Greenfield Republican, Greenfield, Hancock County, 18 October 1894 — Page 6

THE REPUBLICAN.

P«bllth«d by W. 8. MosareoiiXBT.

•SXRNFIELD INDIANA

HIRAM S. THOMAS is a eoloredj man of New York city who has! imassed a fortune of $200,000 in hisj business as a head waiter, and lat-j terly as a hotel proprietor at Sara-j toga Lake. Recently he saw fit to Invest some of his money in a resi-j lence in an aristocratic locality in

Brooklyn. The Brooklynites were 'indignant to a degree unheard of, -and moved "heaven and earth," so to speak. Mr. Thomas is disposed to •be reasonable and will sell out at a slight advance of about $1,250. One .of the residents who made the most istrenuous objection to Thomas's proposed location in his neighborhood -was Gen. Mollineaux, who stated *tfcat he knew Thomas personally and !had not the slightest objection to fcim, but he realized that his settlement in that particular place would !be a serious financial injury.

THE reign of crime in New Yorli city has almost become a reign ol terror, and has spread to Brooklyn. Hoboken and several of the populous suburbs. Garrotcrs at Hoboken •choked two men nearly to death, took all their valuables and did {their work so quick that the wive? tof the victims, walking only a square ibehind, knew nothing of the trouble until they came upon the prostrate •forms of their husbands. This hapipened at o'clock in the evening. The entire suburban community sur* Irounding the metropolis is alarmed) land with reason. Evidently thepo-« jlice regulations have become sadlv 'inadequate. The boldest daylight irebberies are also becoming quite a 'common thing in outlying districts, |Occasionaily important arrests, for •these crimes, are made, but as a Irule the outlaws escape with theit Ibooty.

A NEW era in railroading appeal's jto have dawned in America- Fast Strains, of a speed that until quite re« Jeently would have been regarded as jphenominal,are becoming the regulation thing, and schedules begin to show a material change. The recent 1 "fiver" special that flew from Chi* jeago to Indianapolis in four hours land eight minutes via the Big Four jroute was an example of this tenjdency that was rather startling and iwas not regarded as likely to be* jcome a settled practice. Yet that jgreat system on Sunday, September 130,put on anew "flyer," to be known jas the "Knickerbocker", that is to jmake the distance from New York jto St. Louis in twenty-nine hours. iThis speed is to be maintained every 1day in the year, "no preventing {Providence." The Big Four generally takes the head of the procesjsion, but in this instance the proces-

Ision don't seem to be in it at all.

TnE deadly bacilli may become a (theological issue in the near future. fCommunion services that have been [conducted for centuries according to ia«n established custom are to be traade a subject for modern innovation. The single wine cup, that by 'common consent has been regarded |as a sacred symbol—or, at least, good •enough to contain thosacrrd wine— 'lis likely to be displaced by individual •cups. Rev. Dr. J. H. Gunning, who hs also an M. D., is a Baptist pastor iin Brooklyn. Dr. Gunning has been investigating and has reached the conclusion that the ordinary comtmunion chalice is full of bacilli, and jis an active agent in disseminating (disease. He has accordingly inaugurated a new crusade. His own fchureh has adopted his ideas, and itheir influence will be used to induce tethers to join with them in what Hhey believe to be a really important jreform. Verily, "the old shall pass jaway and all things shall become Inew." ______

The Invention oC Soaj.

More than two thousur.d years ago the (iiinls were combining tiie ashes of the beech tree with goal's fat sinrt making poap, s:\j-s an exchange. When Marias Claudius Marceilus wan hastening southward over the Flaminiaii way, ]«len wit.li n|M?ils wrested from tho hum's of Viridomar, the (Jaliie king lying dead bv the I tanks of tin I'o. his followers wen bringing with them a knowledge ol the method of making «oa]. The awful rain of burningashex which fell upon iVtmpeii in 7'J, buried (with, palaces and statues) the humble shop ofa soajj-inaker, and in several other cities of Ifaly the business hail even then a fooling.

In the eighth century there wore many soap inanutaeturers Italy and Spain, and 500 years later tlio J'ha'iiio ians carried the business into France, and established the lirst factories in Marseilles. Prior to the invention of Mup, fullers' earth was largely used for cleaning purposes, and the juice of certain plants served a similar purpose. Tlio earth was spread upon cloth, stamped in with the feet, and .subsequently removed by scouring. It was ajso used in baths, and as late even us tlio eighteenth century was employed l2 the IViUmal111 iiliit M't

(iE«. HAKMSUN'S SPEECH. His Address to the Republicans of Evansville.

The Ex-President Compare* the Financial Mid Tariff Policies of the Two I'artles Democratic Methods.

Evansville Special, October 13.

Mr. Harrisou's speech here .lastnight was as follows: "About two years ago the country endowed the Democratic party with full power in the United States. That period of time has been one of unusual commercial depression and of extraordinary distress. It isquite a living question to-day what has brought about this condition. "I ask your attention for a few moments to tho condition of the country as evidenced by the Government finances and by the condition of business as it prevailed in 1892. I do this with freedom, because whatever was contributed by the Government to the prosperity wo once, enjoyed was the result of policy, of legislation and of administration, and not ttys fruit of any man's labor, and from the further fact that whatI has resulted in the way of disaster may not be imputed toanv man. but may properly be imputed to the legislative policies which have been threatened and which have been pursued. When I say the country in 1892 was highly prosperous I can appeal to the experience of those who hear-me. I do not need to consult authorities. "I want to call your attention just to a few figures, and 1 shall not much indulge in them, to show the situation in which the country then was. The total wealth of this country has incieased in thirty years of protection, from to 189:). 237 per cent. The total wealth of the country in 1SG0 was *lii, 159,009,UJ0 in 1890, it was $62,610,000,000. an increase of 287 percent. In the ten years ending in 1890, we have doubled the capital in manufactures in this country, the number of employes, the wages earned by them and the value of the product. Wages had increased 41.71 percent. The value of imports for the last fiscal year, 1892, were $829,000,000, and the value of exports for the same year, §1, ()!:'.), 000.000. The excess of our exports of 1892 over the year 1891 was $146,000.000. and the excess in the year 1892 over the average of our exports for the preceding ten years was 1265,000,000. Our total foreign trade for 1892 was $1,857,000,000, an increase over the previous year of $128,000,000, an increase over the average preceding years of $400.000,000. Our foreign trade in that year, 1892, being the sum ol our exports and imports, was larger than in any previous year in the history of the country. And from 1390 to 1892, according to the statistics of the manufacturing journals, there have been in those years 345 new industrial plants built in this country. There have been extensions and enlargements of 108 more. There has been new capital invested in manufactures to the extent of $40,000,000. "Now, let us look a little at the condition of the government at that time. There had been a large surplus in the treasury. We hear a great deal now that the Secretary of the treasury who preceded Mr. Carlisle dissipated that surplus and left him without any. Now, 1 recall to mind that in previous campaigns, especially in the campaign of 1881. our Democratic friends were bitterly complaining that there was a surplus in the treasury. 1 very well remember the forcible appeals of our lamented friend, ex-Governor Hendricks, who went about the State telling the people that there was $400,000,000 surplus in the treasury, and that it is an outrage that it was taifoo out of the hands and pockets of the people and locked up in government vaults. Now our Democratic friends c^mplnin th?,t there is osurplus, and it is a characteristic of the party that they are not happv under any conditions. "But now, my countrymen, when we hear any complaint of that surplus or the absence of it. let us stop for one moment to see what was done, with it. A number of our Democratic friends have been arguing through many campaigns th»t it ought not to be kept in the. National vaults, but it ought to be out circulating among the people, and there was groat force in the argument. Money looked up in the vaults OL the United States was withdrawn from among the people, and the tendency of it was to cre ate a money stringency. Many of the people were complaining of our per capita of money circulation as beir.g too large, as it was. and it was reduced by ns, as there was an unusual surplus locked up in the treasury. That surplus was made the foundation of Democratic argument then for the reduction of tariff duties. They said, there is this great surplus. Taxation is too high. "What use to make of that surplus how it was to be gotten out of the troasurv, was the problem. At the beginning we had no bonds that, were due, and the people who held oip* bonds that were not duo would not give them up unless the Government paid the current market rate for them. There were two ways of

getting

the money into circulation.

One was to deposit it in a National bank, taking the bonds of the Government, as security from the bank, and letting the bank lend it out to the people. This policy was adopted by Fairchild as Secretary of the Treasury. Very many millions of doliars

I can not il-ate tho exact amount now— were deposited in the banks all over the com try. The effect of that policy was this": Tho Government continued to pay interest .on. these

bonds which it held as security and had actually paid into the hands of the banks that owned the bonds the full face value of the bonds in money, and the bank was lending that money out and getting interest on it. "The Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Windom, did not think that was a good way. He thought it would be a good deal better for the Government to take that money to buy its bonds at once at the current rates in the market at just what the bankers and other financiers were paying for them, and buying them at the rate he got them into circulation and saved an enormous amount of interest that the people would be compelled to pay if the bonds had run to maturity, and we had paid interest on them semi--anuually. Which of these policies do you think was the best? "You are also to remember when we come to consider the state of the government's finances that, under the McKinley bill, the duty had been taken off of sugar, and in that item alone there was an enormous reduction of the expenses of the Government—perhaps upon that item fifty or sixty million dollars annually. There was this pension increase there was this revenue reduction 1 have no apologies to make for them. I believe that the policy of setting free from taxation that prime necessity of every household, and thus diminishing the annual family expenses, was well worth while to make. There is a fact here that I think is too often overlooked. The McKinley bill, which has been so much talked of as a bill increasing duties, put upon the free list 55 per cent, of the annual importations into this country, a larger per cent, of free importations than under any other tariff bill. "You recollect also about that time there was an enormous and threatening outflow of gold from this country to Europe. It was extraordinary in view of the fact that the balance of merchandise trade was in our favor over #202,000,000 in 1892. Yet gold was going abroad. Naturally we would have supposed this large merchandise balance in our favor would have brought gold this way, and it would have done so but for the phenomenal financial conditions in Europe. You recall the failure of the Baring Brothers—that gigantic concern that stretched out its operations and its agencies throughout the whole world. You recall how the stability of the English financial institutions was threatened how the Bank of England—that great money corporation—called about it other great money powers in England to bolster up the Baring Brothers, taking their securities in order to avert the general crash that would have come without such step. You remember it was a time that England, pinched by this great failure, was liquidating and in order to get money she was sending home in enormous volume the American securities she held for sale. This demand upon us, this return of our securities, wiped out our balance of trade, and caused the flow of gold to foreign ports. Another influence tending in the same direction was the fact that about that time Austria was resuming gold payments. She was putting out a gold loan for one hundred millions, gathering it up about the world wherever she could get it. But in spite of all that the gold reserve of one hundred millions had not been touched when Secretary Foster surrendered his portfolio as Secretary t'the Treasury. "Some one has said that Mr. Windom had to help out his balance by getting Congress to give him the batik redemption fund of $54,000,000. That fund was money deposited with the Government by national banks closing up and retiring from business in order to redeem outstanding circulation. It was a trust fund. Tue Governmcnt could not use it except for the specific purp ose. "What, was done? Did Mr. Windom, when this fifty-four millions was transferred from the trust fund to the general fund of the treasury, keep it there to pay current expenses? Not at all. Did he want it for an}? such purpose? Not at all. Tt was not for any such purpose that Congress passed the law. I want to call your attention to what Mr, Windom said about it in 1890. in his report of that year. He says: Tne surplus revenue was largely increased last summer iy the pending changes in tariff legislation and the available balance in the treasury was greatly angumented bv the a-t of July 14, 1890, which trail ferred over £51,000,000 from the bank note redemption fund to the available cash. This sudden and abnormal increase was the cause of much concern and some embarrassment to the department. To prevent an undue accumulation of money in the treasury and consequent commercial stringency, only two methods were open to tlio Secretary, namely: To deposit the public money in national banks or to continue the purchase of

United States bonds on such terms as they could be obtained. For reasons heretofore stated, the former method was deemed unwise and inexpedient, and the policy of bond purchase was continued.' "I want now to turn for a little while to tho consideration of the methods which our Democratic friends have used in dealing with the public business. Their cry was tariff reform, and there were three reasons why they wanted the tariff reformed. One was that there was an excess of revenue and it was injurious and unwholesome to have such a surplus another was that the tariff was a tax. They told us that the people were oppressed by this taxation. The other was that the tariff was a

fence, hedging us in and preventing us from entering into successful competition with other nations in the commerce of the world. These wore the three reasons our Democratic friends urged for reforming the tariff, I have shown you that protection in thirty years has pushed this country forward at a ratio of I increase in wealth and production, and had resulted in a general diffusion of prosperity that set this Nation on a pinnacle that was unapproached by any nation in the world. "How did they enter upon the work of tariff reform? Why, mv friends, in August last, one year ago. the Democratic Congress was organized. The committee on ways and means was constituted and set •to work to prepare-a tariff bill which we were given to understand would be at once rushed through and become a lav. In spite of that proclamation a whole year went by from the organization oft that committee until any result was reached in the way of tariff legislation. What course did it take? The old Democratic doctrine used to be—the doctrine I have heard Mr. Hendricks and Mr. McDonald and that class of leaders of the Democratic party in

Indiana talk about—was a tariff that should raise revenue enough to maintain the Government, pay its ordinary expenses, and the duties should be so levied as to give incidental protection to our American manufacturers and our American workingmen. That was the old Democratic doctrine. "What was the result? They passed in the House of Representatives a tariff bill that would have created a deficiency in the government revenues of seventy-live millions the first year, and probably permanently forty or fifty millions a year. They put sugar up to No. 10 on the free list and then put in an income tax, abandoning the idea of giving the workingvnan and our manufacturer the natural benefit of such duties as were necessary to raise a revenue. They revived an old war tax that every Democratic orator in Indiana, when it was imposed in order to help sustain the government in wartimes, denounced as inquisitorial and offensive. Even with the help of that war tax and with the help of an increased duty on spirits thev still were unwilling to give American industries the benefit of duties that would raise enough revenue to pay the expenses of the government, and left a deficiency of £50,000.000 a year. "I want to ask you business men if any board of directors of any financial institution had brought about a result like that, whether they would not, at the first stockholders' meeting, have put them out of office, but that is not ail the Senate itself was about to adopt free sugar, which would have brought about the result I have spoken of, and was apparently only saved from it by the appeal of the secretary of the treasurv, Mr. Carlisle, in a letter read in the Senate by Mr. Harris, in which he warned them if they did this an appalling deficiency would result. yet we are told that at the next session of Congress this free sugar bill is to pass. If this deficiency is created, how is it to be made up'' Are we to have the old internal revenue taxes of the. war revived in order to gratify these gentlemen, who seem to be bent on destroying American industries and unwilling to lay upon the foreigner who brings goods into our markets such duties as will pay the expenses of our govern men t. "We are told again—told by Mr. Cleveland—that a tax on sug ir is a Democratic principle, that it is in line with Democratic thought, because it is a fair subject of revenue taxation. do not know what the Senate may do about free sugar next winter. I do not know whether they will continue this duty which Mr. Cleveland thinks is in line, with Democrat policy or put sugar on the free list.. "Again, my friends, the. Democratic party owed to this country to settle the question of the tariff just as speedily as possible, and to settle it upon a basis that that partv would accept as a permanent settlement, livery business man who hears me knows that the most powerful in flu ence in bringing about that state of business stagnation and paralysis which has existed for more than a yea1* was the uncertainty that attended our tariff legislation. "What, have they done? They have passed a bill that no Democrat approves, lhave heard some Demo crats say that it was bettor than something else, but ha\e never heat one say that it was good. Everyone -its apologists who are now talking to the.people, the leaders who framed it in the I It) use and Senate- all are saving that it needs changing. Tho House had no sooner by that extraordinary procedure by which they saved the bill from _entire defeat in the Sena'e. taking it in their custody when it was really in the custody of the Senate and passing it under the stress of a special rule. than they went to work to pass a lot of other bills changing tiie tariff bill thev had just agreed tolittle bills in the fact that, they dealt with particular subjects, but great bills as they effected tho revenues of the country. Thoy said this bill is not satisfactory .we pass it, but we do not stand by it. Several such bills are pending..

t.

"As I said the other day, it would have had a great effect if our Democratic friends had only told us that this was the bottom of the well. It was dark and dismal, but if we had been assured that there was no other depths yawning for us below we would have turned our eyes upward to sec if there was not some visible

f* Jj.? V** x*

star of hope we would have anointed our bruises and set about trying to climb out. But we are told that they mean to march on with their victorious cohorts until they have wiped out all the protection idea from our tariff' legislation. The bill has no sponsor its paternity is denied by every leading Democratic statesman nobody justifies it nobody says it is to abide. "There is one particular which I want to call your attention to. The reciprocity feature of the McKinley bill has been destroyed by the Gor-man-Brice-Wilson bill. In responding to the courtesies extended to him in London by the .London Chamber of Commerce, M. Wilson,' chairman of the Ways and Means Committee of the House, said that! the Democratic party had set about destroying the fences in this country. ile told his British brethren that we were not going to be content any longer with the pent-up markets we have enjoyed, but were going to enter into competition with England for the markets of the world. He warned his British hearers that they would have a ii-mart competitor when we entered that field. The report I saw said: "At this point applause and laughter.' Those English gentlemen were not slow in getting the point of a ioke. "This thing of breaking down fences is a country figure of speech. Fences are for two uses. One to keep tilings out and the other to keep things in. We have fences to keep the cattle out of our corn field and fences to keep our own cattle in the pasture. Mr. Wilson's idea is that our pasture is too narrow and too bare, and we ought to breakdown this fence and rush out on the range. There are a great many cattle on the range now. It is generally admitted, I think, that our cattle inside, the fence are in better condition than anv that are out on the range—sleeker and fatter. It may be that the grass is not always knee high in our fields, but we knowthere is often no grass at all on the range. To drop that figure for a moment, we know that our people behind this tariff barrier that he calls a fence have maintained and enjoyed a higher state of living, with more comforts in the home, a better chance for the people, more hope in the hearts of the workingmen than in any other country in the world* Perhaps in place of tearing fences down and making ur fields common we had better use a gate or two to get oat and let in who we want to let in. "This talk about the. markets of the world implies that one would think that there is a market in excess of the supply already competing for it. Such is not the case. Giving to Germany, France. England, Italy and the manufacturing nations of the world all the markets of this side of America that they have been able to get in the scramble, and the fact remains that when they are shut out of the American market, the best market in the world, some of the mills are closed or are run on part time. Why is it that we have these bitter complaints from all these competing countries against our fences, as Mr. Wilson calls them, if they have ample pas turage on the range, if it is better tnan in our inclosed fields, if there is danger that wre may overrun tb: range if our fences are thrown down? If. as they pretend, these tariff barriers are to the advantage of England. France and German v. and a disadvantage to us. in the name of common sense how does it come that these nations are not able to bear with more equanimity a policy that injures us and helps them? "Under the new tariff law all the reciprocity agreements have been stricken down and yet these gentlemen tell us tha". they are seeking the commerce of the world. What is the result? Spain entered into a reciprocity agreement with us for Cuba by which she was to admit American Hour, breadstu!Ts, provisions, and many articles of manufacture either free of duty or at favored rates in return for the admission of her sugar free of duty. In the sixteen years, up to 18 )1, outannual sales to Cuba averaged $11,793,000. In 1891 they were #12.000 000 iu 1892 they were $18,000,000, and in 1893 they were $21,000,000. "We ha I here a good thing and :i sure thing, but we have thrown it away to follow the swamp lights o! free trade theorists in the pursuit oi their visionary 'markets of the v/orld.' Germany complains because the new bill puts an iu creased dut\ (in German sugar, bv reason of thfact that that Government pavs an export duty to encourage tho pro duction of beet sugar. She can no well sav' to us that otr pork is now unsanitary and unwholesome, because we ha\e levies this duty on sugar that would bi nousequiter but she is irritated b\ this summary abrogation of our

reci­

procity treaty and this special dis crimination against, her, and venture the prediction that if we continue this policy Germany will tin., trichina in American pork within the next six months, and that grea market for one of our great product so hardly gained will be lost, to as a result of the chimerical attemp to seize a part of the markets of th. world by the surrender of grea markets which we had permanently secured for ourselves. "Now, my friends, wo have all stake here, little or large. If it small, it is the more important us, and we ought, I think, to eom to the consideration of these grea business questions with calm mindaud with hearts set upon one putpose, to do that which will most, gen erally diffuse prosperity, happiuess.

•. O"-'1 .-a."

REPUBLICAN COUNTY TICKET

It STAMP HEBE.

.a Dut

WILLIAM H. MARTIN. PKOSKCUTOR. ELMER J. BINFORD.

REPUESKSTATIVE, MORRIS HIGGINS. CLERK.

R. B. BINFORD. AUDITOR.

WALTER G. BRIDGES. TREASURER. JOHN G. McCORD.

SHERIFF.

JAMES W. McNAMEE. RECORDER. HOWARD T. ROBERTS.

CORONER.

DR. JOHN P. BLACK.

SURVEYOR.

WM. E. SCOTTON

COMMISSIONER FIRST DISTRICT.

LEMUEL HACKLEMAN. COMMISSIONER SECOND DISTRICT JAMES L. MITCHELL.

Republican Township Tickets,.

BLCK RIVEK. TRUSTEE.

JOHN F. COFFIN. ASSESSOR. WILLIAM LAMB. JUSTICE OF THE PEACE.

ELI O. CATT. CHESTER TYKEIt. CONSTABLE.

RILEY CATT.

MORTON ALLENDER.

TRUSTEE.

DAVID CONNER. ASSESSOR.

WARREN C. RAFFERTY. JUSTICE OF THE TEACE. DANIEL MUTH.

DAVID BENTLEY COX STABLE. GEORGE M. MILLER.

REASON FERRIS.

lill (JtbliR.' TRUSTEE.

JOHN W. GRIFFITH. ASSESSOR (LONG TERM.) DAVID J. GIRT. JUSTICE OF THE PEACE.

JOHN W.OGLE.

ALBERT B. C. DOUGHTY. CONSTABLE. FRANK HAZELY.

JAMES BARNARD. ASSESSOR (SHORT TERM.) EDWARD CRUBAUGH.

Ci.:s li.K.

TRUSTEE.

JOHN IC HEXBY. ASSESSOR. JAMES T. BODKINS. JUSTICE OF J.11H PEACE. JOSEPH L. FRANKLIN. N E VV TON R. SPEN E R.

WILLIAM II. ALGER. CONSTABLE. SAMUELS. BRADLEY. JEFFERSON C. PATTERSON.

CHARLES W. HUSTON.

TRUSTEE.

WILLIAM L. McKINSEY. ASSESSOR. GEORGE

II.

OWENS.

JUSTICE OF THE PEAC1S.

MICAJAH C. GORDON. IRA ROBERTS. CON STABLE.

DAVID N. TRUE. JAMES .\!. COOPER.

Wi:sTKK.

ALLEN HILL. ASSESSOR. DANIEL PEARSON. JUSTICE

Ul'"

THE l'EACE.

JOHN W. REEVES. SYLVAN US C. STALEY. CO-SfcTAlilJi.

GEORGE BROWN. GEOlUiK JACKSON. Sjid.kU Jilitli.

TRUSTEE,

SVLVEsTER BURKE. ASSESSOR. WORTH B. HARVEY.

JUhI ICE OF THE PEACE.

bAAlUELE. S.V10UK. AD A.VI P. HOGLE.

I'-tvt- i/iV

TRUSTEE.

CHARLES V. HARDIN. ASSESSOR. GEORGE O. KLMBERLIN.

JUSl'ICK OK THE PEACE.

HAMILTON INN EM AN. DAVID WYNNE. CHARLES F. FRED.

CONSTABLE.

WILL FALVSKTT.

Willie's Piety.

Willie was on a visit, to his aunt ii the country. It was bedtime, and ht had gone upstairs to the little room set apart for him. "Auntie," he called out, "where's the prayer-rusr?" "The prayer-rug, Willie? Isu't tht carpot pood enough?" "Not by a jugful. Tho best peoplt all use prayer-rugs. If you haven'got any, I'll just bo dogtroned if l'n coin? to say my prayers to-night— •.hat's all I"—-'Jhiloii. Tribune. ,•