Free Soil Banner, Indianapolis, Marion County, 3 November 1848 — Page 1
KDITED AND PUBLISHED BY VV. B. GREER & L. WALLACE.]
HE IS THE FREEMAN, WHOM TRUTH MAKES FREE; AND ALL ARE SLAVES BESIDE.”
VOL. I.
INDIANAPOLIS, FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 3, 1848.
PUBLICATION OFFICE OF THE BANNER IS ON PENNSYLVANIA STREET, Three doors north of Washington Street. FOR THE PEOPLE.**
From the Cleveland True Democrat. Poor Eeu ’y Cass.
Am—Uncle Ned."
Tltereis an old Hunker, and lii-s namcis'Lew’y Cass, To the While House bo loogi ih to go; But they say snob a thing shall never come to pass, While ilie trees in the wild Wood grow! This old Hunker lives in the State ol Michigan, And he has a long head as we know, But he has not the heart of a true honest man, In the place where the heart ought to grow! Then down with the faces of dough! Strike we for Freedom, olio! No more office for poor Lew'y Cass, For he’s going where the old Hunker's go! They sent him to France as a minister wise, With Uncle Sam’s cash lor his wages; To the Holy Land on a grand enterprise, He went for His Majesty’s babies! With pious devotion he knelt on the shore, And filled him bottles to bring, From Jordan’s stream, consecrated of yore, To sprinkle the child of a king! Then down with the faces of dough, &c. He mourned in his heart that ho could not vote For the Wilmot Proviso, he said, Ere six months had vanished lie altered his note, For a change had come over his head. A mighty change was he thought going on, In the people’s minds and his own; The Constitution would he trampled upon, And tiie tares of disunion be sown! Then down with the laces of dough, &c. Ilis Southern lords called for more slave soil, But the freemen of the North said ”No! No more of the curse of unpaid toil, But come out for the Proviso,” Between these fires he roasted and sweat, Till he hit on a plausible plan; Qouth he, “I’ll deceive these Free Boilers yet," But I’m much deceived if he can. Then down with the laces of dough, &c. This wonderful plan was to say to the North, “Let the Territories do as they please;” And then, with a sly wink, suggest to the South, “You can take on your slaves at your ease!” But he’ll find the old eagle will ne’er peek at chaff, But will spread his broad pinions for Might, And orr Freemen at such a contrivance will laugh, While they put in their voles for the right! Then down with the faces of dough, &c.
calculation. They claim to be able to carry the pending Presidential controversy into the House of Representatives, and there they insist that their chances are as good as any of the candidates, if not better. They put down as certain for them New York, Vermont and Wisconsin, and a plurality in (he popular vote, if not a clear majority in Massachusetts. In this State they contend the Cass party will not poll any considerable vote out ol the city of New York—probably not more than 30,000 and certainly not more than 30,000. This deficiency the Flee Soil men will make up out ol the seceding wings, the abolitionists, and the anti-rent and national reform parties. The whig vote will be diminished largely by the absence of dissatisfied voters from the polls. Here is an estimate made by Martin Van Buren and bis intimate friends. The vote of Silas Wright, in 1844, was 240,000 against 231,037 for Fillmore. The barnburners expect to poll two-thirds, at least, of the democratic vote of 5 44, and if they do it, their account will stand thus; Direct free soil vote, 160,000 Seceding whig vote, 23,000 Abolition vote, 16,000 Whig anti-rent and national reform, 6,000
Total Van Burcr. vote, 207,000 Fillmore vote of 1844, 230,000 Deduct seceding mhigs, 23,000
“ Anti-rent and national reformers, 6,000 “ Diminution <:f whig
vote
20,000
51,000
The JFTesidentml Contest—Its Philosophy s&ml Probabilities—A Setoff to the Boasts of ISimKcrism. The Taylor press frequently quote from the editorial columns of the N. Y. Herald. It may be well, now and then, to appeal from the editors, to those of his political correspondents, who are more temperate and independent in tone. Such is the Albany correspondent of that Journal, who, in a late communication, mingles some
Total, 179,000
Van Buren vote, 207,000
Leaving Van Bunn’s majority, 28,000 The diminution tf the whig vote and
the force of the receding whigs are probably both unlerstated ; and the barnburner votes, i is claimed, will rise 10,000 to 20,000 ligher. The whigs acknowledge that heir aggregate may be diminished by 50,000. Van Buren’s majority in tie State, it is calculated, will not be less than 40,000.— (This estimate is, 4' course, in our judgment, too high.) The eighth district, heretofore 12,OOfstrong for the Whigs,
errors and crudities with many valu-j will go for Van Buren, il it does not
national canvass will exhibit parties in the follow in attitude:
Cass.
Van Buren.
Taylor.
Maine
9
New York 96
R. Island 4
N. Hampshire 6
Massachusetts 12
New Jersey 7
Connecticut
(5
Vermont 6
Pennsylv’a ‘26
Virginia
17
Wisconsin 4
Delaware 3
S. Carolina
9
Maryland 8
Alabama
9
Total nft
N. Carolina 11
Mississippi
<;
Georgia 10
Louisiana
<;
Florida 3
Illinois
!)
Tennessee 13
Michigan
9
Ivcninc.ky 12
Arkansas'
9
Indiana 12
Missouri
7
Texas
4
Total 109
Iowa
4
—-
Doubtful, v
Total
100
Oliio 23
Whole number of electoral volts, 2!k) Necessary to choice, l-lli.
able and far-sighted suggestions. Rend it attentively, and inwardly digest the horoscope, cast by the writer in the closing paragraphs, of political ooganization in 1862. But to the letter.—Gin. Globe Albany, October 13, 1848. Calculations of Lite Slrengl/t and Projects of the Free Soil Parti/—Curi- , ous Exposition of the 1 iews of the Triumvirate of the Democracy— Benton, Van Buren, and Calhoun— The Van Vuren Views of the Strug-
gle-
The results of the. recent elections in
Pennsylvania and Ohio prove that the Free Soil party will wield a powerful inlluence iu the approaching Presidential election. I am aware that any statements which will enable the public to form some idea of the expectations and designs of the leaders of this party will be highly interesting at this particular crises. Hence, I am about to give you the substance of some confidential conversations which have recently taken place between Martin Van Buren and others, in relation to the strength, and the present and future
policy, of the Free Soil party. The movement, they declare, is
comprehensive and nalural, not local. It looks to permanency, and while ar riving at immediate success, pitches its view beyond ’48 to the plain and visable mark of ’52. It embraces in the Stale, not only such sagacious politicians as Martin Van Buren, Flagg, Young, &e., but a host of ardent and enthusiastic minds among the younger class of politicians headed by that brilliant young man, John Van Buren. We cannot believe that a cause can be a forlorn one, or anything but an auspicious one, when such a man as Judge Gardiner throws himself into it, or when Dix stakes upon it ;rreputation fast rising to be the first in the nation. It is to the vast and eventually controlling army of young men that these leaders look for security
actually reverst its majority. With New York for ‘’an Buren, neither Cass nor Taylor ca> receive the popular election-—but - must go to the House. No candidateever succeeded without New York, iid the free soilers exult
in the omen.
But they omit upon more than one State. The-'ass men in Vermont have two alteratives presented to them— to run ant'show their strength, or to vote with the Van Buren party. In an active confidential correspondence with the jesent politicians in N. York, it is asstted that they will take the latter corse. The whigs, in the recent eletion in that State, expressly stipulal'l that the victory was not to enure fr the benefit of Taylor, and it is belicM a large number will vote for Van Bren. If the popular vote does not gB the State to Van Buren, the ohoice-vill lie thrown on the Legislature, Mere there is a decided anti-Tay-lor rnjority. The small number of Cassien who hold the balance of power th'e, will stultify themselves if they do tit throw the vote for Van Buren, thatis if it he necessary for Cass to thro' the ultimate choice into the Ho.ie of Representatives. Wisconsin dll certainly vote for Van Buren. A to Massachusetts, in the words of Wtster, “there she stands.” Her pe»le are, in sentiment, with the Van Bun men; nothing but an old and unfoimate prejudice alienates Massachuse* from New York. The assurance oflie free soil leaders is. that the living mi will give a majority for Van Buren; htf the resurrected dead may stand, nnian knows; but even they cannot
go a majority to Taylor.
Ohio is doubtful ; she may go for (ss; she cannot go for Taylor; if the jiyers of the free soilers avail, she
II go for Van Buren.
Pennsylvania will lie thrown into the mds of Taylor. The free soil vote, Inch, it is calculated, will equal the ote of Cass in New York, will
m JNew York, will be
and ad vaneenierU, for the bold“and ap- ^ wn mainly from the democratic parently self sacrificing attitude which ren S , ' u -A- 11 immense tree soil vote they have assumed. It is owing to the " ,l be c;i st m Illinois, Indiana, &c., and presence of this body of young men, heavy vote also in Iowa, Michigan, and the confidence they inspire in re-^nneeticut, and New Jersey, which gard to the future, that this compara- na y n ( )t directly swell the free soil lively hopeless party exhibits a zeal, a 1 '- ien ^ , now ? but which will operate confidence, and enthusiasm, that neith- )0Wei r * u [*y anc * erratically on the chaner the military nor civil characters- 68 °' “ ie * w0 lading candidates, and services of Cass or Taylor haveThedivision may give Illinois to Tayyet elicited in the old organizations.—lor;but it, in return, may give Indiana The Free Soil party, however, profes-to Ciss, reversing former results, and ses an entire willingness to suhmit Uc0 * 0Lin< ^ n o w * sest councils.” their enthusiastic views to the cold and Aowing that these eccentric results chilling certainty of an arithmetical ivilbalance each other, the map of the
tent in the momentary triumphs of the present. The foregoing is strictly the Van Buren view of the present posture of affairs. I give them, and you may take them for what they are worth.
Cass cannot possibly get the popular vote; arid according to this view,
Ohio cannot give it to Taylor, nor v i’-" u w “ 1 ,“i 1 ' , p ,, . . , • ’ T roviso with hisses and scorn and he Massachusetts added to the list . • , h-
From the Albany Atlas.
Tayloi' imd Bbc Proviso.
No Whig pretends that Gen. Taylor has given any assurance that he will stand by the rights of the Free States, unless it is contained in his Allison letter. An attempt is made to pervert the fair and obvious import of that letter, and to construe it into such an assurance. Ask a Taylor Whig why the Philadelphia Convention kicked out the
even
ol States in his favor.
The election must thus go to the House of Representatives-.' Once there a new element enters into the struggle. 'There is hut one contingency by which Cass or Taylor can get sixteen States, and with less than that number they are no better olT than Van Buren with three States, or with only one. The question must resolve itsell—as the elements which compose it arc attracted and repelled—into one of North and South. On that line of division, the States are evenly balanced; and yet, to two of the Southern States, (Texas arid Missouri,) Van Buren is more acceptable than might he the candidate of the South—and this apart from all views of the succession. But if this be not so—and here, I take it, rests the real trust of the Van Buren party—the question can only be decided by a coalition and compromise (‘bargain and borruption,’ as the poo-
.wili reply : “there is the Allison letter.” Ask him why the Convention failed to lay down any platform, and you meet with the same response.— Ask him why, being a Free Soil man, he can support 'Taylor, and the sterotyped reply is, “There’s the Allison letter.” It becomes important, then, to examine this letter in connection with the circumstances under which it was written, for the purpose of seeing what was the real intention and design of its author, ft is proper in the outset, to state that the Convention at Philadelphia, alter having hooted down every honored principle and usage of the party, undertook to adopt a resolution approving ol the Allison letter, and that the resolution met the same fate as its predecessors, but not for the same rea-
son.
The resolutions avowing allegiance to the whig party, approving of the nomination of Taylor if he would ac-
vvhig, and declaring the
to be an in-
separable element ol" the whig creed, \vere rejected because they did not suit the South—that approving the Allison letter because it did not suit the North.
Brft to the letter.
Who is this Gapt. Allison ? If we !
pie would term it) between the two op. “^ipleAf' t|Te Proviso
posing candidates. Let that event r • -
come, say the free soilers, and “woe to the victors !” The administration thus formed is blasted in its strength from its birth, and the party of opposition —the free soilers in the van — become omnipotent in determining the desti-
nies of the country. The battle of • i e n r,, , . , , ,
-i'll t i in-law ol Gen. laylor; a slaveholder, 52 is won bevond a doubt. In that • i i- . . ’ •; r ,•
i r irr, / i • i ,i xr i) I an, i ' lves hut a lew miles Irom him.—
battle ol '52 to which the Van Buren ! n i „ V .i a l \ . , . .. . .. Can it be supposed, then, that he£is
party l H plv lonvard a» the era ol det.v-1 *•*,;*• to a c ’,. son assuring him era ace and triumph, an e emeu » to | tfet h ° is , fo ‘ r the on lhis enter which ,s not understood by the , ^ st > , - wh w ,. ilc to him at multitude, but the operation of which, Im , s n, c oseil mlmowhis
the sagacious leaders of the barnburn-
Then the farther fact, t time the Allison letter was dressed as it was, to a t brother-in-law, Mr. Met cinnati, Ohio, addressee letter, making the direct i or, if elected, he would viso should it pass Coil. refused to answer or to self not to do so. That gives strong additional what his intentions are, a> dissipates all hope of den from the vague generalitL son letter in J'avor of Film It is said, upon good au hove, that Mr. Hilliard, of was in the Philadelphia C. is on the stump for Taylor, son letter as evidence that 1. to the South. Certain it is t creates no distrust of Taylor The result in South Carolina i significant of Southern confi
General.
Another consideration is we remembered in thiseonnectioi effort of the South will he t line of the Missouri Compr Pacific. For that policy th likely to secure the eo-operatior ern Doughfaces, fn the event law passing Congress, the Ai! furnishes the most positive a it would meet with the Execu because that would he claimed accordance with the past legisla
subject.
While the application of the the vast territories we have at stigmatised at the South as the ive locofocoism of the age,’ the or extension of the line of the Compromise is claimed as but foi in the constitutional track, and hailed by southern men as a m to the bonds of our glorious t Horace «Srcele> Whatever may be said of M consistency in now supporting lor, there is in him a manly spirit which prevents him fro
are correctly informed, he is a h rot her-j Mr. Van Buren, in imitation of those
never yet knew the, difference between j principle and party. Wc take from yesterday’s Tribune, an extract honorable to the heart of the writer, and a withering rebuke to the slanderers of the great and good men, who hear the standard of Free-
dom:
all, who must he supposed to know his political sentiments, if he lias any ? — What is the assurance in the letter ?
The substance is this :
ers, looking into “the seeds of time,”
have anticipated.
By the certain and inevitable law of
population-—the calculation that lends j t, y their . oprc-scniallvos, ought to the result ,s predicated on the sue |)c ....L,,, 0l|l . ’ ° cesstve census of the last thirty years. I 2 d. The veto power ought not to be The enumeration of 1 850, and the d,s- exe ,. dsed exce ‘ in cascs ° r un-
tnyulion ol representatives and pre*;-1 legislation, or dent.al electors, founded upon it, will a ,
give to the tree northern democratic States, including Ohio, a vote exceeding that, of all the southern States, and
From the N. Y. Tribune.
‘The Great Issue.’—Let what may he the result of the pending election, history
. . riii , will honor the independent Free Soil movc1st. 1 he will ol the people, as ex- ; mcnt as one of the nobles) whjch our
lias witnessed. It is not destined to succeed, m the vulgar acceptation of success; it cannot elect a President, and may not even a Governor nor Electoral Ticket by its own unaided strength; hut it is destined surely to accomplish the chief end
all the old fashioned whig States combined ! Here is the secret of the confidence, the enthusiasm, and the apparent desperation of the free soilers.— Here, also, is the secret speculation that moves the profound mind of John C. Calhoun and his devoted followers, to demand that the New Mexico-Amer-ican Stales should be attehed to the Southern league by a community of institutions. This is the enigma of the opposition to the Oiegon hill last winter; and to go hack, of the surrender from 54 deg. 40 min. to 49 deg. It is this that moves the Missourian in his
haste or leant of consideration.
3d. Upon questions of domestic pel-! its being, by baring forever the New icy, the constitutionality of a law will territories oi the union against the irrupbe determined by the exposition which t ' UM s ' aver y- Not by electing its own the constitution has received in the 6anaid ates, hut by constraining those of legislation of the country, and the de- , , great t a , rties to arran £ 6 themonion Of the judiciary. selves, however reluctantly, ou the aide of J •' Free bod, will its triumph be achieved.
Had it taken the field one year earlier, Gen Cass would never have written the Nicholson letter, nor D. S. Dickinson clung to the standard of slavery extension, until driven from it by the defection of Messrs. Benton and Houston, Senators
the meaning of this distinguished whig,
Now what, is test ? If that
Judge Berrien, of Georgia, or Balie Peyton, of Louisiana, had used the same language, no one could doubt what was intended. Either of them
ponderous struyelea. Bemon, Cal-jg,,,,,, „ r p . lrly , „„ th;it In tun n 11 Vn n Knmn urn c f 11. «• ■ t w •• 11. r. .. ^^
houn, and Van Buren are studying the laws of population and its mystic but. po we ri ul sec re t.s, (like MaI th uses,) wh i I e the whigs are wasting their energies and throwing away the future in a suicidal and puerile contest for “Old
Zack and Old VVhitey.”
VieWed in this aspect, the Presidential contest is the Straggle of great
would say a law prohibiting slavery from slave States. Had it sprung to life
years earlier, it would have paved the nation the thousands of lives and millions of treasure wasted in Mexico, ft is cssenti ally a noble movement, whatever the faults ol its directions. They may have committed many errors, hut we would as soon approach the Apostle Paul for the stoning of Stephen, as Mr. Van Buren for any of his by-gone faults in reference to slavery.
.-yox: ■ Lings— v •nsider matter sen . ■), a ‘td uien vote according to the dictates of your conscience.—Clint. Co. Dem.
in the territories was unconstitutional, lor the reason that it. would he contrary to the previous legislation of the country on the question of slavery. Such is die sentiments of the entire
subject. President Polk so said in his recent, veto message given to Congress with his approval of the Oregon Bill. Is it to he supposed that Gen. Taylor proves an exception to southern men and slaveholders upon this question ? He is not so treated at the South.— They say he is “of them, and for them.” Take another view of the letter and it
powers—a contest of dynasty against i s equally as conclusive in favor of the dynasty—in which Cass and Taylor Smith. It L this r the dnct.menfihe
dynasty—in which Cass and Tayl are the mere stool-pigeons of a small
South. It is this : the doctrine of the Proviso or the Ordinance of 1787, has
The House oe Representatives.— II the election of President goes into the House of Representatives, Cass will surely he chosen, say the Taylor papers. 1 Ic certainly cannot he chosen without Whig votes. Sixteen States must vote for a candidate in order to ensure his election, of which, on a party division, Cass can muster only fifteen.
hawking party the puppetsot a pres-; never been applied to an inch of ter-
out occasion—and permanent domin-i ntory south of the line of the Missouri *' uee are equally divided, and Cass .* 1.! I* . * C Y . . 1 " - . ....... ..I* jl 1
ation and the future empirte ol States, Compromise. That line has, since the secret stakes ol the real parties to 1820, been recognized as the dividing the game. line between the slave and free territo1 cannot view these men playing this ry. The South claim it as being as deep game—if game it can he called—J sacred as the compromise which perwithout a feeling of profound pity for mined slavery in the “old thirteen.”— the Whigs and their shortsighted lead-: Is it not clear then that the qualificaers, nor without a feeling of admiration | lion given by the General in this letter for the sagacious men at the head ofj was intended to meet the case of an the Democratic party, in whose lore- attempt to extend the ordinance of
sight 1 think I discern the solution of
cannot get either one of them, unless Gen. Wilson or Amos Tuck of New Hampshire, Mr. Cranston of Rhode Island, or one of the Whig members from Georgia, votes for the Michigander.— We should like to have the Taylor press single out the man who is to do this
thing.
But it is said that neither Taylor nor Cass can get a majority of States, and
Freedom south of that line ? Would neit ' ei P^' kV will vote for \ an Buren, the protracted ascendency of that in- he not say that such a law is unconsti-j 80 1 , Geji. Lutler will he the Presiterest in the nation. Calhoun in the tutional because il would he contrary j nt “U'ough delimit ol a choice by the South, Benton in the West, Y'an Bu-j to the exposition which the Constitu- “ 0, ( 8e - -All we have to say is, that if
ren in the North have been a potent j lion has received in the legislation ol
triumviri; and the contest of ’44, the country ?
which was only carried by secret and When we consider that Gen. Taylor fraudulent promises to all three, since : lias said the ‘‘'South, should never agree violated, because incompatible and im-! to the provisions of the Wilmot Propossible of fulfilment, has not deprived , viso,” that he “considered the Missouri them of their power. The Whig par-' Compromise line a fair and liberal line ty includes no such profound men.— for settling the Slave question, and he The brilliant mind of Clay discarded ■ was willing to see it adopted,” and that such distant speculations; and the mas- 1 he has expressed \n$ fears that this Free sive intellect of Webster eminently Soil movement would engross all other capable of discerning their character questions in this campaign, it would
and estimating their power, has turned from them in pespair, and seeks con-
seem to leave no room to doubt the
meaning of the Allison letter.
Northern men of either party are so obstinate in their prejudice against Mr. Van Buren,that they prefer to see Gen. Butler President, the responsibility is theirs—not ours. We leave that to the decision of their own consciences.
—Free Soil Adv.
Fight Free Soil Postmasters, were removed from office in one day, during the last week, in the State of N. York alone! These men arc proscribed for daring to hold opinions of their own on the subject of slavery extension!
The Three Earlses. Ol the three parties before the people, the Free Democracy is alone a homogenous party, with avowed principles, of actual and immediate consequence, and having in its candidate the embodiment of these principles. The Cass party rallies on the exploded issues ol 1-840, and seeks to perpetuate power by vindicating principles long since settled in our national policy. Its component elements are the conservative money power of the North, and the slaveholdirigdynasty of the ■South. Its candidate has deserted the free laboring masses of the North, and has defied the Democratic instructions of his own State, to win the support of the Southern aristocracy, lie is 1T,ED(! ED against Free Laiior and Free Soil. The Taylor party is a coalition of Nativisis, Independents, Nrilliliers, Whigs and Slavery propagandists, u iilioul any common principles; and wilhotii any bond of union, except hope of official emolument. Its candidate was selected against the sentiment of lus party, and in despite of his own acknowledgment of unfitness. Ilis PJ.EDGES against Free Sod aiul Free Labor, the South find iu his 300 negro slaves. The Free Democracy stands united upon a platform of well defined principles. Its post is to defend Free Labor from the aggressions of the Southern aristocracy—to protect Free Soil from the dangers of a baneful Monopoly. All its components are pure and homogenous. Its candidate is one of pre-eminent fitness for his place. Ilis PLEDGES in favor of Free Labor ami Free Soil, are given in his own public declarations, hacked by an honorable career, and in the resolutions of the Conventions which nominated him, sustained by a powerful and advancing party.—AIbany Atlas. F ree Soil and the Friends.—A member of the Society of Friends,Queen's county. New York, writing to the editor of the New York Evening Post, says: “The Society of Friends has always been engaged in promoting the cause of emancipation. The platform presented by the Buffalo Convention entirely meets my views, and 1 think there will be a more general attendance of Friends at the polls this fall than has ever been the case heretofore, and that unitedly for Van Buren, and at the sacrifice ol some old prejudices ; but wo believe he is right now.”
A Sion in Wisconsin.—A tavern keeper in Racine County, twelve miles from Southport, says the S. Telegraph, put up three boxes in the morning, for Van Buren, Taylor, and Cass, and on counting the votes at night, he found I for Clay, 2 for Cass, 12 for Taylor, 72 for Van Buren, and 7 refused to vote.