Greenfield Republican, Greenfield, Hancock County, 27 October 1892 — Page 3

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DISCUSSES

FINANCE.

Democracy

Shameful Wild

Cat and Red Dog Money Proposition Shown Up

Evil Results that Would Fol low the Repeal of the Ten Per Cent Tax on State

Bank Notes

Ho the Unlimited Free Coin of Silver Would Wrong the People

ase

Senator John Sherman made a groat financial speech at Chicago on file 22d, at Central Music Hall.

Tremendous applause greeted Senator Sherman as he stepped to the front, and it was over a minute before the demonstration of enthusiasm subsided sufficiently to enable him to speak. At frequent intervals in the course of his speech he was interrupted by tumultuous applause, the t&imax of enthusiasm being reached when he mentioned the name of Lincoln and of other great leaders of the party. Sherman said in part:

of the issues between these

two parties, which has been already named by your chairman, is whether the people of the United States are willing to abandon the National cur-

v:'-' uency, which has been established by the Republican party in the form of United States bank notes and the silver and gold certificates, all of equal value, not only in the country

NSv «l the United States, but all over «he eivilized world—whether we will |f abandon this form of currency and revive the old currency of our fathera, the 'red dog' shinplasters of thirty or forty years ago. "Another of the questions is whether we will authorize any holder ef 371J grains of silver, worth in the market about C5 cents, to go to the treasury of the United States, or to the mint, and there demand a dollar, or, if we cannot coin dollars fast enough, to demand your note—the note of the people of the United

States—for $1, when the purchasing power of the silver dollar is but 65 «ents or whether, on the other fiahd, we will buy that silver at its^market price, coin it as needed by the people •f the United States, and maintain & at the standard of gold in all the

...markets of the world. [Applause.]

uitnoIhef

question that is also to

yccr interest is whether, in levying duties on imported goods, from which we derive the chief source of oar revenue, we should be guided alone by the mere maintaining of revenue for the support of the Government, or whether, in addition to that, we should try to increase, improve and magnify the industries of our country and protect oar people against undue competition abroad."

WILD-CAT MONEY PROPOSITION.

**Now. my countrymen, these questions are to be submitted to you. Take the flrst question. The question is presented bv the Democratic platform, referred to you by your honored chairman. It is contained in two lines: 'We recommend that the prohibitory ten-per-cent. tax on State circulation be repealed-! Well, now. iu the lirst outlook of that simTle resolution it would seem a tax of 30 per cent, on any kind of circulation would be a very heavy tax, and (the plain farmer would say: 'Why. that is too much taxes. Why not 2 per cent, or 1 per cent?' The answer is, my countrymen, that the tax was levied in the midst of war in order to drive out of existence and eat the throat of this system of State bank paper monev, which had ruined the country over and over again and involved it in trouble. [Applause.] "Why, my countrymen, under the Constitution the United States are prohibited from emitting bills of credit, and bills of credit are supposed to be in form of money to be circulated as money. It forbids also tfhat they should make an\'thing but gold and silver a legal tender in payment of debts. Those who formed that provision believed they had cut out this whole system of local paper money by the roots. They declared that no State could emit bills of credit. cr paper money, for that was the weaning of it. Hut it was said that the States might authorize corporations to do it. Why, ordinary logic of a plain man, without resorting to lawyers at all, would convince any one that if a State could not do it could not authorize the people of the State to do it. Therefore, it was believed that there could be no State bank paper money. 'The Constitution of thef United States provides that Congress may regulate the value of money, may ••Din money and regulate its value that Congress may borrow money, and. as incident to that, may issue bills of credit, and finally, it may make thein a legal tender for the payment of debts. Now, my countrymen, on account of the neglect of Congress to perform this same duty ire had, in the twenty States that existed before the war,"various forms of paper money. No man living, exccpt those who lived in that time, can conceive of the condition of pur paper money then. There was .not fit bank west of the city of New York (but irhtjP? notes, were^a discount in

man had to {re he sent it

^uusejftf goods. I

remember the time v«ga the war commenced. After ^bralUmi Lincoln—God bless bira-^fprolorSred applause], had called 75,000 troope into the field—and they came to thdsupport of the government by thousands and hundreds of thousands mere and more, as he called them againv— when these brave men came there to Washington there was not a dollar in the treasury to pay them. The administration of James Buchanan, the last of the Democrats, who had just gone out, left a treasury bankrupt, and Congress was compelled to issue treasury notes in order to pay them. The administration of james Buchanan, the last of the Democrats, who had just gone out, left a treasury bankrupt, and Congress was compelled to issue treasury notes in order to pay the soldiers. When this war commenced we had neither money, nor gold, nor silver, nor any other kinds. There was this paper money of the States. But the last act, the last wise act of the Democratic party was to establish what they call the independent treasury law, by which it was forbidden—the good sense of Van Buren had forbidden that it should be received by any officer of the government—any kind of State bank paper money. That- was the wisest act the Democrats ever performed, and about the only act, because after that act was done the Democratic party really did what it ought to have done long before, it ceased to exist.

A BIT OP FINANCIAL HISTORY.

Now, my friends, when we met this difficulty at the beginningof the war, as I said, we had no money, the first thing we did was to issue $60,000,000 of demand notes. They were notes payable on demand. We is sued them and they were received and paid out to our credit and enabled us to carry on the war for six months,but they were soon exhausted, and we knew if we continued t,o issue this form of paper money that our government would break down and the robellion would succeed. We knew that we could not pay this money on demand, and the result would be that they would go down more and more, precisely like the revolutionary scrip and other forms of paper money. Therefore it was decided, after careful consideration, that there be issued what is now called the greenbacks. We issued the United States notes, promising to pay five dollars some time, may be after this war is over and the Union is saved. [Great applause.] Now, that was a departure from the best principles of linance no man could justify notes of that character, unless they were maintained oy gold or silver, except under the exigencies of war. But we provided when we issued them that they could be converted into bonds we received them in payment of bonds and in this* way we established a national currency wliich enabled us to buy from our own people and carry on the war to the complete preservation of the Union and of our government. [Applause.] "Now, sirs, we could not have circulated these greenbacks if wo had allowed the old State bank circulation to have been in existence. It would have filled the channels of trade. By law of finance, as strong as the law of the Ten Commandments, the cheaper currency has driven out the better currency and the noor currency fills the channels of circulation although the treasury law forbbid their use by the government or their receipt for any purpose whatever for taxes or anything else. We declared they should pay a tax of ten per cent on every note of that sort of circulation. Wc knew the result would drive those notes out of existence, and we intended to cut their throats. But we did not make this provision until we had found a better system, and that is authorizing the national banks, where auv person who would deposit $100 of the United bonds might have the privilege of issuing $90 in circulation. We held those bonds as security for the notes. So admirable and successful had been that plan that no man lives who ever lost a single dollar by national bank note. Now they tell us that they want more money. "Suppose the government of the United States should issue one hundred million dollars of notes-?who would they pay those notes to? How can any of you get any of that money unless you do something or sell something to the government,unless you do some work or perform some labor? The poor man wh^ wants money would not get his styire, but the people who hold the bonds of the government, the contractors who sold it supplies or rendered service the government would get the increase value of the money./ In former times the greatest cumulation of bank notes at one time was about two or three hundred mil^on dollars. And yet to-day the lost treasury statement give the arlount at one billion, one hundred art! thirty-two million dollars of pjper money in active circulation. Wny one would think that was e.nou«w. It is more than ever existed before in the history of our country./ And when we remember thas 95 rpr cent.—and in the city of Chicago/97 per cent.—of all the payments ate made in checks, certificates, drufti and commercial paper it shows tiat that money is only used in ordinary way by people for marketing And for the smaller transactions jot life. Every dollar of this Money is secured by the government of the United States either by gad and silver coin or bullion, or jy the deposit of the United' $tate bonds. Let a bank break who/cares? The money is

good because the security is in the hands of the government. So with silver certificates. There is sometimes a question about it, but it is backed not only by the silver contained in the silver dollar, but it is backed also by the silver and gold behind each one.

4'Mr.

BAD MONEY NOT WANTED

"Now, my countrymen, here is this mass of money, the very afe blood of our system—that upon which the business of Chicago depends, that upon which everj' artisan and mechanic depends—all this is now founded upon the solid rock of gold and silver coin and bullion every dollar is safe, and now this Democratic party, which for years has done nothing but oppose the action of the Republican party, comes in and demands a restoration of bad money. That is the condition before us. And will you, my countrymen, agree to it? [Cries of 'No, no.']

Springer, of Illinois, says the

reason they put this little plank into the Democratic platform was that their brethren in the South wanted a chance to issue paper money of their own, Mr. Springer says some citizens of the Southern States expressed a desire for the repeal of the ten per cent, tax on the issues of the State banks in order to enable the States in which they live to inaugurate State banks. In other words, the Southern demand is made and the Democratic party knuckles down at once and cries yes, yes. [Laughter and applause.] They want to issue some paper money down there, organize some old fashioned wild cat banks and they want to get this tax out of the way. Why, my countrymen, Mr. Springer says he does not exactly believe in this kind ol money himself. He says he don't see how it will circulate unless it is suoported in some way. He would make some provision in Congress. But Congress has no power to change the laws of the States. If they had the power to start such banks then it must be a State law, and whether to provide security or not it is the law of the land, and Congress has no power, except by stepping in and taxing it, out of existence. 'No,' says Mr. Springer, 'it is unconstitutional, this law is.' [Laughter.] "Well, everything is 'unconstitutional' with them that they don't like. [Laughter.] The trouble is that the Supreme Court has decided that very question, and has held that the tax on State banks is constitutional, and it is not for the judicial power to attempt to define the limits or objects of taxation or to regulate Congress in the exercise of this powerful taxation. [Applause.] So Mr. Springer had better look to his law books a little and find out about that lirst. "No, no, my countrymen, this is a dangerous proposition which threatens the business of every man in this country. It is proved that rover Cleveland, 'the stuffed prophet.' in his speech of acceptance did not say anything about it he did not say whether he stands on that platform at all. No, he does not say anything about the platform. He says a great deal about what he has done and what he has said, and he is a stuffed prophet of his own stuffing. [Prolonged laughter.] "Mr. Springer said: 'It is sometimes said that we must provide other forms of banking, because the national banks will go out of existence.' Well, that may be as the debt is paid off, as no bank can be organized or kept up except on the deposit of United States bonds, that the banks .would lose their circulation. It may be also that by the wisdom of both parties, by the desire of the people, some other form of security may be devised. I say it is very difficult now to pass upon that question. I do not think the people of the United States will ever consent to accept any security from any form of bank except the security which is the highest in our land—the security of sixty-five millions of ths freest people that God ever made." [Long continued applause.]

EVILS OP FUEE COINAGE.

Senator Sherman then referred to the free silver question. He said in part: "The silver that is in sight, our statistics 6how, amounts to four thousand millions of ftollars, and we are now producing in the mines of the world 185,000.000 of dollars a year, and the wild, crazy prophecy is made that the people of the United States will enter into the market and pay $1 for every 67 cents' worth of all these mines of silver that may be imported or throw into our country. That is what free coinage of silver means. The inevitable effect of that would be once to demonetize gold and compel its exportation and hoarding and reduce us to a single silver standard. The result would be that all the debts would be cut off one-third. And who are the creditors of this country? First of all, and dearest of all, are the 600,000 soldiers, their widows, their orphans, who hold their little pension certificate. By the free coinage of silver one-third of their pensions are to be stricken off at one fell swoop. Who are the depositors of the sixteen hundred of millions of money deposited in our savings banks to-day to the credit of our poor people? Our building associations have eleven hundred millions of dollars invested in them. What man is so mean, so poor, so degraded that ho will rob the poor in order to save a little in paying the honest debt? Nothing proposed has struck me as hard and severe, as this most infernal proposition to open our doors to the free purchase of silver. Silver miners have no fight to demand of us or attempt to force the government to purchase* their article at a price in advance of that of what it Ui worth in the open marketu i/V \1

BLAINE.

THEPLDIFFB KNIGHT SOLIDLY FOR

irt Speech at Ophii That is Emphatic in Its Loyalty to

His Partv

Mr. Blaine stood on the porch and spoke as follows: Fellow citizens of New York—1 should be churlish, indeed, if I did not make response to your call after you have come several miles to this beautiful home of Mr. Eeid on this pleasant October evening. At the same time I am not making speeches in the canvass, for reasons that are well known to my friends and which have no connection whatever with politics. Generally, lulministratious in Presidential elections are challenged on account of the condition of the business of the country, and I submit that the Republican administration of President Harrison can triumphantly endure such a test. I doubt if, since the govei'nment of the United States was instituted, anybody, at any time, has seen what we call "'good times" so general, taking in so many interests and spreading prosperity throughout the whole domain of trade. I might appeal to New York if the city has ever passed a season more satisfactory in financial results than for the past'two years, in which the general effect on capital and labor has been more prosperous. "The opponents of the Republican party always represent New York as a commercial city, and not a manufacturing one, and yet the product of the manufactories of that city alone is $700,000,000. Anything that would cripple that great interest would cripple the metropolis seriously, and to a very hurtful extent. More men in New York get their living from pursuits protected by the tariff than from any other source. I know New York is the center of our commerce, the great entrepot of our trade but all the men engaged in commercial affairs in and about New York are smaller in numbers than the men engaged in manufactures. Nor, if you go West, where the Democrats this year arc making considerable effort and doing a vast amount of boasting, will you iiud it different.

Take Miehigan, Ohio, Indiana or Illinois, and the products of manufactories are greater in pecuniary amount than the product of agriculture in these four great agricultural States. So that I think when it happeus to be Democratic orators who are on the wing trying to arouse the hostility of these States against the prqgsctive tariff, they will encounter a sentiment of which they have not dreamed. We learn from the Democratic party that these Western States are in a desperate condition. Tha amount of their farm mortgages roll up into the millions. We would suppose it fabulous that the amount of money they embrace could ever have been so invested. This is not so among the farmers in New York it is not so among the farmers in New Jersey, it is not so among the, farmers of Connecticut it is not so among the farmers of Pennsylvania: it is not so among the farniers of any State near by whose condition can be easily learned, but by a singular fatality it is the Western States that have got all these farm mortgages burdening them and taking the life out of the people. I do not like to say that gentlemen have voluntarily misrepresented the facts, but before accepting them as such you will do well to demand the proofs. "The tariff, so Democratic papers say, is the origin of a plutocratic government, when wealth shall rule and poor men shall not get their rights. I shall venture to challenge all statements of that kind, and shall make the Democratic acusers the judges iu the case. A careful examination of the list of wealthy men in the country has been published and has demonstrated the fact to be quite the reverse, to such an extent, indeed, that in the city of New York, taking the first 150 great fortunes, not three, not two, not more than one would be considered as derived from manufacturing investments. "I have a word to say about the Irish vote. I see it stated that the Democrats boast of having the mass of them in their ranks this year. It is one of the mysteries of our politics that a question which interests England so supremely, which is canvassed almost as much in London as it is in New York, should have the Irish vote on the side of Great Britain. If the Irish vote were solidly for protection they would defy the machinations of the Democratic party for free trade and throw their influence on the side of the home market of America against the tide of the foreign markets of England. I know this appeal has been made frequently, to their voters, but I majte it with some emphasis now, for I am unwilling to' believe that with the light of knowledge before them they will deliberately be on the side of their former oppressors. I think I shall rely on my good friend Egan, the brilliant and successful minister to Chili, whom I feel especially glad to meet at Mr. Reid's table this evening—I think I must rely on him to intercede with his countrymen—his countrymen in two senses—not to aid the ^Democratic party in lowering the standard and the wages of American libor by their potential votes ft&d tieir potential number." •r

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CARTERS

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CHEATING 3- HORSE

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L«f,

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18 Boylston St., Boston. Mas*

ROBERT SMITH, D. V. S. I-

rlsfc to say to my many patrons that bareful» ly recovered from my accident, and ara prepared to

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Greenfield, Iod'.

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-'•WW

GREENFIELD, IND.

Th« Cincinnati, Hftmiltoa and D&rtcn Railroit Is the •nly

Cfcate Cw» ta 1)17 Trainaud

Sleeping Car* oa' Night

Train*

betweea

Cincinnati, Indimnapolit Chicago,

St. Louia, Toledo ani

Detroit.

Chair Car betweea Cincinnati and

Keokah*

M. D. WOODFORD, PreaMan! A fltneral Manager. 1.0. MeCORUICK, General Passenger A Tlakei Agaek riNciNNATi, a

Indianapolis Divisional

ennsylvania Lines.

75511401 AM I AM

Eastward.

Now Paris

Wileys New Madison Weavers Greenville Gettysburg Bradford Jc Covington.. Plqua Urbaua Columbus

-n

Schedule of Passenger Trains-Central Time.

Westward.

rolnmbns Urbana Plqua Covington Bradford Jc Gettysburg Greenville Weuvors Nmv Madison..... Wile.vs New Pans Richmond.... Centreville Gennantown Cambridge City. Dublin Ktrawns Lewisvillo.. Dunrcitii. 0 den Kniifhtstown Gharlo'.tsvillc Cleveland Oireenlield Philadelphia Cumberland.. Irvinaton

145

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140 330 PM

600 PM

8 1511 30 PM I PM

No*. t, 8 and 20 conneet at Columbus for Pittsburgh and tho JTasft, nnd nt Richmond for Dayton, xenia and Springfield, nnd Sfo. 1 for Cincinnati.

Trains leave Cambridge City a* +7 00 a. m. .ind t3 30 P. m. for Hushvillc, Shelbyville, Columbus nnd intermediate stations. Arrive Cainbtidge City tl.45and t6.50 p. m. JOSEPH WOOD, E. A. FORD, flmUrol

Manager,

Graaral Pisstngv

"aiiiisr

Apst

PITTSBURGH, PENN'A.

For time cards, rates of Aire, ttn-oiifth ticket** ha*cage checks nnd farther information. n»Kardlny the running of trains apply to any Agent Pennsylvania Ltaae,