Greencastle Star Press, Greencastle, Putnam County, 1 September 1894 — Page 6

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M'VEAGH'S GREAT SPEECH.

ILLINOIS'S SENATORIAL CANDIDATE! Oi’ENS HIS CAMPAIGN.

Heprtttlicn n Corruption and Slavery to tl»e Privileged Claa«ea SeuthinKly Expoaed—Deraoeratio Prineiiilen E*poutitled from the Eloquent UpM of a Creat Orator—A l^ueld and \ Igoroita Prenentattou of the tteuMou** for Interiiationul ISiinetuiliMiu aa Advovated l»y “The Sentinel”—llllnoia Demoerata Hate Made No ^liatake in Their Candidate aa Shown by Ilia Sound Prftnciplea and Superb Oratory.

Following is tihe text of tiie speech delivered by the Hon. Franklin !MacVeastfi, democratic candidate for United States senator from Illinois, delivered at Chicago upon the occasion of ids formfilly opening his campaign: Mr. Chairman, l adies and Gentlemeji— Our plan of letting the people choose United StateB seuatoni Is nut approved by the press and leaders of the republican i>arty. They flatly refuse to allow I their people to have anything to do with j United States senators. They did not use the Vanderbilt expression about the j jK-ople. but they evidently had it In mind i They have changed since the days of their popular enthusiasm, in Lincoln', time. Then they could not get too near to the people; now they cannot get far enough away from them. tApplaase.) If thf re were recesses of p;u-ty action still back of the caucus, and still further away from the people, the republican press arid leaders would retire to them. And so, point by point, the responsibility of being the only people’s x>arty is put upon the democrats. The republican press and leaders object also to our nominee. They cannot feel sure of his democracy. They think a man who was born a democrat, as I was, should never have been anything else. They celleve in h-redltary partisans. To them p.rty Is an oriental caste, which no man can enter except by the gateway of birth, and none but a renegade leave until he dies. Independent thought is heresy; and Independent action total depravity. They regard the men they lose as traitors; and how they would regard a convert we have of late years had no opportunity to find out. (Cheers and laughter.) VVe only know how they look upon our converts; and can guess that a republican convert would be kept on "the anxious seat.” (Applause.) Tne contrast between the two parties will not be lost upon those independent voters who do not believe in hereditary politics. They will honor the democratic party for the open welcome It extends to all citizens willing to aid Its principles. All independent men Will honor it because its doors are alwuyfC Ide open to every on? of the people. Vll such man— .1 !l p. ■ • -1 i i i v . 1 ili'.i: a great party exists whi -‘.bn 11 can • nter without any sense of Intrusion, and in which no patriotic citizen can possibly feel himself unwelcome or a stranger. From liibernliHiu to Toryism. Hut we must not look to the republican party for the impulses or creeds of liberalism. And why? Because It is not a liberal party. It is a tory party. The republican party started In life a liberal party, and was famous In the lines of liberalism. .It became a tory party so gradually rend formally that Its radical change of front was obscured. There never was a more emphatic testimony to the value of a right start In life. Here is a party which, because It Impressed the nation at the beginning with its devotion to the ideas of liberalism, to the cause of the whole people and to the very dreams of human progress, lias for twenty years, wdthout disturbing the oontldence of a majority of Its rank and tile, been gliding steadily away from Us early enthusiasm, from human progress and the ideals of modern democracy Into the sordid service of a privileged class—away from all tha modern impulses of liberalism Into the mediaeval instincts of toryiam. A minority of its people have, it Is true, abandoned it; but the majority remain, and think themselves members of a liberal party. The change began with the loss of the immortal Lincoln. The great liberal period of the republican party began to close when the ennobling Inspirations of the war and the guidance of the great leader passed together out of Its life. The new situations failed to support its liberal aspirations and the new men failed to live on Lincoln's bights. The change began in the partisan exigencies of the reconstruction period. The party then consciously ceased to be wholly at the service of the nation, and entered upon its carver of bending the nation to the service of the party. The reconstruction measures, starting from Lincoln's patroltlc platform of real reunion, soon deteriorated Into the notorious quarrels and squabbles of the party leaders. and tiiifally into the wretched and insufferable scandals «nd abuses of carpet-bag government. Tne colored people who, as slaves In the days of republican liberalism, were objects of noble and unselfish sacrifices, as freemen were soon treated—and have ever since been treated- -as mere supports of repub]l- , an rule. The slaves whom the liberal republi. an party made free men the tory repub.lean party made slaves. Ilcsutt of It< i.ut.llcuu Revolts. This peri.xi nisi stirred tnose revolts within the party which ended In the Independent explosion of 18S4 and the great republican exodus of 1890 and 1892. Tiie second step was easy. When the republican party, from having been oon'.rolled by ttje people for themselves, came '.o control the people f.ir itieif It was easy 'or bosses—the Conklinga. the Camerons ind the Logans—to rise up and take the lontrol of the party to themselves. This was the period of the complete dexuichory and demoralization of the civil lervioe—the perfect riot of spoils—the whisky frauds—the star route scandals— '.he cri lit mobllior rottenness—the 'Itose Shepherd r * ign in Washington—and the Wtck pay grab—all marking the frlglu.'ul distance between the liberal republicin party of Lincoln and the new tory party of Grant’s second term. The third step was from the stage of bosses, who, bad aa they were, still gave the party a political flavor, to the stage of the protected 'lords and gentlemen.” The protected "lords and gentlemen” now took control of the party themselves, and became both its rulers and Us beneficiaries—setting up nominal leaders, but seizing protection and privilege practically with their own hands. This third step has landed the party in torylsm pure and simple. We have now a tory party with all the essential characteristics—the "lords and gentlemen” in control—the devotion to privilege—the exclusive Interest In a single class—the belief In protection—the demand for a strongly centralized government and the disbelief in home rule—the belief in patronage—the belief in paternalism for the rich—and the conception that progress depends upon the promotion of a v.c.iirliy o-iasa. As a lib. .al parly It uad high Ideas and was In all truth a loal party; as a tory party it scorns ideals and has lowered Its interests from the plane of politics to the plane of trade. The story of the democratic party Is a different one. The leaders of both the whig and democratic parties lost their op.-ortunlty, as the climax of the slavery quetsion came on before the war. The whig party wejit off the scene forever. Hut nothing beyond a temporary setback could happen to the democratic party, because it is based upon the permanent Ideals and principles of modern dm io< racy, and related, therefore, to the whole people In a way that cannot wear out. (Applause.) As long, however, as the republican party remained a liberal party and the party of the whole people there was no chance for the domocratlo party to regain Its lead. But when the ranulillcan party began Its departure

from liberalism—began Its tory development—It began to be plain that the day of the democratic party had returned. I.tlierul Leadership Acknowledged. By 1872 Its opponent had distinctly entered Its tory career, and the place of the | liberal party could only be filled by the democratic party. A bold dash was made for the reinstatement of liberalism In 1872, at a time when the liberal revolt In the republican party likewise undertook the overthrow of the new torylsm. The attempt, through the nomination of Greeley, failed; but the great liberal movement, then begun, never ceased to go forward until liberalism was finally reinstated In all parts of the government, except In the senate, In 1892; and the liberal leadership of the democratic party fully and finally acknowledged by the nation. (Applause.) The wonder Is not that party government has developed here, as In England, a liberal party and a tory party—a party of democracy and a party of privilege— but that so many liberals, for so long a time, continued to support a tory party and keep the liberal party out of power. Even yet the tory party contains a sprinkling of liberals, and the liberal party, 1 regret to say, a sprinkling of lories. What was the explanation? It was the method adopted by the republican party. That method was to say as little as possible about themselves, to divert attention from their departures from llb-rallsm and to raise as big a dust as possible about the liberalism of the democratic party, so that people could not see It. They cried out against the democrats, filling the air with their cries, until they scared their people Into dupes, so that only the most Intelligent and Independent of them refused to believe that the democrats would put the "brigadiers In the saddle” and that the South, ruling simply to ruin, would "cry havoc and let loose the dogs of war,” bankrupt the treasury, mortgaging the nation by paying the confederate debtiapd pensioning all southern soldiers, and finally reduce northern wealth DO per cent. I heard Chicago republicans declare, as late as 18S4. that their whole estates would be for sale at f>0 cents on the dollar if Cleveland should be elected. That state rights were to be re-established and the work of the war undone was believed as freely as If Baron Munchausen )iad never lived. Waving the bloody shirt, and doing Its utmost to keep alive the dying animosities of the war, this party, whose great days were given to the union of states, devoted Itself now to the disunion of the people, all to delay the return of liberalism and secure opportunity for itself to make the passage from liberalism to torylsm without losing office. But these tactics wore themselves out, and In 1890 and 1892 liberalism finally trilumphed. (Ap-

plause.)

But, In one Important respect, this

ime too late. It was too late

triumph came

to forestall another of

scries of national catastrophes and convulsions whl h has marked, as with a trail of fire, the disastrous tory career

of the republican party:

and 1893 are the terrible contributions of torylsm to the prosperity of the na-

tion !

Four rtnanoial crises, among the greatest in

They had

anlcs. Psnlos fring' to their used to almost

that frightful

two of them commercial nis-

torx, within twenty yea-s! I think wrought to admit that the republicans wasted none of these tw ?nty years, but got Into them Just as many pa nics as the Mrort time would allow. (Applause.)

Fault'* l*itrt of It « Follcy.

Now, did this dreadful panic of 1893this climax of twenty y »ars of convul slons—crush republican 1 leaders to earth

with shame and sorrow?

In sackcloth and ashes aitd bewail theli sins? DM they fill the air with outcries of oonscience? Not at tjl! Not In the least! But why? Why this callousness? Simply because they h*i d become used

to responsibility for parties.

•«d panics upon ;

hod become a sort of policy. And you can get

anything. It is said, yoi know, that a man can get used to beinjr hanged. That

Is going a little too far;

li an leaders only had to get used to hanging their fellow-cltb ene, which is a

different matter. (AppU ise.)

But let us "give th" devil his due.” Tlv republican leaders did si ow some sennltlvents? to this latest of their panics. They showed an anxiety to get out of office before the storm bu rst. They knew it would come. Their pi ■oteotlve system was always grinding out panics. To protection they had added t telr hotch potch urreney policy—gold monometallism supported by the Sherman law; and this, even without the protec tlvo system as s. running mate, was a sure winner In a panic race. And firudl r. to reduce the time and break the pat 1c record, they bankrupted the United State? treasury. Already made tepheavy by tremendous bun-eases of outstanding paper and silver Issues without Incre iSe of reserves, rhev paralyzed the treasury by giving it $77,000,000 more of debts 1 o pay In a year than It had Income to pay them with. They turned a yearly sut plu^of $100,000,000 into a deficit of $70,000,000. Having thus fixed for a panic of the first-class, they showed sensitiveness to being around when the time came fo: • it to explode. But that was as near a s they came to 1> nitence Their one tho jght was tn ge t away and be forgotten, And so their anxidy was to tide over the treasury bankruptcy until March 4—which they did by counting the nl ;'kels and other small change, and by standing people off who had bills to coll eot. (Laughter.) But the panic came < -n with horrible suddenness—almost befoi e the republican administration could pack its trunks and get out of towm. 1 his stunned the republican leaders, at d for several months they had nothing to say for themas. Tac-y were meek. The idling had hi-en awfully quick in srorning. i nuy liad set fire to the housej and Us sudden bU/.t revealed them In tl ,«* net of leaving it. F u the first part of :he extra session

they were still meek.

CoiihiiI racy to nil lid the Feople. But following thi& sti ipor came their conspiracy—one of tho r nost remarkable conspiracies in the hist ory of political lnr>-i 5 ,ie A consplrac r unprecedented so far os I know. Far y leaders when In light places lisAA-aj^deaqnestlonalde defense of their action; but this Is the first case of a widespread, deliberate and organized conspiracy of party leaders to fasten upon another party the responsfbiltty for their own policy. The republican leaders, aided by their press, deliberately set about getting the democratic party punished for reimbUcun dimes. Tt. was an afterthought. It was deliberate. Fress and leaders, first tentatively, then boldly, began that tirade of charges which has filled the air for months. They have cried and cried and cried again, with a thousand loud and persistent voices—the smaller press and headers echoing the cha'ges from every corner of the land—tha thu panic whs a democratic panic, tl e depression a demoeratlc depression, 11« treasury deficit a democratic deficit, and the Isuue of bonds a democratic Issue. Having produced the bank; themselvee —It being but number ,rour In tho re-

consplred to whence came the success of f violent abuse the democratic succeeded in

publican series—they charge It upon us. Bi^t such effrontery? From their previous tirade 1 against the liberalism o party. They had onef

| keeping the deuiocraU yut of power by ' r.t’fia and Inrr'.Jlbl# ckSmS. \Vk> lilt

I try Incredible chargss again? The attempt of this conspiracy has

I been to raise such a thick dufft about ; the people tnat tne pp/pie couia not i look through it back tb the principles for which, after years pf growing convictions, they had fought and conquered,

less than two years ago.

That dust Is laying Itself. But It Is our business In this campaign to lay tt more quickly, so that the air! niay quickly be Clear again; and the honest people be able to look through a flear atmosphere to where the tariff ngorm principles Stand unmoved and se^ for themselves that 'they are unchanged and unchangeable—worthy of their enthusiasm and support now as they were In 1892—as much now as they wor| then, the hope

of the nation, the expre and the essence of libi mo-racy. (Applause.) Tho arguments of tin

ion of progress ralism amt deconap 1 racy had

to be incredible. Think of the argument that a great commercial panic, which can only proceed out of long existing financial, commercial and Industrial conditions, was produced by a future moderate reduction of the tariff, for wtolclj the nation, In overwhelming majority, was m-«t eager and anxious! Think of a great panic with its roots in the hereafter! Think of asking the people to believe that the mere e-xpresslon of their own wishes had produced a panic among themselves! Think of a really great tuition like ours becoming so frightened at Its own opinion that It falls down In a fit! (Applause.) The Intrigue was sure to kill itself within a short time by its unsorupulousness. Consider this, from one of the leading republican organs: "Two yenrs ago free trade was a theory, but now It is an experience fraught with the most tangible results." But how could rational human beings expect to catch democratic and Independent tarilT reformers In traps and hand them over to McKinley? The gailf between tariff reform and McKlnleytsm Is simply Impassable from one side. You can pass from MeKinleyism to tariff reform; but no human being has ever crossed the oilier way. The mind of man has no processes equal to It. It would require a reconstruction of the human Intellect. And how could they expect to keep the people blind to the fact that the last eighteen months have simply completed the evidence against protection. Every previous objection to protection stands, and newly fortified. And to all Is added the convincing evidence, furnished by that series of ’73. ’84, ’90 and ’93, that, at frequent and diminishing Intervals, It must explode In dlHastrous panics. It has beixim'e clear, that, under McKlnleytsm, a non-speoulatlve business man might as well put his plant on the top of Vesuvius. (Applause.) Proclaim* for Tariff Reform. I am a tariff reformer, and know of no way left under heaven, exeep-t through the democratic party, to make fast what we now have of tariff reform and to get more. I believe In the reform method of the democratic party—In its radical, Imperative and Immovable demand for free raw maierlaj* and Its patient but progressive treatment of manufactured products. The republicans of Garfield’s time believed In "protection which loads to free trade.” The democrats of Cleveland’s time believe, and certainly I believe, in tariff reform which leads to free trade. The republicans of McKinley's time believe in protection which leads to a Chinese wall. Tariff reform and ultimate free trade until McKinley’s time were always promised by the republican party, and it Is a great distinction of the democratic party that, while the republican party has repudiated its promises of tariff reform and ultimate free trade, she has remained steadfast to tho liberal pdicy of the American people. But It Is said there has been delay In passing our tariff bill, and that the bill is not what we intended it to be. Let us see. As to delay, the blame lies, In our absurd custom of ejecting a congress and refusing to let it sit, except in special session, for a year and a month. Then the paiilcjjfcamc on .Hr" ".!y after the president wo.itffinto cilice, and the extra session to allay the panic crowded out final consideration of an extra session for tariff reform. But as soon as congress regularly assambled in Dacemher the tariff was taken up and It steadily absorbed congress until It passad. The time would not havs bean complained of—for it was considerably less than that of the McKinley bill—but for the eagerness of the business community, Just emerging from the panic, to have all economic legislation especially hurried. Tho delay was not the fault of tha tariff reformers, who took up as little of the time as possible, and knew their mind perfectly. It was due first, to the tactics of the republicans, which were always on the verge of filibustering. It wus due, secondly, to the diffioulties of a groat and glorious democratic achievement. That achievement was the passage of a tariff reform bill through a senate which had a protectionist majority. Let us understand the truth. The senate did not want a tariff reform bill. The senate is proteetionlsl and wants McKlnleyism, and the trusts of McKinleyisms. The bill was passed through the senate and over the senate by a minority, aided by the power and authority of the rank and file of the democratic party, by the overwhelming reform sentiment in the house of representatives and by the. steadfast and sturdy fidelity of President Cleveland. (Applause.) The president has earned his right to withhold his signature to that bill. If bethinks that the best way to further reform and mark his Indignation toward the men who ueod the disguise of democrats to moderate the triumph of denyoracy. But that does not change the great achievement. History will call this bill the decisive victory of reform—tho "Waterloo of protection. Why talk of the details we failed to get, when what we got was the overthrow of protection and the downfall of privilege? Kevei-Mal of a Nation’* Policy. The bill is not, in completeness, what the tariff reform minority of the senate would have had It, or what the people or the house of representatives or the president would have had It; but It Is as different as day is from night from what the protectionist majority of the senate would have had It. With us it Is a question of kind. For it begins a new era. It reverses the policy of a great nation. It turns a great people face about. Tt is as though an army marching eastward were suddenly turned to march westward. It makes an economic revolution in the United States; and in the near future, when we shall have taken our International place with the other great manufacturing nations, will work vast changes In the trade of the whole world. As a measure of Immediate reform It comiiares, unfavorably, only with the Intentions of tariff reformers. Compared with the 5! 'Ivlnl'-y bill, which It replaces, it Is like the relief from a nightmare. Compared even with the Mills bill. It Is a distinct advance along the lines or reform. Tt U so great a triumph thait, In 1890, or even In 1892, we should have accepted R with enthusiasm. But the reform sentiment has grown; and the reform must grow with It. We failed to make all raw materials free. But we made many of them free, and reduced the rest. Who doubts that the absurdity of taxed raw materials is on Its last legs? We (Md not reduce the protection of the sugar trust as far as wo intended. We did not get for the people all we tried to get; for it was here that protection was most strongly Intrenched and fought most desperately. But we reduced, matertly, tihe protection secured to the trust by the republicans in the McKinley bill. The republicans gave the trust one-half cent protection. We have taken away at least oni^third of It, The sugar schedule of th" new law, therefore. Itk" every other schedule In !t from beginning to end. Is a distinct victory for tariff reform. The reform has been obstructed. Why? Because there is a hostile democratic protectionist remnant intrenched in the senate. In tne nouse mere was no delay smt no compromise, f ir In the house the democrats have a majority. In tihe senate they me OliWgSu with a very small majority, and have no majority at all. There is nothing new is the facts.’ We ail knew that a few pc*-teeLion 13La lingered in the party; that in RandaU’a time they were considerable, and that a remnant was left; that a few men In the senate Insisted upon being democrats without believing in democratic principles, and liked the anomaly of cnlling themselves by the name of one parly and supporting the creed of another. We thought, however, that they would not have the courage of their convictions, and they had only courage for Intrigue. But the fact that the tariff reformers were a minority in the senate gave too great an opportunity to be resisted by -men whose whole natures and financial Interests make them protectionists. The marvel If. that the tariff reformers of the democratic paxty could carry reform at

all over the heads of an actual majority of able, cunning and Intriguing protectionists. That they have done so ought to and will bring to the democratic party the applause, the confidence and the sup- ; port of the people. lllnietulll*in and \atiamil Credit. But it is more clear than ever that we | need senators who have first gone before the people of their states explaining and discussing their views and establishing their relations to the principles of their party. It is a final demonstration of the wisdom and public spiru of the democratic doctrine of the nomination of senators, And, as the minority In the senate shows a crying ne,*d of more tariff reform senators, I am going to do my best —and I hope you ynll do your best—to send to Washington another unequivocal tariff reform senator from Illinois! (Ap- 1 plause.) 1 believe also In bimetallism; and think the democratic party, better than any other party, can help to bring It about. I We need to be saved from geld monometallism and from silver monometallism. We absolutely need both gold and silver—the free coinage of both. But, In attempting the reform, we must neither damage thie credit of the nation nor stumble, unintentionally, from bold monov metallism, which Is bad enough, In all ; conscience, into silver monometallism, which Is worse. The credit of a nation I Is almost Its most important posression— I and no currency device will do any good [ If the national credit Is bad. It Is Idle to ; talk of a great nation without a great ! credit. National credit transcends mere economic Importance, and is a part and 1 parcel of a nation’s honor, distinction ! and powlr. And as foi* silver monometallism, If we ever get Into that, let us get there by adopting it deliberately and with our eyes wide*bpen. Let u? not get there by heedlessly stumbling over the precipice and breaking our neck in the operation. Up to now neither party has taken a frank position on the silver question. There has been only temporizing. The parties have looked upon the silver agltaJtlon as a craze, and upon silver agitators as cranks or mine owners. The plan has been to humor the agitation in platforms and wait for It to die out. Beyond this the chief phenomena have been scared confessions In congress and the passage of the Bland-Alllson bill In 1878 and the Sherman law in 1890, which together postponed bimetallism for years, widely discredited silver and actively Joined in bringing on the panic In 1893, at a cost of .millions upon millions to the helffiess business and people of the nation. Now this currency question must be taken up with the frankness, determination, scientific knowledge and public spirit with which tariff retrain has been taken up A ndw light is wreaking in. What has seemed a local craze Is really a world-wide agitation; what seemed the passing enthusiasm of cranks is the occupation of scholars and teachers throughout the civilized world, and what was thought to be supported by demagogues turns out to be gaiuing the enthusiastic adhesion of the most Intelligent and powerful statesmen of Europe and of hosts of the leading men of Europe and America. Free Silver Coinage e<'i**NHry. I believe the democratic party is tho party that can handle this question best for the people, because, being the party of the whole people, It can have the ear of the whole people. The republican party, however It may try, can never get away from Us associations with the gold monometalllsts, or ever convince the the plain people that it is sincere In wishing something else than gold monometallism. The democratic party can, T believe, rally the people round a wise Rtaiid.ird of currenuy refor-m, as it has rallied them around a wise standard of tariff reform. Silver ought to be remonetized. The coinage of silver ought to be free. But there are two ways to remonetize silver and have Us coinage free. One way Is to have It with silver monometallism. The other way is to have it with stable and permanent bimetallism. One would be the worst thing that could possibly happen; the other would be the best thing i hat could possblly happen. One would be an attempt at reform resulting In an Immeasurable national disaster and disgrace; the other would be a reform worthy of all the titles of progress and freighted with that widespread prosperity which true economic reform unfailingly brings. I believe, therefore, that It Is the duty >f the democratic party to take up the cause of bimetallism In earnest. I can well understand the hopelessness with which silver men have looked for help to the two parties—and the Impatience and Irritation caused by party Indifference to an Issue so Important. And It Is small wonder that under this discouragement, and without the safe and wise leadership of a great party, some of the sliver men have run Into extreme misconceptions of what Is possible and what Is impossible In economic reform, of what is safe and what unsafe In attempting reform, and of what we may risk and what we dare not risk at all In dealing with the credit of the nation and the foundations of commerce and finance. And when the democratic party does take hold of this reform, as H must, 'heartily, energetically and faithfully, and avows Us platform frankly and unequivocally, so Chat there can be no two interpretations of tt, It will rally to Us support the bonefrt free silver men and the conservative currency reformers as well, upon a plan to reform that will save every possible risk to the credit of the mttiou. I believe a general discussion of this reform will bring general recognition of -Hiii world-ohara iei. and eorri-o-t ih« impression of a portion of «Ji,. silver ii,cii that permanent bimetallism can be brought about by the aolion of a single government. Tllsi-nssion will show that tihe study of this subject In our country, considerable as It la. Is but slight connpared to tire study of it abroad, and tihat practically all of the opinion and judgment of the authorities In Europe, and of the highest expert opinion here, is that bimetallism can only exist with the co-operation of several leading nations. And such a vast body of friendly and unanimous authority cannot be put aside by an Intellectual nation like ours. Tin* ItifMim* max I)t*<-iiM*e<l, It is generally felt that England la necessary to bimetallism, but I do not see why Uiat Is true. We had bimetallism without her before, and, though Germany was then a silver country and supposed to balance England, the equilibrium might otherwlae be maintained. But the cause of this world-wide reform Is making most rapid progress In England. England is net alone a money-lending country. It Is fire; and foremost a manufacturing and trading country, and U would have no money to lend but for Us manufactures and trade; and It w’ould not long be an Important lender 1/ tt allowed Its manufactures and trades to suffer continually as the are suffering from gold monemetallism. They know they are suffering from It, and a/c crying out iouuiy against It. Manchester Is on one side of the qu-ff-tlon; Lombard-st; is on the other. But Manchester’s cause Is winning rapidly and has even invaded Lomhard-st. itself. Matters have gone so far in England that if an adverse vote in parliament should change the cabinet today Die government of dhtvt country would bo bimetal!!* tomorrow. Bo near Is the world to bimetallism, which nothing could disarrange and which would 'bring relief to the strain i under which the whole world is uapressod. I called myself, at Rprlngtleld, a bimetallist of the bimetallists. Such I am. My bimetallism is the bimetallism now so rapidly spreading In this country and In England—a fighting bimetallism. Let me now speak of the income lax. Taxation is a prime Interest of government and people, but as a practical science It is very little advanced or underatood. Our tax systems tire crude und discreditable In practical devices, and scientific itsxation hardly exists. Our taxation 1? a mere rude scramble for revenue. Now toward this great question the mind of the democratic party is open, and toward it the mind of the republican party Is closed. The republican party looks at all questions of taxation, from Che point of view of pra-

tedtlon, and the democratic party alone has an open and hospitable mind to all ideas and suggestions of the science. It Is not hampered by clients. It freely acknowledges that it has something , to learn. Tts tariff attitude is one Instance of this. Another Instance Is its Income tax. 1 do not say that this Is the best conceivable tax. I do not know what Is the best conceivable tax. Possibly The democratic l>arty may throw the Income tax away for something better, as readily as It took It up in place of something worse. What I do say Is. that the income tax and the revenue part of the sugar tax, taken together, make the best and fairest method of getting necessary revenue, and the nearest approach to scientific taxation that was open to the democratic party this year. The reasons urged against the income tax will not grow in favor. Tho reasons for it will surely gain greater and greater acceptance. Indeed, the only profound objection to an toioome tax that I know of is the fact that I shall have to pay some of It myself. And it seems to me that this Is the sort of objection which constitutes The chief opposition to It. Very few who have not taxable Incomes object; and very many who have taxable Incomes cannot see their way to object to a tax based on a correst theory, and which It will be our duty to protect, in pra-tiee, against the only Important objection ever raised to It: the objection that certain of the rather small number of taxpayers, who sre rich enough to know better, will be led to lie about their Incomes. The objection that lit Is class leglslati n lies against real estate taxes as \) , ell, and licenses and everything else, and Is swallowed up In the fact that an Income tax Is paid by those who can affaord It, out of incomes and properties whose protection and guaranty are a- large part of the government's work and care. That Uie tax Is sectional is only the •barge of New York, whose chief difficulty In life Is Its Incapacity to understand that It Is not well Informed. (Applause.) It Is a wonder to me that the republican party is willing to array itself against Ibis tax and to leave It again to the democratic j>arty to champion the rights of science and the rights of the people. Can this party, that once was swayed by noble Impulses, never rise again, in a single Instance, above the selfishness of Its rich men? Must It always separate Itself farther and farther from the people, and become more and more the party of money-getting and purse pride and the unworthiness of legislated riches. And now, In closing, I appeal to you of this audience, and to all ih Illinois who care for tariff reform, to take this year seriously. Because a president is not to be elected It Is called an “off" year. 1 call attention to the fact that this year is “on”—every unpmgressive hope of proteotion—every vital Interest of progress and reform. All the results of ten years’ reform work, with its setbacks and its triumphs, are at stake, and whoever In his heart cares for tariff reform must this year not only vote but work. It Is our good fortune that there are no reasons for democrats or Independents to refuse to vote the democratic ticket. The local democratic ticket Is probably the best ever put up In Cook county by any party, and the nominations for the state offices are of unblemished excellence. Tha way stands clear for every tariff refromer to support tariff reform. And it Is his year. At his bidding the nation haj turned Itself about anu cow faces Uie rising glory of commercial freedom. The tariff reformer has allowed us this glimpse of a noble vision. For the first Urns we see fho real promise of a great international trade, which will prove itself the basis of a national life greater than tho world has ever seen. All that is great in our national Ufa Is associated with the conilnental proportions of the unfettered trada between our states, secured In the Constitution by the wisdom of our fathers. But this L little compared to the vast expansion of the material and the spiritual life of this people when the barriers have bean broken down and the nation has gone forth to Its rightful association with all mankind. (Long continued applause.) THE VOICE OF THE PfiESS,

DEMOCRATIC STATE PLATFORM.

How do you like It, republicans? How do you like It, democrats? How do you like the effects of the new tariff bill? Think how much better it would have been if the democrats had gotten Just what they wanted. Prices are falling.— Columbus Herald (dem.). The disgusting haste of the senate to drop the bills for free coal, free Iron and free sugar, leaving monopoly with its iron hand on the throat of the Ration, Will only make the people more determined on real tariff reform despite the Gorman-coalitlon.—N. Y. Herald (dem.). The Washington correspondents say the sugar men expect the senate to be republican by the time the free sugar bill conies up again. If It Isn’t republican already, will the Washington correspondents tefll us what It is? It la certainly not democratic.—-Louisville Courier-Jour-nal (dem.). The new tariff bill has been a law one week. The Kokomo base ball club has won three games of ball In succession away from home. A dollar will buy more today than at any time within the history of the country. Every factory In Kokomo is running or preparing to resume. The procession is moving.—Kokomo Dispatch

(dem.).

The advocates of free raw materials may be disappointed, but they should not allow disappointment to develop into discouragement. They will not get free coal or free iron ore, It Is rue. but they have succeeded in placing wool, lumber, salt, hemp, Jute and other article" of le“°er importance on the tree list. AnO the average rates of duty have been cut down 13 per cent. This is not failure. It is progress. When tne good effect of so much reduction as has been achieved shall have become apparent to gU observers the next siep will be easier.—Philadelphia Record (dem.). Tha latest Invention, of the opponents of tariff reform is that it will tend to prevent the annexation of Canada. Upon me theory tnat Canada is to be driven into the union by erecting barriers on the frontier to prevent trade and that there is auriu-ikrtt in. repulsion this objection lo tihe Wilson hill Is well grounded. But tariff wars do not lead to amity. It Is free trade that binds communities together with bonds of mutual Interest and advantage. Ten years of commerce between the United States and Canada, such as exists between Indiana and Illinois, would effectually break down all barriers existing between the two countries.— Terre Haute Gazette (dem.). Treachery and corruption have triumphed. As between the two parties, It cannot be said that “honors are" easy" where no honor has been; but that the load of infamy and of shameful responsibility Is about equally divided. It Is clear, both mathematically and morally, that there was not a day from Thursday until Monday when the senate republicans, by voting with the sixteen or seventeen anti-trust democrats, could not have passed the free sugar bill by a vote as decisive as that -viilch it passed the house of representative on Wednesdaylast. On the final vote the sugar trust democrats cast seven votes. The other twenty were supplied by the republicans. It Is not to be wondered at that after the adoption on Saturday of Senator Murpny’n resolution to stop all legislation, the Waslflfigtoil uuiaespondeut of Uie New York Tribune should have written to his paper, and that journal should have published on Sunday; ‘‘The program of 'he republican and conservative managers, as 'announced In these dispatches lust evening, was carried through without a hitch, except that Mr. Gorman was encouraged to introduce, with great effect, one of his clover dramatic strokes for Ihe delectation of the public.” Clever I Mr. Gorman!—clever republicans!—«it last i happily united In the congenial yoke of | a common servitude to "trusts and combines”—may they m-ver be separated! Birds of a feather—let them continue to flock together, until the people drive the 1 vultures and the cormorants from the I halls of congress. We still continue to suggest Mr. Gorman's superior claims to a place on the repu-'uiloan ticket In 189U.— I Baltimore Sun (dem.).

Following Is the platform adopted by the state democratic convention held at Indianapolis, Aug. 15: "The democratic party of Indiana takes just pride In the strength of the record It has made In the legislative and executive departments of this commonwealth by the enactment and enforcement of wise and benefletent laws In the Interest of the people and in the fulfillment of its pledgee. Slate I mm u cn. "It passed the mechanic Hen laws and the law giving laborers a lien upon the product of rhelr labor for wages and materials furnished, the law protecting labor organizations, the law providing for the safety of miners and proper ventilation of mines, constituting eight hours a day’s tabor In public employment, prohibiting the black-listing of employes, prohibiting ‘pluok-me’ stores, the employes’ liability law, forbidding the employment and Importation of 1'lnkerton detectives, against the Importation of alien or foreign labor. It enacted the school book law, saving large sums to the people, breaking down an oppressive monopoly and placing the Instruments of education within the reach of the poorest and humblest citizens; It enacted our existing laws purifying elections, giving an untrammeled ballot to the voter, and by the Australian ballot successfully preventing fraud and the Intimidation of employes and others at the polls. It framed and passed our present tax law, thus guiding millions of property to our tax duplicates; It passed the present fee and salary law; It enacted tne Barrett Improvement law, which has proven a blessing wherever used; it also passed the state board of charities law. which has Insured honest, humane and Intelligent administration of our public Institutions. “All this has been accomplished, almost In every Instance, in spite of the determined objection and opposition of the republican party. By this course of legislation. In fulfillment of pledges to the people, Indiana has been placed at the fore front of all the states In matters of this kind and kindred reform legislation, and we pledge ourselves to the maintenance and enforcement of these measures, while the republican party stands pledged, at the first opportunity, to destroy, either by repeal or amendment, the most Important of these wise laws. The Tax Law. "We congratulate the people of Indiana upon the uphoi ling of the tax law of 1891, under which more than a hundred millions of dollars of corporate property has been added to the tax duplU-ate. And we especially commend the action of the state officers In charge in prosecuting and enforcing to a successful conclusion the provisions of said laws. Against Protection. "We reaffirm our opposition to the vicious system of class legislation, miscalled protection, and pledge ourselves to continue the battle against It until every species of extortion and robbery fostered by the McKinley act shall be obliterated from our revenue system and the people enjoy all the blessings of commercial liberty. The protective system has built up the gn-at monopolies and trusts which control absolutely so many Industries and have done so much to debauch the polities of the country and corrupt the legislative department of the government. We denounce tariff protection of every kind as a fraud and a robbery of the great majority of the A inert can people for the benefit of the few. We maintain that no tariff taxes should be levied except for the purpose of revenue only and that such taxes sli on Id be limited to the necessities of the government, when honestly and economically administered. "We denounce the McKinley tariff law enacted by the Fifty-first congress a? the culminating atrocity of class legislation. We approve the efforts of President Cleveland and his administration and of the democratic house of representatives and of the large majority of the democratic senators, and particularly our distinguished senators from Indiana, Uie Hon. Daniel W. Voorhees and the Hon. David Turple, and our entire democratic delegation in congress, to redeem the pledges made to the country’ by the last -I- ho ratio national convention, and to execute the will of the American people, aa expressed so emphatically at the ballot box In November, 1892. We condemn the republican party for Ita persistent efforts to prevent the execution of this un--mlstakable popular verdict, and we especially condemn a small coterie of senators, who, masquerading as democrats, by threats to defeat all tariff legislation, have temporarily prevented the democratic party from carrying out all of Its pledges to the people for tariff reform, as announced In the democratic national platform of 1892. "We congratulate the democratic party M I the country Uivm the fact that, notwithstanding the open opposition of the republican party and the conduct of a few pretended democrats, a substantial maasuse of reform has been enacted; that many Important raw' materials of our Industries have been placed on the free list; that a material reduction has been made In the duties on Iron ore and coal, and that the tariff tax on nearly all classes of manufactured goods, Including woolens and on the necessities of dally life, have been very largely reduced. "We approve the action of the house of representatives In following the enactment of this law with the passage of separate acts, placing sugar, coal, Iron ore and barbed wire on the free list, and we demand that ’ho senate shall concur In these righteous measures at the earliest possible moment. We especially Indorse the Income t:vt as a 'wise and equitable in-' isuiv desigrWU to place a fair share of the burdens of the government upon the property of the country, for the benefit of which tho expenses of the government are so largely Incurred. Taxing Green hack*. “\Vo th A lew psqmas by a democratic congress authorizing the taxation of greenbacks as other money Is taxed as a great measure of reform, ami we take prl le In the fact that the demand for such reform was first formulated by fha democracy of Indiana, and that It Is due to the persistent and Intelligent efforts of a democratic representative from Indiana that this reform has been embodied Into law. We favor the prompt enactment of a law by our next legislature for the taxation of that class of

money.

Federal Election LitXV. "We most heartily indorse the action of the democratic coftgress In repealing the odious election law. Flection of Senator*. “We are in favor of a constitutional amendment providing for the election of United States senators by direct vote of the people. Wo are also In favor of such constitutional and other changes as may be necessary in order that congress may assemble as soon after Its election as practicable, and to the end that the will of the people, as'expressed at the polls, may receive prompt and full legislative expression. A. F. A. Henonneed. “We believe and declare that the policy -viS principles of what Is called thAmerican protective association are illiueral, unwise, unpatriotic, undemocratic j and un-American. In the spirit of that religious freedom which characterizes our constitution and laws, and the spirit of that wise toleration and generous statesmanship which seeks to accord to all the rights and privileges of American citizenship, we call upon every man to do battle against such an organization.

La Itor.

“The democratic party of Indiana Is, as I it always bus been, the friend of the laboring man, of whom its membership Is so largely composed. It is In hearty sympathy with every lawful effort to secure j for those who earn their livelihood by

their dally toll full protection In all their rights as American citizens, to better the condition of th*-4r lives, to secure for them full and fair oomp ii-.itlon for ; their labor and to afford them every c possible opiMirtunlty lor moral, social and material advancement We condemn the efforts that have been made, whether by the professed friend* or the avow- -1 t-m-inlcs f ••or wage-workers, to Identify their cause with the Infamous conspiracies of lawlessness and anarchy which threaten the very foundations of social order and civilization. We are opposed to every manifestation of \1o- ' lence and mob spirit and stand squarely for the maintenance of law and order upon all occasions and under all circum-

stances.

Immigration. "We favor the enactment and enforcement of such laws regulating immigra- <, ti"n from other countries as shall exclude the pauper and vicious classes, who are unfitted to become American citizens | and whose presence In the country will furnish a standing menace to the order and prosperity of our land. t Tin* II e pH III 1 «-a n Faille. “We denounce the unprincipled and cowardly effort of the republican party to escape the responsibility for the existing depressed condition of the business affairs of this country- This condition Is the natural, logical and Inevitable result of the Infamously corrupt system of taxation known as McKlnleylsm, combined with other vicious legislation and the profligate extravagance of the republican party. Arlitti-ntlon. "We favor the establishment of a tribunal of arbitration In which there may be secured a peaceful settlement of all disputes between employers and em-

ployes.

Sumiitunry Law*. "The democratic party Is, as It has ever been, opposed to all sumptuary laws aa contrary to the principles of free g* —i eminent, and favor the largest IndivlduH ”] liberty of the citizens consonant with good government. * The Silver (lueatlon. "We Indorse the repeal of the purchasing clause of that cowardly republican makeshift, the Sherman silver act of 1890. We reaffirm our belief that both gold and silver should be used as the money standard of the country, and that both should be coined without discriminating against either metal and without charge for mintage. We believe It alisolutely necessary to the welfare and prosperity of the great producing masses that sliver should be restored to the place It occupied In the currency systems of the world a quarter of a century ago. and we hall with delight the many signs of a revolution In public opinion In the great commercial nations In favor of a restoration of the bimetallic system. Wo pledge our hearty efforts to secure the adoption of every w-a sure for the com- ' plete restoration of silver to Us proper place In our monetary system, either through Internatifinnl agreement or by such safeguards of legislation as shall insure the malntenanee of the parity of the two metals, and the equal power of every dollar at all ralmes in the markets and In payment of debt; and we demand that all paper currency shall be kept at par and redeemable In such coin. Hawaii. "We declare that the present national administration has acted wisely nnd honorably in permitting the people of Hawaii, unawed by our naval or military forces, to manage their own domestic concerns and to place their country In the family of republics. Cleveland and Mnttliexvs. We heartily Indorse the able, fearless and patriotic administration of Grover Cleveland and especially his course in maintaining law and order. “We heartily Indorse the wise and patriotic administration of Govenor Matthews, whose conduct as a publlo servant has called forth the commendation of the people of every state In the union and placed our state In the foremost rank for good government, and cordially commend the action and conduct of our several state officers. Coni-erillliK l’en*lollM. "We remember with gratitude the patriotic, services of the solllers and sailors of the late war, and recognize the fact that, after the laiiee of thirty years, by reason of the hardships, privations and expisures of army life, many are passing away and others becoming more helpl-ss. We therefoe* demand that congress, In the matter of pensions, shall not only deal generously, but bountifully with those aged veterans. "We also reiterate the declaration of our convention in 1892, that the state should provide by liberal appropriation for the support of a home where our disabled veterans, with their wlv-s, may be supported without sending them to almshouses," Hoxv It AVn* Received. The reading of the reiiort was frequently Interrupted by bursts of applause. With the indorsement of Senators Voorbees and Turple some applause was heard, but the first great expression of enthusiasm was heard when the condemnation of the traitorous element In the senate was read. Hats were waved, threats, already hoarse with shouting, again sent forth long and loud acclaims; cries of "Name them!” “Name them!" "Traitors!" "Gorman,” "Brice,” “Smith" were heard everywhere ns a mighty roar and It was some lime before the siieaker could proceed. A The 'Jemanls that the -trhitor^tis senators should be named could only be silenced after Senator Bell had smilingly said: "The finger of scorn will fellow them down uiie pathway of Ilf— without naming tbem.” The Income tax, the proposition to elect senators by populor vote and to establish a permanent board of arbitration to settle all labor disputes were receiv'd! with long and loud shouts of ap-

proval.

The taxation of greenbacks proposition elicited another wave of enthusiasm and cries of "Cooper!" “Cooper!” could not be stilled un'til the speaker assured the convention that Mr. Cooper would be referred to In a following clauseThe denouncement of the A. P. A. was also received with loud applause. TJie sympathetic spirit of the convention was evinced most loudly, however, when the clauses Indorsing the administrations of President Cleveland and Governor Matthews were read. The applause lasted | for fully ten minutes and quiet could be restored only with great dlttleulty nnd after repeated outbursts of enthusiasm. The resolutions met with the warm support of the convention, and the motion of Senator Bell to adopt them by moving (ho previous question was answered with a shout. There was not even a suspicion of divided sentiment expressed. Proud of tllin. The democracy of 11a acock cotjTPy arc Justly proud of having 1 secured for one of their citizens Senator Morgan Chandler—tho nomination for treasurer of state. Mr. Chandler Is at prescht filling the office of Joint senator from Hancock and Kush counties, and his nomination Is a fitting recognition of his -honesty, ability and service to the party.—KushviUe Jacksonian. i

llriglil Future for Auiierlcan vim*. | It will only take a fev • years of free ! wool to ni ike the Amerlc in woolen mills the largest In the world, AVe shall never go back to taxed wool. J fter the people have found out what p wool will do for them In the way of ol -apenlng clothing no party will .-ver da|e to put a tax on wool,—Buffalo News.

J