Greenfield Republican, Greenfield, Hancock County, 27 September 1894 — Page 7

THE CAMPAIGN.

Fatal Blundering and Shamsfiil Surrender ot Principle by Democrats.

Tom Johnson's Questions. Congressional Record. Aug. 24. Look at the shameful position in which the surrender that is proposed will put the party that has an overwhelming majority1 in this House and the complete control of all branches of the Government in its hands. What are we Democrats to say to our constituents when, in a few days now, we return to them to render an account of our stewardship?

They sent us here to repeal the McKinley bill. They sent us here to wipe out that system miscalled protection which we, in our National platform, declared a fraud and a robbery and pledged ourselves to wipe out. They took us at our word they put the whole National Government in Democratic hands. Two years nearly have passed, years of unprecedented suffering to our constituents, the working masses, yet we have given them no relief. What are we to say to them when they ask us what we have done?

Are we to brazen it out? Are we to "point with pride"' to what is popularly known as the Gorman surrender bill, and which this House is now asked to accept as its own? A.re we to tell them that if it is not what they asked for and what we promised, it is at least better than the McKinley bill, and that by aud by, if they will continue us in power, we will try to do a little better still?

If we do. they will treat us with the scorn that such a barefaced plea ivill deserve. The Gorman bill is not better than the. McKinley bill, measured even by the standard of rates. Most of its reductions are nominal reductions, reductions that are merely the taking of useless bricks off a wall which is left sufficiently high to jjive the beneficiaries of protection all the protection that a tariff can give. It is more fully and emphatically a trust bill than was even the McKinley bill. All the trusts were sailed iu to make it up. and what tricks and devices lie hidden to the general public in its technical language no man—I do not believe even Senator Gorman—yet really knows.

It is improvement on the McKinley bill in free wool and free lumber and some other small additions to the free list. But, ou the other hand, it is clearly worse than the McKinley bill in that it taxes sugar. Now, supposing that the trusts that have really' had the making up of this bill have taken no advantage of the experience they have had since the McKinley bill was passed and that the only large difference between the McKinley bill and the Gorman bill is that one taxed wool and the other taxes sugar, which is the tax the people will feel most keenly and directly—a tax on wool or a tax on sugar? No human being eats wool or uses wool in i.-uy way until it has been manufactured, and the manufacturers of woollens are still carefully protected in the Gorman bill by a relatively higher tariff than even the McKinley bill gave them. But every man, woman »nd child uses sugar. It is one of the prime necessaries of life. And there is not a housewife in the land who will not feel that she is robbed by our "Democratic Tariff Reform" when she finds that where she got three pounds of sugar under the McKinley bill she now. under the Gorman bill, for the same money, gets but two. You and I. with our official incomes of $1x000 a, year, may not feel this tax Mr. Cleveland, with his official income of !H)0 a year, may not feel it: ur colleagues of the Senate, especially those who may have bough Sugar T.-ust stock at the right time, may not feel it, but the great mass of the people by whose votes we are here—the great mass of the people who must count every penny of ineomcs not sufficient to enable them to live in Laic way decent comfort, they will feel it they will feel it at once and feel it bitterly. Again will they get an object lessonthat the tariff is a tax. Will you dare to go to them and point to sugar as a sample of the way in which you have carried out your pledges to reduce taxation?

And w:\en they ask you what this tax is for what will you tell them? Will you quote to them Mr. Cleveland's letter to Mr. Wilson on the propriety of taxing sugar? Will you rp.iote to them Mr. Carlisle's statement that th« needs of the Treasurer require, the taxation of sugar? I know, and you know, and the people I:now—I was going to say that every dog thai barks in the streets of the capital knows—that the real, purpo.se uf imposing this tax is not to give revenue to the Government, but revenue to the boodlera. You ear. not disguise it f.rom the people, for t! people know it already, that ,he purple or this sugar tax 13 to put millions and mil lions in the pockets o," men who are already millionaires by robbing the people. They know that this tax on sugar has been bought through every step of its way—carried by such open, undisguised corruption as has never been flaunted in their faces before they know that the Sugar Trust has purchased this privilege of taxing them, and that though the price it may have paid may be millions, it will receive back millions and millions, before the Treasury gets one cent.

Mr. Speaker, I stand aghast at the fatuity of th© Democratic partv |l represented here. When the was paased with its

one bright spot, free sugar, we stnI gle tax Democrats congratulated each other. '"There goes," we said, "one way of raising public revenue by the taxation of labor never to be revived again for no party can ever rise in the United States that will

dare in times of peace to trv to tax

sujiar now that the people »°d

found out who pavs the tax."

appall even the man who said, "The people be damned!" Political decency, no less than political prudeneff, ought to prevent Democrats from trying it under the open charges that this bonus to the Sugar Trust, at the expense of the people is in payment of heavy contributions made from the funds of the Sugar Trust to the Democratic National Committee in the last Presidential campaign. And the attitude of Mr. Cleveland on the sugar tax, the attitude of Mr. Carlisle, the attitude of our own Ways and Means Committee in reporting a tax on sugar, which we free trade Democrats only beat in this House by the aid of Republicans, give a color to the charge which the action now proposed will carry in the public mind to certain ty, that is the way in which the Democratic party is paying the monster trust for election help, as well as the way in which individuals are paying it for very substantial favors rendered to some members of that party since. Is the Democratic party as represented here mad indeed, with the madness visited by the gods upon those they would destroy?

No if we make this surrender we cannot take it back, and if the President does not veto the bill, which will then be presented to him, we must go back to our constituents with the Gorman bill as the approved and indorsed Democratic bill —the answer which the Democratic party makes to the demands of the people a bill reeking with notorious bargain and sale a bill that the Republicans jeer at, that the Democratic press has universally denounced a bill that the President himself has declared an exhibition of perfidy and dishonesty a bill that cannot possibly be defended, and that as certainly as election day comes in November, will be indignantly repudiated by the people.

What, then, shall we sav to our constituents if we make this surrender?

It is already to be seen what a good many gentlemen propose that we shall say. We arc to plead the baby act. We are to say that the Democratic party, with the three branches of the National Government in its control, was realty anxious to carry out its pledges, and would certainly have done so, but that it was prevented by four or five undemocratic Democratic Senators! A nice story, this! But will any one believe it? A nice story, this! But it will not be true.

It is of course possible that with the close division of parties in the Senate a few Democratic Senators, by going over to the Republicans, might have converted our small majority in that body into a minority and rendered it impossible to carry out a Democratic policy. But will you put your finger on the record of a vote that will show that this has been done? The record will show that the party majority h»-,s never been broken that surrender after surrender, closing with the last final surrender, has been made by the Democratic body acting in the Democratic name and under Democratic forms, and that the few men whom it is proposed to make the scapegoats of the most ignominious surrender of a party of which politcal history knows, are, so far as any record will show, as good Democrats as the men who will denounce them. If the Democratic parry goes before the people to plead the baby act it must tell them a story l'ke Faistaff's storv of the men in buckram. It must tell them that the Democrats of the House with their overwhelming majority, the Democrats of the Senate with their clear majority, the Democratic President with all the enormous power of the Administration in his hands, were surrounded by four or five wicked Democrats in masks, who never oncc let their faces be seen, and that, thus surrounded. they were compelled to surrender—no, deemed it prudent to surrender without firing a shot.

In a Quandary.

Detroit Free Pre 3.

The policeman was standing on the corner about midnight, when a belated passenger approached him unsteadily. "I say, Mr. Ossifer," he said, "how is this anvhow?"

How's what?" inquired the officer good naturedly. "This politics." "What politics?" "That at Washington." "J don't quite catch on." "Why. don't you know about the legislation that's going on there?" "Yes." "Well, that's what I mean." "What about it."

The passenger took the officer bf the arm. "I mean thish," he said, "was i1 the Scnato that passed the sugar bill, or was it the sugar that passed the Senate bill? I'm kind o'mixed this eveniug." But the officer declined to interfere.

Pat Kennedy, of Canada, lives along the line of the Canadian Pacific and wouldn't let the road have the light of way unless it built station on his land. The road built the station' but doesn't stop any trains there. Patrick never thought pf

,•- ~"/v?•

OHIO DEMOCRATS.

Mat* Convention at Colnmbus—Th* Platform and Ticket.

The Ohio Statu Deuocratic convention mot at Columbus, Sept. 19. Hon. Frank

llu,rd'

have Yet,

now comes a party mad enough to t,liis country havo passed until hope hetry and tax sugar. And to try it gan to fail and despair had seized the under circumstances that might well managers of nearly every enterprise in the ,, »i-ri,a l:«id. I or more than twenty years tariff reformers had predicted that such aeon

of Toledo, wu tempore, chairman

mad" vh" k*

note" speech. In part Mr. Ilurd said: Through Red seas the business raea of

ilitiou must inevitably result from pro tection. .Restriction on tho market resulted in over production of domestic :roods.

Isor

for this condition \va- the

Democratic party in any respect responsible. Whatever disturbance comes through reforms must be charged against the wrongs which makes reforms necessary, and not against the reforms themselves. The promise of business revival lias come. The new law is not liicoly to bo modified fofr some, time by a general revision. Hut chiedy this result has been produced because tho new law is cheapening the expenses of living. It proclaims tho doom of protection in the United Stales. Local interests represented by Congressmen who desire popularity with their constituents, often interpose to prevent necessary charges and to prolong a system which bestows local favors. These con?iderations all appeal to the practical legislator and make necessary, at tho beginning of great reforms, a slowness of inovement exasperating to the enthusiastic reformers. For these reasons the new lav? may not havo gono as far as many have wished it. but it goes a long way in the redemption of Democratic pledges and reforming our tariff system. It reduces, on an average, the rates of the McKinley law ?0 per cent. lint the chief merit is to bo found in the free list. Tho poopto will be saved nearly $45.001,000 a year.

Mr. Ilurd predicted higher prices for domestic wool to tho farmer and cheaper eoods to the consumer. In this way freo wool, ho said, was destined to bo the great educator of the people on tho tariff question, for very soon they will demand that other articles of foreign trade, so far as it Is practicable, shall be brought in freo.

The platform praises the efficient, economical and honest Administration of President Cleveland, declares protection a fraud, and. while recognizing the benelit of a reduction of duties on imports just made by Congress, favors such further reduction as can bo made, to the ea I that purely protective dntip- be-abolished. It declares that tho Mc'.'inley law caused the business depression, reduced- the revenue and led to the necessity for issuing more Government bonds. Business failures, strikes, low wages, low prices for farm pro inets, aro enumerated as the result of the Mclvinioy law. Under tho new law business is declared to bo reviving. "We dissent,'' says one plank, "from the President's views on the construction and treatment of the silver question, .and boiieve that Silver should be. restored to the position it occupied as money prior to its iemonetization bv the Republican-party, and to that end wo favor the unlimited free coinage of silver at the legal ratio of 1(5 to 1, and with equal legal tender power:"

Tho platform denounces the last General Assembly of Ohio, Governor McKiuiey's administration and tho American Protective Association. It favors liberal pensions. a '"corrupt practices'" law, limiting amount of money to bo expended by caniidat.es, and a law prohibiting free passes on railroads.

The following ticket was nominated: Secretary of State, Milton Turner ol Guernsey Judge of the Supreme Court, James D. Ermston of Hamilton member nf the Hoard of Public Works, Harry Ii. Keffer of Tuscarawas State Commissionpr of Common Schools, Dr. J. A. Leech ol Franklin.

The Citizon in the unl rjr. New York Wor'.d. Now the boarder from the city roams the fields a careless rover, trying hard to tell the difference between Indian corn and clover.

For the turnip tree he searches, and he seeks with zeal divine for the rutabaga orchard and the spreading parsnip vine

Climbs the grape vine for bananas, and through the fragrant fields he cuts, scanning elderberry bushes in his search for cocoanuts

And through the swamps and tangled forests with unwearied feet he pushes, searching day by day in patience for the watermelon bushes

And he asks the startled farmer if .1 he's through his nutmeg hoeing how his chocolate trees are doing, how his lemon vines are growing

If he's duir his early hay crop, if he's sowed his sweet potatoes if his slippery elm is planted if he's grafted his tomatoes

If he's trimmed his early grass trees, if he thinks there is more money in potato bugs than raising honeysuckle for its honey.

TH5 MARKET'S.

Sept 25, 1831.

InillAimtiolU.

Oil A IN* AN'D IT AY.

WnmiT—43%c: corn, *6^ oats, 32}tfc rye, 40c hay, choice timothy, i8.50. 1.IVK STOCK.

CATTMC Shippers, ?:J.r»0r?4.40: Blockers. #3.0.)(53.75 heifer*. $l.r»Kg.?.3o cows, $l(g3.35 bulls, ?l.75@3 milkers, 35.00. iI OGS-*5.0rm 4 5.

Blircnr—*i.00(f?.'$.0(). roirr.TUV AN'D ortrrcu ritonucE. tl-'rices raid by Shippers.i

Pom/ruv-liens. 7c per if»: soring chickens, 7c cocUs, $c turkeys, torn*,3c pof lb liens, 5c per tb duck*, ae per lb geese, $4.80 per doz. for choice.

EGGS—(Shippers paymtr 13c. JtUTTKK—Choice. J4c. LLONKY—LSM-LTE FifiAriir.its—I'rime goose, 30@3:Jc per

mixed duck. ~0c per lb. HKKSWAX—2()c for yellow 15c for dark. Wool.—.Medium unwashed, 12c Collswold and coarse com bins tubwashed. KRtfl.Sc nurry and unmerchantable, rC«! 10c less.

HIOKS—No. 1 (1. S. liides, 4'IC No. 2 O. S. hides, 3{c No. 1 calf hides, O^c No. 3 calf hides, 5c.

WMKAT—?»2'-^c corn, 53%c oats, 29^c pork, $13.67*! lard, 5S.S0. isew k»e %.

WHEAT-57^O corn, 02: oats, 35%c. liulUim»r3. WHEAT—5,\^c corn, 58c oats, 35tfo

St. Li»ui.

WHEAT—47Ji'c corn, 54'^c oats, 30#c. k. WHEAT—55%c corn, oats, 30J^c.

WintAT—No. 1 hard, GO^c.

Cincinnati.

WHEAT- BlKc corn, 57J^c: oats, 31#c. Detroit. WHEAT—67)£C corn 57c oats, 33^C.

Kut Liberty.

[email protected].

"SANS DESSUS-PESSOUS."

Jules Verne's New Book of Ad« venture for Boys. Jules Verne is eortainly tho prince of living story-tellers, and he has seldom hit upon a more ingenious theme than that to which he has given the fantastic title of "Sans DessusDessous." The idea is singularly I original. An enterprising American conceives the idea of displacing the axis of the world by firing oft' a mammoth gun which he has constructed by tunnelling it out of the bosom of the irth. The nomrussion is to displace the North Pole, and so render available ja vast portion of territory now given up to wastes of ban-en ice. The American is practical in his gener. tion. and he takes the precaution of securing the rights to the land which he hopei to reclaim. This is midsummer madness. the reader will say but M.

Jules Verne supports his theory by scientific reasoning—so plausible as almost to justify the credulous financiers who take shares in the company formed to acquire the North Pole. After all, have we not seen within tho past few jrears thousands of Frenchmen subscribe ghdly to an enterprise, which is not very much less absurb? If your readers want to learn how the scheme was frustrated, owing to a slight error having crept into the elaborate calculations of the inventor of too idea, thov had better turn to the interesting pages of M. •Jules Verne. Sans DessusDessous," or "Without Head or Tail." as the author chooses to call it. rather than "Sens Dessus-Dessous," or "Top-sy-Turvy," will have special attraction. America, the advancing and audacious, is, as usual, at the bottom of the extravagance, and the idea is beautifully plausible. Having taken the precaution to obtain a fee simple of all the Polar Circle, tho American hero of the story concocts the notio of making his property valuable by brincinar it more directly under the benevolent and fertilizing power of the sun. To the end he sets about displacing the axis of the earth by tho firing off 3f a mammoth trim—Julos Verne is addicted to mammoth guns—which he has tunnelled out of the the bowels of ihe earlh. .The "royal salute" which Ihe huge engine is to thunder forth is meant to produce such a concussion that the north pole is to be displaced and tho rth, like a spining top which hai received a slight tilt, is to roll on at, a new and. from the Amerijan's point of view,improved ang-le towards the sun. The story is supported ov much crave parade of scientific 'reasoning, fortified by logic and reseirch, argued out with the pertin.icity of'a Chancery lawyer, the atteniion of an analytical chemist, the lasuistry of an ancient "shoo 1 man" lispufcinsf betwoen the riv 1 claims of ihe Nominalists and tho Realists, and he undoubted fun peculiar to a French philosopher^

Tho Beasflti of Travel..

Smith—"That was a very interest incr lecture of yours on the Catacombs. Did you write it while you were in Rome, or after you returned home.'' Spouter—"Oh. no, I wrote it before 1 went. Wanted to get it off my mind you know, so that when I got abroad I'd have nothing to do but enjoy myself.

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925 930

'0 5512340

720

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