Greenfield Republican, Greenfield, Hancock County, 31 October 1912 — Page 2

What Does' a Change Mean For YOU?

With our abundant crops and prosperity in all lines of business in the country, our farmers, our. laborers, and our business men are going to think twice before voting for a change in the republican management of our national affairs. The following wise words of Chairman Hilles, of the national republican committee, are worth pondering over by the voter:

Two groups of zealous politicians are crying to the country for a change in our national administration. They want to take charge of the nation.

But for you, the workers and taxpayers, this contest is serious business, and you should weigh the consequences with a serious mind. Don't take mere words. Seek facts.

Out of this whirlwind of language which the "spellbinders" send beating about your ears, what is it that stands out, first and all the time? "We want a change in Washington."

A change for what To what The present administration, after nearly four years' hard work, has finally succeeded in restoring the country's business to a prosperous basis.

The mills are running full time. Mines are operating all their shifts. Factories are working to capacity. Commerce is thriving. The country is free of labor troubles and financial troubles.

The working man is steadily gaining better wages. The farmer is growing steadily more prosperous. The market for farm products has never been so broad and generous.

The railroads report the heaviest freight and passenger traffic in their existence. Shipping is everywhere active. Public works on a great scale are everywhere under way. Trade is moving smoothly, in ever-increasing volume. The savings banks are overflowing with money.

The United States is on the threshold of the greatest boom in its history. Within six months, under present conditions, we will dwarf the great period that followed the Spanish War.

And our prosperity will be here to stay, for we are on sounder ground than we were in '98. The trust problem has been settled—and settled right. "Big Business" has been put in its proper place, and this without halting industry or disorganizing affairs. The currency question is understood as it never has been, and will be solved along sound lines as soon as the heat of partisan political controversy dies down. The tariff is gradually being placed on a business basis, and soon will be out of politics, as it should.

They want to administer public affairs. And they promise wildly, eagerly, what they will do in return— if only they are granted control.

From Maine to California, their words fill the air.

And have you, the workers and taxpayers, whose affairs these gentlemen would control, stopped to analyze their proffers and promises?

You should: To the politicians themselves these proffers and promises are of no special importance. They have nothing to lose. They have everything to gain. Even if they lose, they win for the contest will keep them in the limelight.

Everything is shaping to give the American people a long, unbroken, unparalleled period of peace and plenty. And at this time of all others, along come these political gentlemen shouting for a change.

Do yo-u want to' change? Do you want to check prosperity just as you are about to pluck its choicest fruits? Would you, the workers who must pay, commit the mad folly of taking your government out of tried and proven hands and turning it over to the self-seekers who are clamoring for its control

When President Taft took over the government the country waa prostrated Industry was paralyzed. Business was chaotic, uncertain, suspicious. Millions were out of employment. Investors, wherever possible, had withdrawn their capital. Enterprise was dead.

All this waa the result of the panic of 1907, the "talking panic." The "Rich Man's" Panic, it was called. But do you remember any poor man who was not hurt?

It took the Taft administration over three years to repair the damage of this panic. It required infinite patience, Skilful management at home and abroad, unflinching enterprise, good judgment and vast prudence to bring the country out of that black pit.

And now that the pit is covered, and the country is once more in the level sunshine 6f prosperity, do you want to take a chance on being thrown back? Do you want to take a chance on being talked into another and a needleas panic?

The question is not to be settled by talk, no matter how smart The huzzahs of the hustings may make sweet music, but in the background of the future you may hear the muttering® of a people unemployed.

Your family stands with you at the dividing line, which has happiness and prosperity on one side and unhappiness even want on the other.

If you are a tramp, without kindred and without responsibility, bv all means follow the adventurers. But if you own a stake in the country, if you have kith or kin dependent on the job you hold weigh carefully the words and deeds of those who would lead you in a mad gallop to the precipice#of experimental government.

Remember, a change at Washington would mean everything for them. But what would it mean for yout „, Would Mr. Taft's defeat help youf

Would the theories, untried and unproven, on which the politicians are seeking to ride into office, benefit your wife and family? *1 Brush aside all the fine language of the orators long enough to dig out answers to these questions. You will then have a reasonably safe guide on election day, for, like true charity, true politics begins at home. The intelligent man yotes for that which is best for himself and those dependent on him, and not for that which is best only' for the other fellow. He is not misled by the shadow of the bone in the water. •Aw*'

The American people, for the first time in years, have ike bone of prosperity firrrily between their teeth. Are they prepared, like the dog in tli-e fable, to drop it, to chase elusive shadowsf

I. Nice doggie!*

THE-PANIGS OF

DEMOCRATIC PARTY RESPON. 8IBLE FOR THE DISTRESS WHICH MARKED ITS AD­

MINISTRATION.

FACT IS CLEARLY SHOWN

The Financial Disturbance of Five Years Ago Not Due to Adverse Republican Legislation Nor to Any

Well, here are the facts: The last year of the Harrison administration, 1892, was the most prosperous the country had enjoyed up to that time. Labor was fully employed, capital was actively seeking investment, and the farmers were getting a good price for a big crop. So far as industrial and commercial conditions were concerned, there was not a cloud in the sky. Republican speakers and newspapers tried to persuade the people .that they should let well enough alone and that Democratic success might bring disaster. But they would not listen. Ths prices of some things were pretty high. The Democrats declared it was because of the high tariff and promised that if put into power they would revise the tariff "in the interest of the plain people." There was little expectation throughout the country that Harrison would be defeated, and business boomed right up to election day. But Harrison was defeated.

Hew the Panic Came.

And then what happened? Why, Instantly. men who had money which they were about to invest locked it up in the vaults and said "We will Just wait a while to see what happens." Manufacturers engaged in producing protected articles, realising that as soon as the Democratic congress could get at It their protection would be reduced, immediately began to cut their output to current demands. Who could blame them for refusing to go ahead and pile their warehouses full of goods which might have to be sold in competition with similar products made in countries where the factory wage scale was one-half or one-fourth of the factory wage scale which they had been paying? Jobbers and wholesalers cut their orders to the manufacturers in the same way and for the same reason. Retailers all over the country bought their supplies from day to day, fearing to be caught with high-priced goods when the low-priced flood came.

And so It happened that although the Wilson bill was not actually passed until late in 1864 the panic began the day after the election in 1892. It was not what the Democratic president and congress had done, but what everybody knew they intended to do that Wrought the havoc. Indeed, if the Wilson bill could have been passed the day Cleveland was inaugurated the damage to the co.untry would have been far less than that which

actually occurred.

DR. WILSON'S REMARKABLE SURGICAL FEAT!

REMOVING THE DOG'S TAIL ONE INCH AT A TIME SO AS NOT TO HURT THE DOG.

Cause for Which the Republican Party Must Answer.

With an audacfty which can only be explained by the desperate situation which makes a resort to even the most improbable of theories a political necessity, the Democratic campaign text book charges the Republican party with responsibility for the panic of 1893 and the hard times that ensued. "The Republicans have been trying to make the country believe," says the text book, "that the panic of 1893 was brought about by the Democratic bill which was passed in 1894." And then the text book writer proceeds to make merry over the absurdity of charging an effect in one year to a cause that did not transpire until the year after.

-Y

7r The Danger of Uncertainty. This Country is big enough and rich enough and resourceful enough to ad Juat itself to nearly any tariff law, no

4

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5o P&ielc&r "Deartte! HowSnguUr!

"We do not ignore the fact that the business of a country like ours is exceedingly sensitive but we shall not on that account act with timidity as if we did not know our minds. .. There should be an immediate revision and it should be downward, unhesitatingly and steadily downward." Wood row Wilson. —Prom American Industries.

one Inch!

matter how bad it may be, if it only knows what it is. But during all the long months of debate over the bill the business of tbe country was, as it were, hung up in the air. If men had known that the duty on articles in which they were interested was to be reduced ten per cent, they could have figured accordingly. If they had known the duty was to be reduced 50 per cent, or 100 per cent, they would have hall some basis upon which to adjust themselves. But they did not know what the reduction would be, so they had absolutely no basis upon which to do their figuring. They simply had to wait and wait and wait, keeping just as close to shore as they possibly could until the long agony was over. That is the analysis of the panic from 1893 to 1897, and no matter how vigorously the Democratic text book may dispute it, it cannot deny or refute it

Two Kinds of Panics.

There is some reason, of course, why the unthinking should charge the responsibility for the panic of 1907 upon the Republican party, because that party was in power when the panic occurred. But it is to be remembered that there are two kinds of panics, one due to loss of confidence in measures and the other due to loss of confidence in men. A political party is justly chargeable with a business disturbance due to bad measures or the fear of bad measures but it is not chargeable with responsibility for a disturbance brought about by the conduct of men. It was the fear of Injurious legislation that brought upon the country the disaster 6f 1893-7. And therefore these disasters are chargeable to the Democratic party. But the money stringency of 1907 was due absolutely to the frenzied financiering of a group of men operating entirely outside of politics and having no connection whatever with the government. It was nowhere charged that the panic of 1907 was brought about either by legislation which the Republican party had enacted or that it was threatening to pass. Neither then nor at any time since then has any Republican measure been charged with having brought it about, and the only new legislation which was demanded as the outcome of it was the emergency currency law, the need of which had never before been demonstrated so plainly, and which was promptly passed.

These are the facts in relation to the panics of 1893-7 and of 1907. That Democratic legislation was directly responsible for the former cannot be successfully denied. That Republican legislation was responsible, directly or indirectly, for the latter can not be successfully maintained.

WHY ROOSEVELT BOLTED.

From th« Clay Center, Kan., Republican. Taft was fairly nominated by the Republican national convention at Chicago and is the rightful nominee of his party. Had Roosevelt been the nominee, it would have been the duty of Republicans whb affiliate with the party to support him. Taft standB in that same relation and logically should command the support of all who claim to be Republicans. Roosevelt bolted his party not because Taft was not the rightful nominee, but because of disappointed ambition and bitter desire for revenge because of his failure to get the nomination.

A bolter and ingrate and a traitor are synonymous terms in his case and the people will see to it that he is properly punished for his treachery.

No traitor ever succeeded In accomplishing his ends. History has never recorded an instance where a traitor did not meet his just deserts. It will be the same with Roosevelt

Out of the Honest Class.

From the Salt Lake Tribune. Governor Johnson's characterization of President Taft as "the most humlllatlng character in American history," Is a fair example of unbridled license of apeeeh gone mad. Johnson's attempt to steal the Republican organization in California and disfranchise Taft voters, puts him out of the class of honest men who are entitled to respect.

STATEMENTS WHICH ARE OF INTEREST IN ALL SECTIONS OF THE COUNTRY.

TARIFF REVISED DOWNWARD

Opposition to President Taft Stimulated by Magazines Which Were Made to Pay Additional Postage, and Thus Relieve the People's Additional Cost of

Postal Service.

A Republican voter In Grand Rapids, Mich., recently addresed a letter to the headquarters of the Republican National committee in Chicago, in which he said: "I have been a Republican all my life, and for 30 years have been voting nothing but a straight Republican ticket for president of tjie United States."

He does not say that he will do otherwise this year, for he believes President Taft to be honorable and worthy of the many honors that have come to him. He adds, however, that the Republican platform of 1908 called for a downward revision of the tariff and that this solemn pledge has not been kept He also asserts that the large majority of the laborers in the woolen mills are foreigners instead of Americans, and are employed at starvation wages instead of being paid wages upon which people in this country can live decently. He further calls attention to the fact qf a statement that English automobile manufacturers are forming a trust to compete with American companies that are said to be ruining the English market. In conclusion, he wants some information about the panic of 1907.

The explanations and information desired by this Republican voter are so general in their character that the answer forwarded to him will certainly be of interest to other voters in every section of the country. The reply says:

Tariff Revised Downward. "The past four years have indeed been most prosperous ones, with few industrial or other disturbances, and with conditions generally satisfactory. And, after all, is not the real test of any administration the conditions which exiBt in the country while it is in power? "It is doubtful if you could find a statement of Mr. Taft in which he said there had been no promise of a revision downward. His letter of acceptance states clearly that he did so construe the pledge of the platform in 1908. Furthermore, the tariff was revised downward. The impression to the contrary is due to three sources. One is the attack made upon the Payne law by the magazines. That attack was prompted chiefly by the bitter resentment toward President Taft because he had recommended that the second class postage rate be advanced so that the magazines would come somewhere near paying the government what it cost to transport their editions. It costs the government now about $60,000,000 a year to carry the magazines through the mails, and they pay it in postage about $10,000,000, leaving a clear subsidy of $50,000,000 a year. The president suggested to congress that this was not a square deal toward the government, and the magazines determined to break him down."

Opposition to Taft Explained. The reply further stated that the opposition of the metropolitan press to President Taft is due to the fact that he declined to put print paper on the free list, while th«! third source from which the people derive the impression that the Payne law shows revision upward instead of downward was the declaration by Mr. Champ Clark in his speech opposing the bill when It was before the house of representatives. Mr. Clark, speaking as a prophet and not as an historian, •aid that the duties under the Payne bill would show an average Increase of 1.71 per cent, over the Dingley law. The letter continued: "That statement went out to the country, and was accepted as a fact when it was merely a guess. But the law has been in operation now for nearly three years, and we do not have to guess, because we know. And these are the facts shown by the books of the treasury department: "Under the Dingley law 44.8 per eent. of all Imports were on the free list Under the Payne law 61.2 per cent, are free. "Under the Dingley law the average duty on all dutiable Imports was 25.5 per cent., while under the Payne law the average duty has ben 20.1 per cent. "In other words, the Payne law shows a reduction of ten per cent below the Dingley law on dutiable goods, while on all goods Imported it shows a reduction of 21 per cent. This is not prophecy, as Mr. Clark's statement was, It is history."

Mr. Roosevelt, in a signed article in the Outlook, said: "The Payne law in better tban the one It succeeded, and very much better than the McKinley law."

Wool and Woolen Cloth. Regarding wool, it Is stated that tho last Democratic wool schedule revision put the sheep growers out of business and closed up 90 per cent ©f the woolen factories. It is Mm stated that the average manufacturer's profit on the cloth which goes into the average suit of clothes is an Average .of SO cents. This sum would be saved by the purchaser of the qblt if all of it were taken away from

the mill men. The letter then con-' tlnues: "As to the situation at Lawrence,. Mass., it is true that the mills arelargely operated by foreigners but so far from that being an argument against our tariff policy, it seems tome to be one in its favor, because the very presence of those foreigners Is evidence that labor conditions here are better than in other countries. The recent disturbances, you must have observed, do not grow out of any wage* dispute, but without doubt are due solely to the anarchistic protest against the trial of two men charged with murder or some other violent erime. It may be that wages in these mills are lower than they should be,, but I do not possibly see how a reduction in the duty which would necessarily reduce the profits of the milt owners, could result in advancing wages."

As to the tariff on automobiles, It laasserted that there is no evidence which shows that Americans pay higher prices for these machines here than would otherwise have to be paid. There is the liveliest competition among American automobile manufacturers, and the machines are sold strictly on their merits. As they are sold in America on a competition basis, there is no reason to complain if other makers are able also to compete 'with other countries. American goods find a big market abroad, as a rule, because they are better than foreign goods, and not because they are cheaper.

An Important Difference.

In conclusion, the reply draws a contrast between the panic of 1907 and the panic of 1893, as follows: "As to the panic of 1907, it cannot be properly charged to the Republican party, because it arose not through loss of confidence in measures, but through distrust of men. The panic of 1893 came because the country feared the result of Democratic measures, the tariff bill and others. The panic of 1907 came because the country lost confidence in some high financiers who were gambling on the country's prosperity In Wall street. The proof of this is in the fact that no act of Republican legislation was charged with responsibility for the panic, and no new legislation was demanded to cure it, except the emergency currency law, which was promptly passed."

Some Republican Facts

Business never better. Wages never higher. Factories running full time. Railroads crowded with traffic. Labor in great demand. Bank deposits increasing. Everybody busy and hopeful.

Why Change When All's Well?

Some Democratic Facts

Bread lines a mile long. Soup houses everywhere. Banks mostly busted. Three million men idle. Ten million children hungry. Homes plastered with mortgages.

Nobody making any money.

Why Have Hard Times Again?

Taft's Fight Is Your Fight

Because

Do you remember the years 1893-4—the free soup houses, bank failures, thousands of men out of work and the bread line?

Do you remember that at this time we had a Democratic president, Grover Cleveland?

Woodrow Wilson, the Democratic candidate, and hit free trade doctrine will bring this condition on again and It it your duty to see that he is not elected.

How can this oalamlty be prevented? Don't throw away your vote on Theodore Roosevelt, because it is utterly impossible for him to be elected and a vote for, him is a vote for Wilson, at it splits up the Republican party.

Can Wilson be prevented from being elected? Yes, there is but one way, put across or. your bak lot as follows: (X) REPUBLICAN

WHAT A DEMOCRATIC VICTORY WOULD MEAN.

The abolition of the protective tariff or the substitution for it of a tariff for revenue only, as proposed by the Democratic platform, would plunge this country Into the most widespread industrial depreeeion we have yet seen, and THI8 DEPRESSION WOULD CONTINUE FOR AN INDEFINITE PERIOD.

Prom Theodore Rooeevelfs Confession of Faith delivered at Chicago, August C, 1912, before the Progressive national convention.