Greenfield Republican, Greenfield, Hancock County, 3 May 1894 — Page 6
IBESEWSOFTBEWM
Two street cars have been held up by highwaymen in San Francisco within lour days.
Ex-Gov. .Tarvls has been appointed to luccced the late Senator Vance of North Carolina.
The historic St. Charles hotel at New Orleans burned, Saturday night. Four lives were lost.
Street car employes of Milwaukee notified the company that they will not accept 17Kc an hour.
At Pineville, Ky., the cabin of John Duncan, a negro, burned, and three children were cremated.
Major Clifton Comly, president of the Ordnance Board, died at New York City, Wednesday, of paralysis.
Ten cases of small-pox havo been found In Chicago's county hospital and the institution has been quarantined.
The striko among the pressmen in the big lithographing houses of New York is still in progress. Over ono thousand men are out.
The Standard Oil Company is leasing gas land in the vicinity of Redkey, and it is said that a pipe lino will be laid to Jjima, O.
Judge Bradley, at Washington, Saturday, refused to grant a new trial in tho Pollard-Breckinridge case. The case will fce appealed.
It is announced that Mrs. Henry Ward Jleecher, now eighty-two years of age, has been compelled to give up her home, because of the hard times, and take rooms in a tlat.
Florence Blythe, the illegitimate daughter of Thomas II. Baldwin, of 'Frisco, has been awarded his fortune of 54,000,000, and the 100 other claimants are simply wild with anger.
Samuel L. Clemens (Mark Twain) and Frederick L. llall, composing the firm of Charles L. Webster & Co., book publishers of New York, assigned, Thursday. Liabilities $250,003. Assets at least ?200,0J'J.
Miss Hattie Blaine, third daughter of the late Jas. G. Blaine, was married to Hon. Truxton Beale, ex-Minister to Persia, at Washington, Monday, in the presence of a distinguished company. Mrs. Gen. Grant and her daughter, Nellio Grant Sartoris, were among the guests.
FIFTY-THIRD CONGRESS.
Senator Mills addressed the upper House, Tuesday, at length, in support of the pending tariff bill. He scored Mr. Hill for his inconsistent attitude, and earnestly urged an early vote, stating that the bill could be passed in forty-eight bours. For the sake of the business interests of the country he implored his colleagues to stand by the party and push tho measure to its final and immediate passage. At 3:30 the Senate went into executive session because the Republicans, having expected that Mr. Mills would occupy the entire day, were not prepared to continuo the tariff debate, and at 4:10 adjourned.
In the House, Tuesday, on rcotion of Mr. Bynum, the Senate joint resolution authorizing tho laying of a bronze tablet to commemorate the one-hundrodth anniversary of the laying of the corner-stone of the capitol, was taken up and passed. An amendment to the postofiice appropriation bill making ail publications purporting to be issued periodically and to -subscribers, but which are merely books or reprints of books, whether they be issued complete or in parts, bound or unbound, sold by subscription or otherwise, subject to posting at third-class rates •when transmitted through the mails, was opposed by Mr. Quigg. The amendment affects seaside library publications and books (reprints) given as premiums with country newspapers, etc. The amendment on a vote was stricken from the bill—26 to 183—and the bill was then passed. Mr. Campbell entered a motion to reconsider tho vote by which the race bill was defeated, Monday, and at 5 o'clock the House adjourned.
In the Senate, Wednesday, the tariff debate developed an altercation between Mr. Vest and Mr. Aldrich, in which tho latter charged that the tariff bill was being continually "doctored" in committee in order to secure the full Democratic vote on final passage. This was denied by Mr. Vest, who said such statements wore mere newspaper reports. Mr. Aldrich, however, insisted that his statements were true to his own personal knowledge, and reiterated that no one could predict what condition the bill would be in when it came to a voto. Mr. Stewart made a sil ver speech in the latter part of the day, and at 6 p. m. the Senate adjourned.
The consular and diplomatic appropriation bill was considered in tho House, Wednesday, and no proceedings beyond the dullest routine were conducted.
Immediately after tho reading of the Senate journal. Thursday, Mr. Jarvis, the new Senator from North Carolina, was sworn in. Mr. Allen's Coxey resolution came up. Mr. Vest opposed its passage. He declared that tho marchers to Washington would be protected in their rights, but must be held strictly accountable to the laws. Congress could not for one instant compromise with them. All persons were at liberty to come to Washing
ton
to inspect public buildings and visit Congress, but when they seized trains and continually, and persistently violated laws, Congress should not officially recognize tho movement. Senator Wolcott followed in a similar strain. He said the men might be honest but the leaders were cranks, insane or vicious. He asserted that in Colorado, which was probubly the worst affected of any State in the Union by the financial depression, no man was suffering because he could not not find work. Continuing, Mr. Wolcott said: It is time that we bad the courage to stand together against this socialism, populism and paternalism, which is running riot in this country, and •which must end (if not crushed) in the destruction of the liberties which the laws give us, liberties which should be dearer to ns than life itself. A resolution providing that the Senate meet at 11 o'clock, was passed. The remainder of the day was devoted to tariff debate.
The question of ''docked" salaries came up in the House, Thursday. Mr. Mahon offered a resolution that the sergeant-at-arins pay members their salaries without deduction, unless absence is certified toby a duly authorized officer of the House. The resolution was declared out of order. Tho House then went into committee of the whole and resumed the consideration of the diplomatic and con
A
sular appropriation bill. Debate proceeded during the afternoon in a desultory manner on small, unimportant amendments, none of which were adopted. When the bill was completed the committee rose. The bill, as passed, carries 51,513,728, a decrease of 146,706 as compared with tho appropriations for the current year. At 5 o'clock the House adjourned.
When the Senate convened, Friday, Mr. Allen endeavored to call up his Coxey resolution but was ruled out of order. The tariff bill was taken up and Mr. Lindsay spoke in its support, and was interrupted by Mr. Aldrich who said he would agree to vote on the Wilson bill as it came from the House, at 3 o'clock. Mr. Harris was recognized and moved that consent be givrsn to vote as proposed by Mr. Aldrich. Mr. Turpie in tho chair asked if there were any objections.
"I
object," said Mr.
Cullom. (Democratic laughter.) After some confusion Mr. Aldrich was recognized and made a speech in which he proposed that the vote be deferred until some day next week. Tho new proposition was in the nature of aback down. A debate of the ponding bill then followed. Mr. Cullom spoke in opposition for two hours and twenty minutes. Mr. Dolph delivered another installmout of his speech,' and gave notice that if he was not interrupted too much he would probably be able to finish by 3 p. m., Saturday. At 5 p. m. the Senate adjourned.
Twenty-one private pension bills were passed by the House, Friday. At the night session an encounter between Talbert, of South Carolina. and Pickles, of South Dakota, occurred in which both Rentlemen became violently excited. Mr. Pickles accused Talbert of slandoring Union soldiers, and Talbert gave him tho lie. Instantly a dozen members on the Republican side were on their feet, and Mr. Hepburn called Mr. Talbert to order and demanded that his words be taken down. They were read from the Clerk's desk and after some wrangling, Mr. Talbert was given permission to explain. Mr. Talbert began his explanation by stating that he was sorry ho was obliged to say what he had, but it was true. He would withdraw what ho had said, however, if Mr. Pickler would withdraw his remarks. The tone of the Sjuth Carolinian's explanation did not seem to suit Mr. Baker, of New Hampshire, whodeclarod that tho explanation was fully as offensive as the original language, and he again called Mr. Talbert to order. At this juncture there was an effort to pour oil on tho troubled waters, and, on motion, Mr. Talbert was allowed to proceed. He had no further explanation to make, however, and took his seat. Mr. Pickler ''returned to his mutton" and said that he had noexplanationstomake. At this point the counsel of cooler heads prevailed. The members were recalled to tho bill before the House. Tho excitement subsided, and without further incident the House proceeded with and disposed of nine pension bills, fiye of which were favorably acted upon. Tho point of no quorum was then made and, after a cali of the roll, the House, at 10:30. adjourned.
Monday's session of the United States Senate was as exciting as a war-time debate. The tariff bill was discussed. Mr. Harris, in charge of the bill, lost patience at the dilatory tactics of the opposition and abruptly moved that the Senate proceed to the consideration of the tariff bill. Mr. Hill spoke briefly in a way that displeased his Democratic colleagues. Mr. Sherman said the bill had never been read in detail. Mr. Voorhecs said that the record would disprove this statement. A free-for-all colloquy ensued. Mr. Turpie, in replying to statements by Senator Aidrich, said:
Three monstrous untruths had characterized the opposition, three gross, palpable lies of inconceivable mendacity. The first of those untruths was that a new bill was being prepared by the secretary of the treasury the second, that three, or three hundred amendments (it didn't matter which) were to be presented, and the third was that the bill reported from the finance committee wasn't the bill to be passed. All these assertions had been categorically denied by four Democratic members of the finance committee. And yet the Senator from Rhode Island comes in here and says he believes they are true. There could be no sharper issue ol veracity. I prefer to believe, and I do believe, the Senators on this side, and I disbelieve the Senators—no I will not say Senators—I disbelieve tlicdiminutive unit on the other side who asserts the contrary. Who is the author of these reports that are being circulated here in the newspaper press? Who claims tho paternity of the
Senator from Rhode Island? I recollect the predecessor of tlm honorable Senator from Rhode Island," lie continued, with biting and venomous irony, referring to the Senator Aldrich of 18!»0 p.s a different individual from the Senator Aidrich of to-day, '"but even he couldn't then have been the author of all three of these untruths, lie might have been the author of one. but three would have driven him from the field. We who were here then will never forget the writhing of his distinguished countenance, his enormous development of cheek that extended from ear to ear and from chin to forehead. We will neve.r forget his auricular appendages that scraped the dome of the. capitol. How can the present Senator hope to rival his. predecessor in the hate of truth and in the love of falsehood that has always characterized tho cheats of protection?"
The personal character of Mr. Turpie'a speech seemed to paralyze tho Senate. Mr. Aldrich slowly arose and said that Mr. Turpie spoke for no one but himself. Mr. Quay then resumed his tariff speech, which he began some weeks ago. A motion to go into executive session developed the absence of a quorum, and at 5:50 the Se-nate adjourned.
MB. SPENCER'S SISTER,
Family Appointments Don't Ilokn Smith.
Go With
Indiana's new Pensian Agent, on succeeding to tho office, appointed his sister to a clerkship. The patronage of the office had been conceded to Congressman McNagny, but Congressman Cooper put in a claim for recognition, and urged the appointment of John Duncan, of Morgan county. The appointment of Miss Spencer was brought to tho attention of Secretary of the Interior Iloko Smith, and was promptly disapproved. The Secretary informed Mr. Spencer that an order had already been issuod prohibiting tho appointment by pension agents and other officers of members of their own families. It is understood that Mr. Duncan will be given the placeof Miss Spencer in tho office, which she will be compelled to vacato Aug. 1. Mr. Ensley, the retiring agent, had three members of his own family employed in the office—a son and two daughters—who drew salaries aggregating 94,000 per annum*
a
N
A
THE CAMPAIGN.
sits
The Ruinous Character of $*roposed Tariff Legislation.
Why the President Falters.
Indianopolis Journal. The deficit of the Treasury is going on at the rate of $75,000,000 a year. If the Wilson bill shall become a law—a tariff neither for protection nor revenue, this deficit will continue. If the Senate committee bill, with its sugar duties and withal something of a revenue tariff measure, shall become a law, the deficit of the Treasury will be stopped in time, but not until a deficit of $75,000,000 or $100,000,000 shall have appeared. This deficit must be met. The first issue of $50,000,000 of bonds will be used to meet a part of it, because the coin notes which Mr. Carlisle redeems with the proceeds of these bonds must be paid out again. That $50,000,000 will not be much more than half the amount needed, and much less than half if the House bill without a duty on sugar shall become a law. The issue of bonds is very unpopular with the mass of the Democracy of the South and "West, because it is an increase in the debt. Instead of issuing bonds it would resort to irredeemable treasury notes, which, appearing as money, would not be counted as debt. A proposition to that effect has been made in the House. This element of the Democracy, which controls the party, is out with the President and Secretary Carlisle because they have already issued $50,000,000 of bonds. They have told the Secretary if the so-called seigniorage could be coined, giving $58,000,000 of silver certificates and dollars, the Secretary would not be compelled to sell bonds to meet currency expenses. Knowing that much more will be needed than the money derived from the sale of the $50,000,000 of bonds, Mr. Carlisle has, it is said, committed himself to the Bland seigniorage bill. If the bill becomes a law by the President's signature another $50,000,000 of bonds will not be issued. If he vetoes it Mr. Carlisle will be compelled to issue another $50,000,000 of bonds. To increase the public debt $100,000,000 a year to meet current expenses is an evidence of maladministration which even Mr. Cleveland does not care to furnish. If silver bullion which does not belong to the government can be coined to pay half of the deficit no more bonds will need be sold. True, the government vaults are bursting with silver dollars, and it pays out silver certificates to have them return at once, not being legal tender money and redeemable in silver. Most of Mr. Cleveland's Cabinet favor the seigniorage device. Between his gold monometallistic maxims and an escape from putting another load upon the market the President falters.
It may be added that if Mr. Cleveland would send word to Congress to drop tariff agitation the revenues would increase at once to a figure that would prevent a deficit.
The McKinley Tariff Not a Principle. Indianapolis Journal. Senator Quay, of Pennsylvania, delivered an excellent speech on the tariff question a few days ago. Senator Quay is sometimes called the "Silent Man." He certainly never talks for the sake of talking, and when he does talk he says something. He is a much abler man than he generally gets credit for. He is a reader and thinker, and few men in public life are better posted on public life than he. At one point in his speech he referred to the common charge that the Republican party was irrevocably committed to the McKinley tariff as the ultimate expression of legislative wisdom and a perfect formula of protection. On this point Senator Quay said:
The McKinley bill was not a principle it was an experimental application of a theory. The exact results of its operations could not safely be predicted, because no one, not even those who were experts in the various schedules it embraced, could understand with absolute precision the exact measure of protection which it would extend to each article catalogued in its hundreds of paragraphs.
The McKinley bill was designed as an exemplification of the Republican idea of what fostering encouragement was due to American capiital and American labor. As finally placed upon the statute books it was still subject to every modification which its operation in practice might show to be necessary in the equitable interest of the producer of raw material, of the manufacturer and those he employed, and of the national treasury, td which it promised revenue.
It is not perfect, nor considered by its authors to be perfect. It was felt and was stated that, as would be the case with any tariff law, its application of the principle of protec tion would develop faults of detail with time and experience. Nothing is more certain than that, even had not the Democratic party succeeded in 1892, a revision of the McKinley law at the hands of the party which enacted it would nevertheless in time be necessary. I am prepared to make this admission freely, and even to carry it so far as to state, speaking for myself, that if the present Congress could devise a reasonable measure, Which would permit the continued employment of American labor and capital at living wages and fair profits, even though invoicing reductions, in some instances perhaps large reductions, from present rates of duties, with the understanding tf^ ft was adeterraLoatio*
liisSSi
US
of our dispute for a term of years, 1 would not oppose it. This is true. The Republican party should not allow itself to
IK
put in the position of maintaining that the McKinley law is absolutely perfect and too sacred for amendment. Circumstances have made it their line of battle at present, and as an honest expression and application of the doctrine of protection they do well to defend it. But there will be other protective tariffs after the McKinley tariff, and perhaps ic some respects better ones. As Senator Quay well said, "the McKinley bill was not a principle it was an experimental application of a theory." What Republicans are fight insr for is the principle of protection, not any particular application of it. If the Wilson bill should not pass it may yet devolve on a Republican Congress to revise and amend the McKinley law. In that case it will will be done on protective lines and in such a way as to benefit instead of destroying American institutions. No tariff can be framed which will not develop some defects, and in the course of time require amendments.
Senator fjodge's Great Speech. Chicago Inter Ocean. The speech of Senator Lodge upon the tariff question is one of the few that merit careful study. It is not enough that it should be read it should be conned, and should be preserved for frequent reference. The pressure upon our columns prevents us from giving more than a synopsis of it, but it is sure to be published as a campaign document, and if the Ameriaan Protective Tariff League have funds on hand it should be printed and sent to every voter in the land before political excitement runs high. Its argument is masterly, its tone is temperate, and its facts are unimpeachable.
The trouble with the free trade people, college professors included, is that they have ceased to learn aud never have begun to observe. They are bound in the meshes of philosophy that had served its purpose fifty years ago, and they do not see that it was a philosoph}' adapted to the needs of a country, as well as of a time, very different from that in which the Amarican people live. They fail to discern also that nowhere, under no circumstances, can political economy truly make claim to the conditions of a fixed science. It is, at best, a science of applied expediencies. But it is in vain that one attempts to argue with a theoretical free trader he is one of the gentry who "know it all". His creed is, "As it was in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be, world without end," and he fixes "the beginning" in the era of Adam Smith.
The theoretical free traders, however, are a few and a feeble folk. Votes are not determined by theoretical but by practical considerations. The British workman did not agitate for "free corn"—meaning free wheat—in 1846 because of his belief in the theories of Adam Smith, but because he knew that the population of Britain had become so great that the soil of the country could not feed the people of the country so he agitated for "free corn," "which was a protectionist agitation, for it is protectionist policy to import freely all that a country cannot be made to produce for itself.
In like manner the British manufacturers did not vote for repeal of the tariff on manufactured goods because they believed it to be a scientific axiom that free goods leads to larger sales, but because they found that eighty years of rigorous protection had given them manufacturing supremacy to such a degree that few manufactured goods were imported to their country, and because they thought that other countries would follow their example,and because they knew that if other countries did follow their example the supremacy of Britain as a manufacturing nation was assured.
But other nations did not follow their recent example. Other nations followed the older British example of protection, and by following it approximated the British results. The manufacturing supremacy of Britain is threatened by France and Germany in Europe, and in the department of iron it has been overthrown by America, which now is the greatest iron manufacturer of the world.
History, to which free traders turn a deaf ear, tells that no nation, ancient or modern, has become a great manufacturing power by any other agency than that of protection. History tells us that wages are high or low in proportion as the profits ol manufacturers are great or small. History shows that wages have fallen i5 per cent, in England during the past twenty years, and have increased greatly in the United States. History further tells us that the wage earners in all countries have sought, and wisely, to protect their pio'its by the formation of unions and leagues that sought to obtain special advantages for their members. History tells us that Great Britain, long "after abandonment ol protection by tariff, has continued a form of protection by bounties to ships under the name of "mail subsidies," and that such protection has insured her naval supremacy, as her centuries of tariffs fostered her manufacturing supremacy. History proclaims protection to be the natural law of nations and of persons. And history is now telling that the United States is suffering the effects of disobedience to this law. We regret that space prevents our publication of Senator
CHAMPION.
Highway Strategy.
Chicago Tribune. "I don't want nothin' to eat. ma'am," said the tramp, "but would you mind tellin' me who lives next door south?" "A family named Higgins," replied the woman of the house. "Do you know anything about 'em?" "No they've only lived here a little while. They came from Kansas City." "That'll do, ma'am. Thanky.
A few moments later he appearea at the kitchen door of the Higgins mansion. "I don't suppose you want to be bothered by beggars, ma'am," he said to the woman who came to thcdoor in response to his knock, "but I ain't no perfeshional. I'm a pore man that's been tryin' fur ten year? to make a livin' in St. Louis, anc I've had to .give it up. The. town's too dead. I'm makin' my way now to Kansas City, where a man's got some chance, and if you can give me a cold bite and a kind word I'll be ever so much—" "Why, certainly, certainly! Come right in. It won't take five minute? to fry you a slice of nice ham, and I'll put the coffe pot on right away. Ten years in St. Louis! Well I well!"
The Eagle was Worsted.
A story of a strange combat comes from Fishkill, N. Y. A gray eaerlc which had its nest in the Fishkill mountains, has been seen to alight several times in the asylum grounds, presunxably in search of prey. A great floclc of crows had chosen that locality as a feeding ground and resting place, and they evidently looked upon the advent :of the eagle as an intrusion. The crows apparently decided to give the majestic bird to understand that it was poaching. At any rate it is a fact that a dozen or more of the crows attacked the eagle while it was soaring over Rogers' field and put it to flight. The battle lasted half an hour or more. The crows which did not participate kept circling around and around the combatants and cawing incessantly. The fight was witnessed by several persons, who picked up many blood-stained feathers from tho ground.
Y.SHAFFER.
ftterliui!. Mill
or
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ry nd
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