian, our chief manufacturing and commercial rival. Our international affairs are peaceful prosperous and progressive, currency is plenty and stable in value—all those facts are favorable to the party in power. The progress of the campaign will make them more and more patent. The pcopje are perfectly satisfied with the situation. “There is a very large conservative element which always deprecates and takes affirm at any prospeat of change. With this generally nonpartisan element anything is better than uncertainty, and for this reason it will be, is now, tor the Republican candidate. There is no extraordinary conjuncture to impel this element to support Mr. Cleveland; on the contrary there are the very strongest reasons why it should an<J will support ML Harrison, Those I have stated. Finally, what has Mr. Cleveland done in the past four years to warrant tho belief that he is stronger now than in 1888? In fact, should not Harrison’s demonstration of official capacity and ability make him even stronger now than then, whon he was largely taken on trust? Those Republicans who opposed his renomiaation admit that lie has made a splendid President. Even his Democratic opponents admit that much. Those few Republicans who are opposed to even a second term for a President are met by Cleveland’s renomination for the third time. In short, Benjamin Harrison is an invulnerable, invincible candidate of a party that has never fooled the people of the United States. “I am confident there are many surprises in store for the Democracy next November. With an honest count wo would carry several of the Southern States. In 1888 Cleveland carried Virginia by only 1,500, and West Virginia by less than 400 majority over Harrison. It will require a good deal of bloody shirt howl about the elections bill and kindred stuff and, perhaps, some cheating to beat Harrison in those States, and even with these means I doubt it it can be done. “My experience is that there is no sentiment in business and very little in politics. This being a time of peace, the people look to and will favor the party that will best advance the material interests of the country. The'country is prosperous. True, it might be equally prosperous, outside of legislation, under Mr. Cleveland, but the purpose of Cleveland and his party now is to break down protection. The business public will take no chances; it will prefer to be satisfied with a sure thing which is a good enough thing. They will argue it is hardly possible to improve upon the present situation and that change is fraught with danger, and they will argue correctly and Vote accordingly. Set it down as a certainty that for these reasons the independent business men of the country, and especially those in New York, are for General Harrison. This is another reason why he was the logical candidate of his party and why Tammany and the New York Democracy are so doubtful of the result in that State.” REPUBLICAN RECIPROCITY. Reciprocity is not a new principle in the government of this country. Before any of the men now in public life were born John Quincy Adams, who, by education, special training and experience, was one of the best equipped of our Secretaries of State, announced the true interpretation of “the most favored nation” clause of treaties, to wit, that it embraced only gratuitous favors, and not those granted only for a consideration. It is this interpretation, Steadily adhered to by a long line of illustrious successors, which has enabled this government to negotiate and enjoy the exceptional benefits of reciprocity treaties. Fifty years ago we negotiated a treaty* Of own-
mercial reciprocity with France; and many years before that date Congress had conferred upon the President powers slinilar to those of section 3 (tno reciprocity provision) of the present tariff law. I cite these facts to show that the principle and practice of commercial reciprocity is entirely consistent with the adminfstrative history of this country. They do not detract in the slightest degree from the great credit due the President and Secretary of State in inaugurating and so successfully carrying out the recent reciprocity arrangement made with various nations. It is the HIGHEST MARK OP STATESMANSHIP to seize upon great principles of government and put them into successful execution at the opportune moment. For more than a quarter of century we had been steadily pursuing a policy of protection to native industries, and with such marvelous success tha;t the whole land had been covered with factories, mills and workshops. Production of manufactured goods was becoming greatly in excess of domestic consumption. We had reached a crisis which threatened a breaking down of the protective system by its very success. That crisis is happily being mot by the policy of reciprocity which, preserving intact the principle of protection, opens up a market abroad! for tbe surplus production of our farms, mills and factories. Reciprocity is inseparably united to protection. It is impossible under the system of free trade. It is only when a country maintains a protective tariff that it is in a position to offer to other countries valuable concessions for specific products in return for exceptional favors for its own products. llie country which breaks down the protection system and opens up its markets freely and without price to all nations is in no condition to sccufe exceptional favors fi'om other countries. The commercial reciprocity treaties recently negotiated between Germany, Austria, Italy, Switzerland and Belgium afe based upon a recognition of this principle, and they effectually dispose of the question of free trade on the continent of Europe tbr the next twelve years at least, the period of duration of those treaties. We have entered upon a similar policy in this country, and if consistently and steadily adhered to and not broken down by our own partisan action, it bids fair to give to this nation a predominating commercial influence on this hemisphere which will redound greatly to our prosperity and our national pride. But it may be asked, if this be true, why not extend it to our Canadian neighbors on tbe north? The first answer is that with our tropical neighbors, whose products are so dissimilar to ours, reciprocity is a simple matter; but when it comes to deal with a country having thousands of miles of conterminous territory, and with like products and industries, the question becomes more complex. But this is not the insuperable difficulty. The fact that Canada does not possess the right of negotiating her own treaties, but must have them negotiated for her by a distant power which is controlled by economic principles entirely different from those of both the United States and Canada, constitutes the chief barrier to any arrangement. So long as other interests than those of Canada are to control, negotiations for commercial reciprocity must prove a failure. It is the duty and the interest of the United States to cultivate the most intimate and liberal commercial relations with such of our neighbors as recognize American (in its broadest sense) as paramount to European influence on this hemisphere. To all such countries we should open the doors of trade as wide and as freely as the interests of our own estab- j lished industries will permit. Beyond that the spirit of genuine Americanism does not require or permit us to go. THE FINANCIAL ISSUES JOINED. The Democratic platforms contains two financial planks. One is asilver straddle- tbe other a commitment of the party to the policy of restoring the paper money system which obtained before the war. The first had been discussed a great deal in advene©, and was fought over at the convention; the second was not talked about at all in the press, nor noticed, apparently in the convention. It could not have got through the committee, however, without having its provisions distinctly understood, for, in strong contrast to the juggle of words on the silver question, this bank-note plank is brief and explicit. The two planks run thus: Sec. 7. We denounce the Repub- j lican legislation known as the Sherman act of 1890 as a cowardly makeshift, fraught with possibilities of danger in the future, which should make all of its supporters, as well as its author, anxious for its speedy repeal. We hold to the use of both gold and silver as the standard money of the country, and to the coinage of both gold and sliver without discriminating against either
metal or charge for mintage: tout the dollar unit of coinage of both mets!* must be of equal intrinsic arid exckangeablc value, or be adjusted through international agreement, or by such safeguards of legislation as siis.ll insure the maintenance of the purity of the two metals, and the equal power of every dollar at all times in the markets and in tha Daymen ts of debts; and wo demand that all payer money shall bo kept at par with and redeemable in such edin. We insist upon this policy as especially necessary for the protection of the farmers ar.d laboring classes, the first and most defenseless victims of unstable money and fluctuating curreucy. Sec. 8. We recommend that the prohibitory 10 per cent, tax on State bank issues be repealed. The Sherman bill referred to is the act under which practically all the silver output of our own mines, except whnt may be needed for the mechanical arts, it utilized in the form of bullion or coin, for money, being bought by the Government in tQo open market at the market rates, and paid for in brand new United States notes, redeemable in coin. This act the Democratic party stands pledged to repeal on the alleged ground that it is - ‘a cowardly makeshift, fraught with possibilities of danger in the future.” Having repealed that bill, what next? Right here comes the evasion, the straddle. “We hold,” says the plank, “to the use of both gold and silver as the standard money of the country,” which is the statement of an abstract principle on which no controversy can arise in American polities. Some Eastern goldites really believe in the single standard, the gold dollar being that moi et vry unit, as some silverites, on the other hand, believe in bringing gold down to the level of silver, but nearly everybody would like to see the gold and silver dollars brought into perfect intrinsic accord. The next sentence of the resolution begins, as it will be observed, as if it wa-s the intention of the writer to come out for free coinage, as that term is used, but it veers off and comes to the conclusion that such coinage must be upon the basis of equality in intrinsic value, a condition precedent which is happily remote, Taken as a whole the declaration is simply equivalent to begging the silver men not to push that issue. Whichever party comes into power, no such measure as the Bland bill can receive the signature of the next President. It would have been absurd to have adopted a free silver plank for Sir. Cleveland to stand on. It is. well known that lie is a radical goldite. Ho has never concealed the fact. If he could have his way there would bo a slop put to the further use of silver for money of a full legal tender value and quality. The other proposition, to revive the State bank money of ante-bellum times, in it a serious menace to the financial system of the country. It is a proposition to go back to the “stumptail, “red dog’ and all that sort of money. Do the people of this country, especially those of the Western States, want anything of that kind? Many of our merchants and farmers to-day can recall the evils of that old system and tho enormous rates charged on Eastern exchange. Nobody at the North, so far as we are aware, wants to return to State money, but at the South tho feeling in favor of it is very strong. The Democratic party has agreed to give the South this pet measure if allowed to control the government. “We recommend,” says plank 8, “that the prohibitory 10 per cent, on State banks be repealed.” Tula is a small plank, but it covers the entire ground. It may be said that no State need authorize the issue of bills if it does i not want to, which is true, of course; but it is to be remembered that if even only one out of the forty-four I States in the Union should authorize j bank issues that would be enough to open the floodgates for tho whole country. As the campaign progresses this feature of the political situation will assume iaiy.c proportions, especially in the minda of the more thoughtful and conservative element of the people, WELL SAID. The Republican party is now. as it always has been, tne friend and defender of the people’s rights. The statement that it has been guilty of class legislation is a statement unsupported by facts. It has legislated for the people of the whole c< uatry; it is doing so to-day. Over tbe banders of obstruction placed across Its pathway by tbe Democratic party with column closed up and its flag aloft, it is marching to a victory for i f s party and a v : ctory for the people.' It will achieve a party triumph in achieving a triumph of the prosperity of the nation. —Hsu. C. H. Grosven.*.'. The annual Interest charged when General Harrison was inaugurated was $34,578,459.80. Juno 1, 2, it was $22,893,881.20—a decrease of $11,684,573.60, or mare than 3S 1-S per cent.
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