Greenfield Evening Republican, Greenfield, Hancock County, 18 December 1895 — Page 4

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ENGLAND ANSWERED

President Cleveland Reviews the Venezuelan Question.

A MESSAGE SENT TO CONGRESS.

The Monroe Doctrine Should Be Up-

1 held by the United States

at All Hazzards.

WARLIKE WORDS MADE USE OF.

The Nation Should Resist by All Moans ill

Its Power Great Britain's Willful Ag­

gression—The President Stanelily Up­

holds the Monroe Doctrine and Insists

on Its Application in the Present Case,

®nd Says We Must Not L.ose Our National

Solf-Respeet For the Sake of Friendship

With Another Great Power—But Two

Things Now I^eft. For England to Do,

Either Back Down or Resort to War.

WASHINGTON, Dec. 18.—The president sent to congress yesterday the Venezuelan correspondence, accompanied by tlie following message: To the congress:

In my annual message addressed to Hie congress on the 3d inst.. I called attention to the'pemling boundary controversy between Great Britain and the republic of Venezuela, and recited the substance of a representation made by this government to her Britannic majesty's government, suggesting reasons why such dispute should be submitted to arbitration for settlement and inquiring whether if would be so submitted.

The answer of the British srovenimcnt, together with the dispatch to which it is a reply, is hereto appended.

Such reply is embodied in two communications addvissrd by the British prime minister to Sir Julian Pauncefote, the British am'vi.-wador at this capital. It will be seen that, one of these communications is devoted exclusively to observations on the Monroe doctrine, and claims fchafc in the present instance a new and strange extention and development of this doctrine is insisted on by the United States that the reasons justifying an appeal to the doctrine enunciated by President Monroe are generally inapplicable "in the state of things in which we live at the present day," and especially inapplicable to a controversy involving tho boundary between Groat Britain and Venezuela.

Without attempting extended argument in reply to these positions it may not be, amiss to suggest that the doctrine upon which we stand io strong and sound because its enforcement is important to our peace and safety as a nation, and is essential to the integrity of our free institutions and the tranquil maintenance of our distinctive form of government. It was intended to apply to every stage of our national life and can not become obsolete while our republic endures. If the balance of power is justly a cause for jealous anxiety among the governments of the old world, and a subject tor our absolute noninterference, none the less is an observance of the Monroe doctrine of vital concern to our people and their government.

Assuming, therefore, that we may properly insist upon this doctrine without regard to "tho state of things in which we live" or any changed conditions here or elsewhere, it is not apparent why its application may not be invoked in the present controversy.

If a European power, by an extension of its boundaries, takes possession of the territory of one of our neighboring tepublics against its will and in derogation of its riglUs, it is difficult to see why to that extent, such European power does not thereby attempt to extent its system of government to that portion of this continent which is thus taken. This is the precise action which President Monroe declared to bo "dangerous to our peace and safety," and it can make no difference whether the European system is extended hy an advance of frontier or otherwise.

It is aslo suggested iu the British reply that we should not seek to apply the Monroe doctrine to the pending dispute because it does not embody any principle of international law which is founded on the general consent of nations, and that "no statesman, however eminent, and no nation, however powerful, is competent to insert into the code of international law a novel principle which was never recognized before and which has not since been accepted by tho government of any other country."

Practically the principle for which we contend has peculiar if not exclusive relation to the United States. It may not have been admitted in so many words to the code of international law, but since, In international counsels every nation is entitled to the rights belonging to it, if the enforcement of the Monroe doctrine is something, we may justly claim it has its place in the code of international law as certainly and as surely as if it were specifically mentioned and when the United States is a suitor before the high tribunal that administers international law, the question to be determined is whether or not we present claims which the justice of fhat code of law can find to be right and ••lid.

The Monroe doctrine finds its recognition in those principles of international lawr which are based upon the theory that mrery nation shall have its rights protectf+d and its just claims enforced.

Of course, this government is entirely mnfldent that under the sanction of this (doctrine we have clear rights and unjdoubted claims. Nor is this ignored in the British reply. The prime minister, while not admitting that the Monroe doctrine is applicable to present conditions, states: "In declaring that the United States would resist any such enterprise if was contemplated President Monroe adbpted a policy which received the entire sympathy of the English government of that date."

He further declares: "Though the lanapeukge of President Monroe is directed to Ihe attainment of objects which most En,glishmen would agree to be salutary, it is Impossible to admit th^t tliey have been Inscribed by any adequate authority in the code of international law."

Again he says: "They (her majesty's ^government fully concur with the view

President Monroe apparently entertained, that any disturbance of the existing territorial distribution in that hemisphere by any fresh acquisitions on the part of any European state would be a highly inexpedient change."

In the belief that the doctrine for which we contend was clear and definite, that it was founded upon substantial considerations and involved our safety and welfare, that it was fully applicable to our present conditions and to the state of the world's progress, and that it was directly related to the pending controversy and without any conviction as to the final merits of the dispute, but anxious to learn in a satisfactory and conclusive manner whether Great Britain sought under a claim of boundary to extend her possessions on this continent without right, or whether she merely sought possession of the territory fairly included in her lines of ownership, this government proposed to the government of Great Britain a report to arbitrate as to the proper means of settling the question to the end that a vexatious boundary dispute between the two contestants might be determined, and our cxact standing and relation in respect to tho controversy might be made clear.

It will be seen from the correspondence herewith submitted that this proposition has been declined by the British government upon grounds which in the circumstances seem to me to be far from satisfao» tory. It is deeply disappointing that such an appeal, actuated by the most friendly feelings toward both nations directly concerned, addressed to the sense of justice and to the magnanimity of one of the great powers of the world, and touching its relations to one comparatively weak and small, should have produced no better results.

The oourse to be pursued by this goveminent in view of the present condition does not appear to admit of serious doubt. Having labored faithfully for many years to induce Great Britain to submit this dispute to impartial arbitration, and having been now finally apprised of her re-j I fusal to do so. nothing remains but uO accept the situation, to recognize its plain I requirement-sand deal with it according-j ly. Great Britain's present proposition has never thus far been regarded as admissibie by Venezuela, though any adjusnnent of the boundary which that country may deem for her advantage and may enter into of her own freewill, can not, of course, be objected to by the*

United States. Assuming, however, that the attitude of Venezuela-will remain unchanged the dispute has reached such a stage as to make it now incumbent on the United States to take measures to determine with sufficient- certainty for its justification what is the true divisional line between the republic of Venezuela and British (iuiana. The inquiry to that end should, of course, bo conducted carefully and judicially and due weight should be given to all available evidence, records and facts iu support of the claims of both parties.

In order that such an examination should be prosecuted in a thorough and satisfactory manner, I suggest that the congress make adequate appropriation for the expenses of a commission to lie appointed by the executive, who shall make the necessary investigation and report upon the

delay. When such report is made and accepted, it will, in my opinion, be the duty of the United States, to resist by every means in its power as a willful aggression upon its rights and interests tho appropriation by Great Britain of any lauds or the exercise of governmental jurisdiction over any territory which, after investigation, we have determined of right belongs to Venezuela. In making these recommendations I am fully alive to the responsibility incurred and keenly realize all the consequences that may follow.

there is no calamity which a great nation can invite which equals that which fedlows a loss of tnatioual self-respect and honor, beneath which is shielded and defended a people's safety and greatness.

The secretary begins by stating that the president has given much anxious thought to the subject and has 11A reached a conclusion without a lively sense of its great importance as well as of the serious possibility involved in any action now to be taken. He then comments on the long duration of the boundary dispute, the "indefinite" claims of both parties and "the continued growth of the undefined British claims," the fate of the various attempts at arbitration of the controvery and the part in the matter heretofore taken by the United States. He shows that the British claims since the Schomburg line was run have moved the frontier of British Guiana further and further to the westward of the line proposed by Lord Aberdeen in 1844.

The secretary then summarizes the situation at the beginning of this year to be as follows:

I am nevertheless firm in my convictions that while it is a grievous thing to contemplate tin two great English-speak-ing peoples of the world as being otherwise1 than friendly competitors in the onwarel march of civilization and strenuous ami worthy rivals in all the arts of peace, matic relations, it is not otherwise possible to communicate it to the Venezuelan government. Lord Salisbury asserts that Secretary Olney, acting on an ex parte presentation of the case by

GROVKK CLKVKLAND.

Executive Mansion, Dec. 17, 18lJ5.

Accompanying the president's message is the correspondence on the sub- Schomburg line was run, of many connect. It starts with Secretary Olney's cessions offered bv Great Britain to now celebrated note opening the negotiations with Great Britain, looking to the arbitration of the boundary dispute, bears date of July 20 last and is addressed to Mr. Bayard.

First—The title to territory of indefi-

Second—The disparity in strength of the parties is such that Venezuela can hope to establish her claim only through peaceful methods.

Third—The controversy has existed for half a century, despite Venezuela's efforts to establish a boundary.

Fourth—Venezuela has for a quarter of a century striven for arbitration. Fifth—Great Britain has continuously refused except upon the renunciation in her favor of a large part of Venezuela's claims.

Sixth—The United States has made it clear to Great Britain and the world by frequent interposition of good offices that the controversy is one in which its honor and its interests are involved and

Mr. Olney gives in his note a firm indorsement to the principle enunciated by President Monroe and defines Great Britain's position in this frank and unambiguous manner: "She (Great Britain) says to Venezuela: 'You can get none of the debatable land by force because you are not strong enough you can get none by treaty because I will not agree, and you

nite but confessedly very large extent is mittee on foreign relations and beyond in dispute between Great Britain and the reading of the document no debate Venezuela.

the continuance of which it can not re- methods in the house and the Repubomrd witi. inHiffomr,™ lican policy of dealing with contests in gard with indifference.

car* take your chances of getting a portion by arbitration only if yon first agree to abandon to ine such portions as I may designate.'"

LORD SALISBURY'S REPLY.

The Monroe Doctrine, He Says, Is Not Applicable to This Dispute.

Lord Salisbury answers Secretary 01ney in two notes, both dated July 26. The first is devoted entirely to a reply to that portion of the note relating to the Monroe doctrine, which, he says, has never before been made the subject of a written communication by the United States to another government, although it has largely influenced American foreign relations. Lord Salisbury says that this doctrine has undergone a "notable development" since its enunciation by President Monroe, which had originally received the entire sympathy of the English government. But the dangers apprehended by President Monroe, Lord Salisbury says, have no relation to the conditions of the present day, when there is no danger of an unholy alliance or of attempts at European colonization of America.

Great Britain is imposing no "system" upon Venezuela, nor concerning herself with Venezuelan political institutions. The dispute over the boundary has nothing to do with any of the questions dealt with by Monroe. The latter did not claim for the United States the "novel prerogative" of settling a frontier difference of this kind, nor did he seek to establish a protectorate over Mexico or the Central American states. So if the United States will not control the conduct of these communities, it can not undertake to protect them from the consequences attaching to their misconduct. Arbitration is not free from defects, and the claim of a third nation to impose it on two interested nations can not be reasonably justified and has no foundation in the law of nations.

Lord Salisbury expressly declines to be understood as accepting the Monroe doctrine. He says that, international law being founded on the general consent of nations, no statesman and no nation, however powerful, can inject a novel principle not acceptable to any other government, and Secretary Olney's principle, that "American questions are for American decision" Cunsustained by Monroe), can not be sustained by international law. The United States can not affirm that its interests are concerned in the American states because they are American, no more than if they were Japan or China. Monroe's language was never admitted to lie international law and the danger of such admission is shown by the "strange development" which the doctrine has received at Secretary Olney's hands. A fair inference from Mr. Olney's arguments. Lord Salisbury says, is that the union between Great Britain and her colonies in America is "inexpedient and unnatural, something disclaimed by Monroe, and emphatically denied by her majesty's government and the American people subject to the crown."

Concurring in Monroe's view that a disturbance of territorial distribution in

sitter wi th*the"*1 east"poss'ible the western hemisphere would be inexpedient he does not admit this to be international law, and can not accept the doctrine that the United States is entitled to demand arbitration of territorial disputes between states.

In conclusion, Lord Salisbury says that he hopes that the difficulty, made more difficult by Venezuela's inconsiderate action in breaking diplomatic relations, will be adjusted by a reasonable arrangement at an early date.

The Boundary Dispute.

Lord Salisbury's second note, dated July 2(5, deals entirely with the boundary dispute on its merits beginning with a statement that Great Britain does not recognize that any other country has a material interest in the controversy, yet makes the statement in this fashion because, owing to the rupture of diplo-

Venezuela, has fallen into much misapprehension. He enters into an elaborate history of the British claim founded on the Dutch concession, tells how the celebrated

Venezuela to reach an arrangement, and suggests that the Venezuelan insistence upon the arbitration of the •whole territory would be paralleled by a refusal of Great Britain to arbitrate the Alaskan boundary line, unless half of Alaska were thrown into arbitration.

THE MESSAGE IN CONGRESS.

Both Branches Greet the Document With Great Enthusiasm. WASHINGTON, Dec. 18.—The presi­

dent's message on the Venezuelan question occupied the main attention of the senate during its brief session. Secretary Cox read the document amid impressive silence, the senators following eveiy word with intense interest. The concluding sentence of the message wasno sooner read than a demonstration occurred almost unparalleled in the history of the upper branch of congress, senators on both sides of the chamber joining in their expressions of approval by long-continued handclapping.

The message and accompanying documents were at once referred to the com-

or reference to |it occurred during the session. Many memorials concerning the Cuban rebellion and the Turkish massacres were presented.

Mr. Call of Florida offered a resolution to investigate alleged election irregularities in Florida.

In the House.

WASHINGTON, Dec. 18.—While the time of the house was mainly absorbed in a debate on the Republican plan to create three committees of nine members each to deal with the election contests, its interest was centered upon the president's message. The debate on the election committee plan was fruitful of

partisan discussion of election

the Fifty-first congress. The principal speakers were Cannon of Illinois, Dalzell of Pennsylvania, Johnson of Indiana and Powers of Vermont, Republicans, and Crisp of Georgia, Bartlett of New York, Wheeler of Alabama and Bailey of Texas, Democrats. The plan was adopted by a party vote. The president's message laid on the speaker's table until late in the afternoon, when it

ia,

wai? read and received with much enthusiasm by members of both parties.

WELL RECEIVED.

Not

Voic? Raised Against the Policy of the President. WASHINGTON, Dec. 18.—The message of President Cleveland to congress transmitting the correspondence between Secretary Olney and Lord Salisbury relative to the Venezuelan boundary dispute created a real sensation in Washington. Although the nature of Secretary Olney's vigorous communication and of Lord Salisbury's answers had been already accurately foretold in the Associated Press dispatches from Washington and London, there was still a great popular craving to learn just how the president would deal with Lord Salisbury's refusal to submit the matter to arbitration, and the message was listened to with iuterest in congress and was read with avidity on the streets. Nowhere was there a voice lifted in dissent from the doctrine so firmly laid down by the president, but on the contrary there was an outburst of patriotic feeling that must have been highly gratifying to the chief executive.

In the dignified United States senate, a body that rarely exhibits emotion on any occasion, there was witnessed the unparalleled spectacle of handclapping and applause which was the spontaneous expression of the approval of almost every senator without regard to party. On the streets the message was discussed and old vetaraus of the late war talked exultantly of what they were prepared again to undertake at the call of their country. In the great hall of the pension building the employes gathered and sang- with gusto the "Star Spangled Banner," and "My Country, 'Tis of Thee."

At the White House messages poured in from every quarter of the country congratulating the president upon his message. They came from men of all parties and station, and they began to come in soon after the delivery of the documents to congress.

The matter, of course, was of the greatest interest in diplomatic circles, and the general impression on a sober second consideration of the notes was that the manner lias not yet reached a stage where war is imminent, and that the hint of Givat: Britain's purpose to reopen negotiations with Venezuela looking to settlement of the dispute between themselves, peril sips may be regarded as the indication of how the whole matter will end.

Minister Andratie of Venezuela secured a copy of the message late iu the day aud cabled it by way of Cuba and Hayt-i to his government. The time of transmission is eight hoars, and it is felt that its reception at Caracas will be the signal for an enthusiastic demonstration.

At the British embassy Sir Julian Pauncefote and his extensive official corps shared in the general interest in the question. It was stated that the foreign office made public at noon the Salisbury answer, simultaneous with its publication here. But as the president's message is to congress, aud has not gone through diplomatic channels, it was not apart of the matter given to the British public by the foreign office. This presents the anomoly of each country interesting itself with the phase of the question most acceptable to itself, London laying special stress on the Salisbury letter, and the United States naturally being concerned mainly with the president's message.

MONROE DOCTRINE.

We owe it to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those (Kuropean) powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part, to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. Witli the existing colonies or dependencies of any Euro­

pean power we have not interfered and will not interfere. But with the governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on. just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them or controlling iu any other manner their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States.— (From President Monroe's Seventh Annual Message, Dec. 3, 1833.

Overcome by Gas.

NEW YORK, Dec. 18.—George Merr of Sharon Center, la., was found overcome by gas in his room at Router's hotel in Dey street. His recovery is improbable. He went to the hotel in company with Fred Rusch of San Simon, A. T., who says he and Merr came here to see about a suit in which both are concerned.

Cuban Filibusterers I,anded. MADRID, Dec. 18.—A dispatch to The

Correspondencia, from Havana, confirms the report that a filibuster expedition has landed near Manzanillo, province of Santiago de Cuba, with arms, ammunition, a quick firing gun and five American gunners.

Indications.

Partly cloudy weather, followed by local showers warmer southerly winds. THE MARKETS.

Review of the Grain and Livestock Markets For December 18.

Pittsburg.

Cattle—Prime, $1 la(g!4 30 good, |3 80Q 4 00 good butchers', *$8 60gl3 80 bulls, stags and cows, tl 50@3 00 rough fat, 50@$3 60 fresh cows and springers, $16@40. Hogs—Prime light, $3 70@3 76 best Yorkers, $3 65@3 70 common to fair Yorkers, 13 50@3 65 roughs, $2 25@3 25. Sheep—Extra, 93 00@3 20 good, |2 60@ 2 80 fair, 12 00@2 60 common, 60c@ $1 25 spring lambs, $2 30@4 40 veal calves, |0 50@7 00.

Cincinnati.

Wheat—63}-4@66c. Corn—28@30c. Cattle—Selected butchers, $3 60@4 00 fair to medium, $3 00@3 50 common, $2 00@ 2 90. Hogs—Selected and prime butchers, $3 60@3 65 packing, $3 45@3 55 common to rough, $3 00@3 40. Sheep—$1 00 @3 50. Lambs—$2 7504 25.

Chicago.

Hogs—Selected butchers, 13 85@3 62}£ mixed, 13 40@3 60. Cattle Poor to choice steers, $3 00@4 75 others, 92 25@ 4 oO cows and bulls, $1 15@3 25. Sheepfl 60@3 60 lambs, 3 00@4 50.

New York.

Cattle—«1 ln@4 50. Sheep—12 25@3 35 lambs, $3 60@4 90.

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1895 December, 1895

Su. Mo. Tu. We. Th. Fr. Sa.

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31

1

"BIG FOUR"

ROUTK TO

ATLANTA.

Cotton States and International Exposition. Travelers to the South during the fall and the early part of the winter reason will have an unusual opportunity of see ing the South at its best advantage. The Atlanta Exposition is the largest exposi tion of its kind in this country, with the exception of the world's fair at Chicago.

HOW TO REACH ATLANTA.

From Chicago, Peoria, Indianapolis, Terre Haute, LaFayette, Benton Harbor and intermediate points, the North and Noithwest, the "Big Four" route effers the choice of the two great gaitways to the South—Cincinnati and Louisville. Solid trains with parlor cars, magnificent sleeping cars and diniEg cars run daily from Chicago and Indianapolis to Cincinnati and Louisville.

From New York, Boston Buffalo, Cleveland, Columbus, Springfield, Sandusky, Dayton and intermediate points, magbifi cebt through trains run dailj into Cincinnati. All trains of the "Big Four" arrive at Central Union Station, Cincinnati, making direct connections with through trains of the Quti it Crescent routa tu Atlanta. Through leeptng cars via the Q. & 0. route run direct ly to Chaitaroogu, Hence via Southern railway to At lanta. Many points of historical interest as weU as beautiful scenery may be t.njoyed euroute. Of these Ci-ickamntiga National Park anehLookout fountain iu Chattanooga are toreinu.-t, ahd should be visited b.v everyone on the way ta Atlanta.

For full information as to rates, routes, time ef trains, etc call on or address any agent Big Four Route.

At ^Cincinnati .direct connections are made inj Central Union Station with through trains with Pullman SleepiLg cars of the Queen and Creseut Route to Atlanta via Chattanooga aud the Southern railway, and with through trains of the Louisyille & Nashville Ry., via Nashville, the N. C. & St. L. Ky. and Western aud Atlantic Ry. to Atlanta.

At Louisville connections are made with the L. & N. Ry. via route ineiicated. For full information as to rates, routes, time of trains, etc call on or address any agent Big Four Route. E. O. MCCORMICK, D. B. MARTIN, Passenger Traffic Mgr. G. P. & T. A.

The Historic Route.

The Nashville, Chattanooga & St. Louis Railway, the model railroad of the Sotrh in equipment, roadway and service is also the greatest in historical interest, more than fifty famous battlefields and five national cemeteries being located on the various lines of this system. This is the preferred route to Atlanta for the Cotton State and International exposition, open from September 18, to December 31,1895, for which very low excursion rates have been made. Through sleeping car service from St. Louis to Atlanta via Evansviile, Nashville and Chattanooga. This is the route of the famous "Dixie Flyer" through sleeping car line which runs the year round between Nashville and Jacksonville, Fla. For further information address R. C. Cowardin, Western Passenger Agent, Railway Exchange Building, St. Louis, Missouri, or

W. L. DANLEY, G. P. & T. A., Nashville, Tenn.

Every Lad In Town.

would perfer to have a sweet breath, this she can not have if suffering with catarrh. She can be positively cured of this trouble if she will use Century Catarrh Cure,—For sale at CrescentPharmacy. nov.

EXCURSIONS SOUTH.

Lower Bates to Atlanta via' Pennsylvania Lines. Three forms of excursion tickets to Atlanta account the Cotton States Exposition are for sale via Pennsylvania Lines. One ticket is good returning twenty days from date of sale, another Is good for return trip until Jan. 7, 1896. and a third good| returning ten days. Twenty day tickets] and those good to return until Jan. 7 may be obtained any time during the exposition. The ten day tickets will be sold only on Oct 26, Nov. 5, 15, and 25, and Dec. 5 and 16, at special low rates. The fare is exceptionally cheap. For details apply to nearest ticktt agent of Pennsylvania Lines. d&wtt

ct CL

•J. cr.

0 -5 2 0.^0.

I). B. MARTIN,

Gen'l Pass. & Ticket Agt.

E. O. M'CORMICK, Pass. Traffic Mgr. 41t8

BIG FOUR

ROUTE TO

ATLANTA EXPOSITION.

From .Chicago, Peoria, Indianapolis, Terre Haute, LaFayette, Benton Harbor, Anderson and intermediate points, the north and north-west, the Big Four youte offers the choice of two great gateways to the south, Ciccinnati and Louisville.

Through daily trains of 'Buffet [Parlor cars, Wagoner Buffet Sleeping cars, elegant Dinning cars and modern coaches.

Cbarlottsville

•*,

COTTON STATES EXPOSITION.

Atlanta, Ga. Sept.l8,Dec 31,1885 The schedule printed below is a eom-* prehensive guide to the shortest and quickest route to Atlanta from the Nortfc and Northwest, Chicago, Indianapolitf,' Terre Haute and Evansviile,

Palace Day Coaches and Pullman Sleeping Cars are attached to all trains shown" in this schedule.

Extremely low rates have been made t? Atlanta and return, via the Nashvi^ Chattanooga and St- Louis Railway. trains run solid between Nashville amV Atlanta. The train in last column, which leaves Cincinnati at 4:80 P. M., runs solid to Atlanta. This is the route of the famous "Dixie Flyer" through "all the jear round" sleeping car line be' ween Nashville, Tenn., and Jacksonv^L Fia, iP 1

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For further information address Briard F. Hill, Northern Passenger Agnit, 32S Marquette Building, Chicago, III. R. (J. Cowardin. Western Passenger Ag-ut, 403' Ry Exchange Building, St. Lotus, Mo. or D. ,T. Mullaney, Eastern Passenger A'r€nt, 59 W. Fourth St., Cincirnati, 0.

W. L. DAN LEY,

ft & T. A. Nashville, Teun.

Oc^si-d&^v-tr

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$500.00 GUARANTEE. ABSOLUTELY HARMLESS. Will not injure hands or fabric.

No Washboard needed, can use hard watel same as soft. Full Directions on every package. Al

8-oz.

package for 5 cts. or 6for

25

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Sold by retail grocers everywhere.

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Have Your Washing on the Line."

Indianapolis Division.

ennsulvaniaLines.1

Schedule of Passenger Trains-Central Time,

Westward. 4':»lu»nbuslv LTrbana Piqua Covington... Hraelforcl Jc.. f+i'ttysburg.. ireenville... Weavers X. Madison.. Witeys New Paris...

5

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461 a

Knights town" iMinreith Lenvisville ... Ktr iwns Dublin ilambridge City... Herman town" Centreville .. Richmond

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Meals.

23

5 30 5 43 6 25 740 PM'

315 PM

1150 PM

7 4011 3? PM' PM

Flag Stop.

No*. 2,6, 8 and 20 connect at Columbus for Pittsburgh and the Kast, and at Richmond for Dayton, Xenia and Springfield, and BTo.20 for Cincinnati.

Trains leave Cambridge City at.+7 05 a. m. nnd-tfJ.OOP.

m-

for Rushville, Sheldyville, Co­

lumbus and intermediate stations. Arrive Cambridge City +12-30 and t6-35 P. m. JOSEPH WOOD, E. A. FORD, fonanl Hunger, Graml Pusangtr kgtnl 10-20-95-R PITTSBURGH, PENN'A.

For time cards, rates of fare, through tickets, baggage checks and fnrther information regarding the running of trains apply to auy Agent of the Pennsylvania Lines.

The Rooky Mountains.

Along the line of the Northern Pacific Railroad abound in large game. Moose, deer, bear, elk, montain lions, etc., can yet be found there. The true sportsman is willing to go there for them. A little boob called "Natural Game Preserves," published by the Northern Pacific Railroad, will be sent upon receipt of four cents in stamps by Charles S. Fee. Gen'} Pass. Agent, St. Paul, Minn. 15tf