Greenfield Republican, Greenfield, Hancock County, 1 November 1894 — Page 3

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PARTY PERFIDY-

..1

S«l«

Democratic Dishonor Involved in the Gorman Tariff Bill.

/What President Cleveland Thought 'V Of It.

We reproduce our Washington jdispatch of July 19, as it is especially timely in view of the outcome. 'Republicans could hardly say worse things of the bill, which finally became a law, than President Cleveland did before its passage. The ^dispatch is as follows:

During the debate in the House itoday on conference report on the [tariff bill Mr. Wilson, chairman of khe ways and means committee, sent to the clerk's desk and had read a (letter from President Cleveland. (The letter, which was dated July 2, iwas addressed to "Hon. William L. Wilson,"and marked "personal." It 's as follows: "My Dear Sir—The certainty that conference will be ordered between two houses of Congress for the ^rpose of adjusting differences on subject of tariff legislation makes jlso certain that you will again be 3d upon to do hard service in the of tariff reform. My public 'ias been so closely related to the ect, I have so longed for its ac•plishment and I have so often nised its realization to my fellow ltrymen, as a result of their and confidence in the Demoic party, that I hope no excuse icessarv for my earnest appeal ou that in this crisis you strenuinsist upon party honesty and .1 faith and a steady adherence democratic principles. I believe se are absolutely necessary coupons to the continuation of Demo"tic existence. I cannot rid my of the feeling that this conferee Vrill present the best if not the hope of true Democracy. Iudiions point to its action as the re\ce of those who desire the genufruition of Democratic effort, fulfillment of Democratic pledges }. the redemption of Democratic •mises to the people. To recondifferences in the details corned within the fixed and well•ed lines of principle will not be ole task of the conference, but. seems to me, its members will •'in charge the question whether

cratic principles themselves be saved or abandoned. acre is no excuse for mistaking apprehending the feeling and

smper

of the raulc and file of

^mcracv. They are downcast the assertion that their party |n ability to manage the governand they are apprehensive that -v to bring about tariff reform fail, but they are much more icast and apprehensive in their

.S' that Democratic principles may surrendered. In these circumstances they cannot do otherwise than to look with confidence to you and those who with you have patriotically and sincerely championed the cause of tariff reform within Democratic lines and guarded by Democratic principles. This confidence is vastly augmented by the action, undor your leadership, of the House of Representatives upon the bill now pending. "Every true Democrat and every sincere tariff reformer knows that this bill, in its present form and as it will be submitted to the conference, falls far short of the consummation for which we have long labored, for which we have suffered defeat without discouragement, •which in its anticipation gives us a rallying cry in our day of triumph, and which in its promise of accomplishments is so interwoven with Democratic pledges and Democratic success that ocii

abandonment op

THE CAUSE OR TIIE PRINCIPLES UPON WHICH IT RESTS MEANS PARTY PERFIDY AND PARTY DISHONOR.

"One topic will be submitted to the conference which embodies Democratic principles so directly that it cannot be compromised. We have in our platform and in every way possible declared in favor of the free importation of raw materials. We have again and again promised that this should be accorded to our people and our manufacturers as soon as the Democratic party was invested with the power to determine the tariff policy of the country. The party now has that power. We are as certain today as we have ever been of the great benefit that would accrue to the country from the inauguration of this policy, and nothing has occurred to release us from

our obligation to secure this advantage to our people. It must be admitted that no tariff measure can accord with Democratic principlss and promises or bear a Democratic badge that does not provide for free '•raw material. In these circumstances it may well excite our wonder that Democrats are willing to depart from this, the most Democratic of all tariff principles, and that the inconsistent absurdity of such a proposed departure should be emphasized b3r the suggestion that the wool of the farmer be put on the free list and the protection of tariff taxation be placed around the iron •fVore and coal of corporations and A', capitalists. How

can we pace the

1")PEOPLE AFTER INDULGING IN SUCH "'OUTRAGEOUS discriminations and violations of principles?

It is

quite apparent that this question of free raw material does not admit of djustment on any middle ground, ince their subjection to any rate of .riff taxation, great or small, is like violative of Democratic princiles and Democratic good faith. "I hope that you will not consider intrusive if I say something in reation to another subject which can

ill

"Grover

hardly fail to be troublesome to theja pound on raw sugar, and of 8 conference. I refer to the adjust- cents a pound on refined sugar, and ment of tariff taxation on sugar, all subsequent tariffs down to 1890, Undor our party platform, and in ac-1 though often changed, placed a procordance with our declared party tective duty on foreign sugars. The purposes, sugar is a legitimcte and! McKinley law made a radical change logical article of revenue taxation, in the mode of affording protection Unfortunately, however, incidents to the American sugar industry by have accompanied certain stages of: admitting raw sugar free of duty, legislaiion which will be submitted placing a differential duty on refined to the conference that have aroused, I sugar and paying a bounty of 2 cents in connection with this subject, a a pound on all sugar of a certain natural Democratic animosity to the quality produced within the United methods and manipulations of trusts States. The bounty was to eompenand combinations. I confess to shar ing in this feeling, and yet it seems to me we ought, if possible, to sufficiently free ourselves from prejudice to enable us coolly to weigh the considerations which, in formulating the tariff legislation, ought to guide our treatment of sugar as a taxable article. "While no tenderness should be entertained tor trusts, and while am entirely opposed to granting them, under the guise of tariff taxation, any opportunity to furtner their political methods, I suggest that we ought not to be driven away from the Democratic principle and policy which led to the taxation of sugar by the fear, quite likely exaggerated, that in carrying out this principle and policy we may indirectly and inordinately encourage a combination of sugar refining interests. I know that in present conditions this is a delicate subject, and I appreciate the depth and strength of the feeling which its treatment has aroused. I do not believe that we should do evil that good may come, but it seems to me that we should not forget that our aim is the completion of a tariff bill, and that in taxing sugar for proper purposes and within reasonable bounds, whatever else may be said of our action, we are in no danger of running counter to Democratic principles. With all there is at stake there must be iu the treatment of this article some ground upon which we are willing to stand, where toleration and conciliation may be allowed to solve the problem without demanding the entire surrender of fixed and conscientious convictions. "I ought not to prolong this letter. Tf what I have written is unwelcome, I beg you to believe in my good intentions. In the conclusions of the conference touching the numerous items which will be considered the people are not afraid that their interests will be neglected. They know that the general result, so far as they are concerned, will be to place home necessaries and comforts more easily within their reach, and to insure better and surer compensation to those who toil. We all know that a tariff law covering all the varied interests and conditions of a country as vast as ours must of necessity be largely the result of honorable adjustment and compromise. I expect very few of us can say, when our measure is perfected, that all its features are entirely as we would prefer. You know how much I deprecated the incorporation in the proposed bill of the income tax feature. In matters of this kind, however, which do not violate fixed and recognized Democratic doctrine, we are willing to defer to the judgment of a majority of our Democratic brethren. I think there is a general agreement that this is a party duty. This is more palpably apparent when we realize that the business of our country timidly stands and watches for the result of our efforts to perfect tariff legislation, that a quick and certain return of prosperity waits upon a wise adjustment, and that a confiding people still trust in our hands their prosperity and well being. The Democracy of the land plead most earnestly for the speedy completion of the tariff legislation which their representatives have undertaken but they demand no less earnestly that no stress of necessity shall tempt those they trust to the abandoment of Democratic principles. Yours very truly,

Cleveland."

The Republican Sugar Policy. Indi-inapolis Journal. The tariff discussion and legislation of the last few years have developed what rnav prove to be dividing party lines on the sugar question. The present position of the Republican party on this question, partly the result of foresight and wisdom and partly of circumstances, is so strong that it ought to be firmly maintained and incorporated in the future policy of the party.

From the foundation of the Government down to the passage of the McKinley law sugar was protected. The first tariff act passed after the

The Democratic Ass v' York Press. i. ''''I'*

adoption of the Constitution, that of uttered no word against the sugar July4, 1789, placed a duty of 1 cent trust, assail it at the eleventh hour?

sate American sugar producers for the removal of the duty and to encourage the industry. In other words, it was a substitute for protection. Beginning with April 1, 1891, for the first time in the history of the country, the American people had free sugar. This was the beginning of the Republican policy of free sugar for the people and a bounty for the protection and encouragement of the American sugar industry.

To say that the policy has been popular and successful is to state the case mildly. Free sugar proved to be a national boon and immensely popular with all classes. The price to consumers immediately fell to a point never before known in this country and every family in the land felt and enjoyed the benefit. There was not a man, woman or child from Maine to Alaska who did not personally experience the benefits of the change. True, the government lost considerable revenue, but, as the people saved a good deal more in the reduced price of sugar, they were largely the gainers. At the same time the bounty paid to American producers proved far more effective in encouraging the industry than a protective duty had ever done. Under its operation the production of cane sugar increased at a wonderful rate and the beet sugar industry became firmly established. The law provided that the sugar bounty pro vision should continue in force fourteen years from 1890, and it is thought that before the expiration of that time, if the bounty were continued, the country would produce all the sugar it would consume.

The Republican party cannot do better than to stand firmly for the sugar policy inaugurated by the McKinley law. Free sugar is popular and the bounty policy is vindicated by the rapid growth of the sugar industry under it. The Democratic claim that sugar must be taxed in order to raise the revenue necessary, for the government is not true. The1 revenue that sugar yields can be, much better raised in other ways If the Democratic party cannot do it. the Republican party can, and it! should go before the people with a distinct promise of free sugar,

Indiana's Senatorial Frauds. Louisville Commercial.

The State of Indiana presents a brace of United States Senators more destitute of those qualities which advance the interests and sustain the pride of a people than any of her sister States. For superficial knowledge on all public questions, reckless disregard of truth in political advancement and any ignorance or infamy that detracts from the dignity of a Senator of the United States, Voorhees and Turpie are specimens no other State can equal. Perhaps two other States might get up a combination approaching a rivalry, but we doubt whether Irby, of South Carolina, and Call, of Florida, would equal the twin frauds who misrepre* sent the people of the State of Indiana, and by comparison make even Irby and Call seem respectable.

The American people are the greatest consumers of sugar in the world except the English. The consumption of sugar in England is seventyeight pounds per capita, and in the United States sixty-two pounds. Estimating the population at GG,000,000 we consume, ao the above rate) 4,092.000,000 pounds of sugar annually, and a difference of 1 cent a pound in the price amounts to nearly $41,000,000. The people will have to buy an enormous amount of silks and satins at reduced rates to compensate for what they will lose in the increased price of sugar under the new law.

The New York World, which 15 Democratic, criticised the President for not naming the trust which prevented the fullness of that slaughter which is called tariff reform, averring that the only trust which was in force in "Washington was the sugar trust. This is the truth, bul why should the President, who has

Removed the Republican Protection Bar. —Nev

IP?

LUNA AND LUNACY.

The Influences of Various Season) on Minds Diseased. The old idea that luna and lunacj have an. intimate relation appears 'be not wholly without foundation, sayi the Pall Mall Gazette. This, at an] rate, is demonstrated by the commis sioners in. lunacy for Scotland: Thai the seasons have a distinct influence oi asylum statistics. The tables of admissions during the years 1880-7 show that there are two well-marked periodi —one in which the number rises considerably above the average, and the other in which it falls considerably be low. The average monthly number for the eight years was 1,699. During the three months of May, June, and July the number was 628 above whal it would have been if the average number-had been admitted. On the other hand, during the months ol October, November, December and January, the number was 462 below what it would have been if the average number-had been admitted. The table shows further that this rise and this fali are preceded by a gradual fall, the rise taking place during February, March, and April, and the fall taking place during July, August and September. "The special frequency," the commissioners say, "with which asylum treatment is resorted to duriug the period from the middle of April to the middle of July corresponds with what has been observed by asylum physicians —that there is'a tendency to an exacerbation of the mental disorder of patients iu asylums during the early part ol 6ummer and it is interesting- to notice also that the statistics of suicide in the General population show that this occurs most frequently during the same period."

The greatest number of recoveries take place during June, July, and August, and they iire fewest during the months of November, January, and February. The regularity in the rise and fall of the numbers is twice interrupted by a fali in April, and the fall is interrupted by a rise in December. "It is considered probable that these interruptions are due to some causes which recur regularly at these periods, because they are well marked in character and it is suggested that the December rise is occasioned, in part at least, by the annual statutory revision of the condition of patients in asylums luring that month. This revision is made by medical officers of asylums with a view to determine whether they can properly give the certificate of the necessity for further detention in the asylum, which is annually required to legalize the continued residence of all patients who have been three years in in asylum. The occurence" of the large number of recoveries during the months of Juno, July, and August is probably due to the large number of admissions during May, June, and July, as more than 48 per cent of all ihc recoveries which take place during he lirst year of residence occur within three months of the date of ad mission."

.'i !'ji(':iii!iirM't.

"I am dying of hunger,1' says rnadair.e to l:cr husband on returning 3'rom a shopping tour. "Why didn't [you stop at a restaurant and get kiomething?" "Oh, I don't like to ppend money uselessly.1' "Well, did Vou find what you wanted?" "Yes, indeed some lovely liUle hats at 95 ifrancs." After a pause—"I took four of them."—Paris Figaro.

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Schedule of Passenger Trains-Central Time

Westward.

45 7 AM PM 1-8 45 *3 00 10 201 4 42 1107! 5 40

1 ai

Columbus lv. Urbana Piqua Covington Bradford Jc Gettysburg Ureenviile Weavers ,Ne\v Madison 'AViieys pew Par's .Riclsm^inl.... i'v" •C'entrcvillc Gennantown 'Cambridge City.." 'Dublin jStrawns ILe\yisviile {DunreiUi fi'fntg-Jitstown Charlottsvillo Cleveland Green tie Id Philadelphia .Cumberland Irviugton KniiiaM:iimlta..ar.

AM *7 30 8 44 928 950 Arr.

AM *3 35

AM AM *5 30 *7 30 7 00 7 50 8 04 8 20

Via Day-

t0T 1121 5 57

1135 6 12 1142 f6 21 115$ 6 34 12fD^ 1213 6 54 12fl9 12 29 121140 7 20 !2 55i 7 1 07 7 50 f1 20'... 1 25, 8 1 31^ 815 1 3S.... 1 45 1 54 .... 204 854 215 f2181 2 30 9 25 2 371 248 3 00L~. 320,10^5 PM PM

839

f858

10 02

10 37

1100

900 AM

1140

1245 PM

iti 4

Eastward.

trznlia1ajt5tolis.lv. Irvington Cumberland Philadelphia Greenfield *.." Cleveland Charlotlsville linightstown: Dunreitli Lewisvilie Strawns

Dublin Cambridge City.." German town Centreville Ittclimond... New Paris Wileys New Madison Weavers Greenville Gettysburg Bradford Jc C«wi] Plqu Urba

avington.

uroana Columbus t.

1 Meals.

NEW

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20 PM PM *3 00*5 10

AM AM! AM *4 5018 00*1145, 8 1411*58 8 2412U1 8 401216 8 47,1223 f9 03' 9 0712*40 5 49 9 17,12 50 6C2 9 30i

PM t4 CO 41$ 4 27 4 3? 4 45 *4 58 5 02' 513 5 24 5 36 543 5 52 5 57 6 02 6111

5 26

j'f

545

609 6 20

100

9 40!f1 07 9 47 *1 13 9 56 1 20

6 2710 02 1 25 6 (610*07f•r1

647

10 22

1 30 45 2 00 285

7 00)10 35 7 1010 45 *"7 2110 56 f7 3111*05 7 3811J2WS f7 4711120 ff 7 5811 30,» f81111 42 E. 2 82511(50 8 3512 19 e. 8 4712"" 9 4 0 1 1115 315 amJpm

4 4512 15 4 55

63r

-h MO

735

f802

if a a

821

f83|

845 854 906 959

*550

815 PM

1130 PM

Flag Stop.

(1581

Kos. 6, S and, 20 connect at Columbus for rgh pay ton,^Xenla £ph Springfield, and Wo. 1 for Cincinnati.

Pittsburgh and East, and at Richmond fof

Trains leave Cambridge City at 17.00 a. m. and t3.30 p. m. for Rushville, Shelbyville, Columbus and intermediate gtations. Arrive Cambridge City fl .45 and 16 45 P* JOSEPH WOOD, E. A. FORD,

Gfiunl Vulgar, Gtneral Buuugar Agrat.

H-29-93.-R

Pittsburgh, Penn'a.

For time cards, rates of fare, through ucKe», baggage checks and further Information regarding the running of trains ajiply to any Agent of tbe PenngsNhraaiaXiiaM.

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15 AM 16 lo 6 30' 6 51 6 55 7 02-1 710' 717 7 25 7 35 746 (7 50 8 03 811 8 24 8 34 8 50 AM

715 7 20

9 25 9 30

10 55 *1100 El

©F THE*

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NATHANIEL WHEELER,

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