Free Soil Banner, Indianapolis, Marion County, 13 October 1848 — Page 1
if:
9
KDITKD ANJ) I'UMI.ISHKI) BY VV B. GREER &. L. VVAM.ACE.] YOL. I.
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INDIANAPOLIS, FRIDAY ^OCTOBER !«, 1848.
[PRINTED BY DOUGLASS & ELDER
NO. 8.
PUBLICATION OFFICE OF THE BANNER IS ON PENNSYLVANIA STREET, Three doors north of Washington Street. “§ongs Tor the People.” SOI?}?. [From lilt- Adrian (Midi.) Free Soil Advocate,] Ant /.viy Neal. The White House, Cass, you’ll never f ee, Save in some liil'ul.dream, And next NoVdnber you will lie On cold Hull River’s stream. ()n cold Salt River's Banks you see, They’ll turn you out to orass; A lew short weeks and then ’twill be, Good bye to Gene.al Cass. Chokcs—O, poor General Cass, Good bye to General Cass, ! A few short weeks and then ’ivyill be, • Good bye to General (.'ass. The Wolverines^re jolly boys, And sometimes like a joke, But then that avVfal Cleveland'noise* Their love for you quite broke,. A favorite once you Were with them, But now you've sadly changed. You’ve turnrd so many somersets, They think yoidre quite deranged. O, poor General Cass, Ac. And you, too; better silent keep, Old Rough and Ready Zuck, The Philadelphia Slaughter Mouse, Has laid you on your back. We’ve tried quite bard to swallow you, Since first you came to town, But slaves are. not ibe proper grease, To slide you easy down. O, poor General Zuek, Good bye to General Zuck, A few short weeks and then ’twill be, Good bye to General Zack. O, Zaek, our Matty in this race, Will leave you back so far, We’ll have to send your blood hounds out, To find out where you are. But then we’ll treat you fairly, Zack, The blood bounds all are trite, We’ll only let them ‘.'find you out,” They slinll hot "Worry you.” O, poor General Zack, &c.
Specimens of iUsissaciiusetiM untl Connecticut Tin Pedlars.
‘One day,’ said llie Bay State pedlar, ‘as 1 was driving along, a fellow with a load of tin rame out of a by-road, and followed right along in my tracks. Mister,’ said I. ‘which way are you going?’ ‘Going ahead!—don’t you see?’ says
he.
‘Yes,’ says 1; •! reckon we had belter take dilferent roads, else only one of us will sell any tin—what say you?’ ‘Yes,-we will. You may go ahead and sell all you can, and then I’ll sell as much again as you,’ ‘Why, wnl you sell so much cheaper?’ ‘No, I’ll get more for every article.’ ‘Well, 1 don’t see how you Can do
it.’
‘Try it, and I’ll show you. I’ll stop here while you drive to that house yonder, and sell till you can. Start on your team a little, and then come back for your whip or something you have dropped, and you can see how 1 sell.’ ‘Welj,’said I, so I drove up to the house and went in and spoke to the old gentleman, who was reading the newspaper. ‘How de do?’ says 1, but he didn’t mind anything about me. ‘Wan’t to buy any tin pans, or pails, or cups, or anything?’ ‘No.’ ‘I’ll sell cheap and take almost any thing in pay.’ ‘Don’t want none.’ ‘But just look at my lot ; it is the completest you ever saw.’ ‘Don’t, want to.’ ‘Well 1 really wish 1 could sell you something. You really think you can’t buy ?’ ‘No, don’t want nothing.’ So I went out stud started on my horse. ‘Whoa,’ says 1 ; now 1*11 set' what that Connecticut fellow can do,’ so I walks hack to the house. ‘1 didn’t leave my whip here, did 1 ?’ ‘Hain’t seen it,’ said the old man, keeping on reading advertisements.— Then the Connecticut fellow came in. ‘How far is it to a tavern?’ ‘Half a mile,’ said the old man. ‘I’m as dry as a codfish. I’ll take some of your water,’ walking up to a table and taking up a pewter mug.— ‘Oh,’ said he, ‘it is cider ;’ making believe that he was going to set it down. ‘Drink it,’ said the old man—and he did. ‘That’s royal good cider—you make that for your own use—can’t buy such as that — if 1 had a barrel of that in Boston, I’d get five dollars for it. How did you make it?’ ‘Made it out of Apples.’ ‘Did you? Well they must have been extraordinary good ones, every one of them fit, to make mince pies of. Got a large orchard, hain’t you Squire?’ ‘No.’ ‘First rate what there is on it, then —got a snug house here, too—haven’t seen many houses 1 like as well as this, and I’ve seen a good many in my day. Real snug house,- looking all around as if hunting.a stray fly; ‘how many rooms' up stairs?’ ‘Four, and all finished oflV said the old woman, who was ironing. On that, j he turned right round, and made all his | talk to her. ‘Four, and all finished ofF, and furnished? You are thriving like all natur!
Got smart girls enough to fill them all up?’ ‘No, only one.’ ‘Well, one good one is enbugl.—better than three or four ordinary ones— How old is site?’ ‘Eighteen.’ ‘Eighteen?—she’ll be married before long, 1 reckon. Not many girls like yours live to be old maids.’ ‘I don’t think she’ll be an old maid.’ ‘She looks like you, don’t she, now? I've heard of her—she’s as handsome as a picture—what a handsome setting out you’ll give her!’ ‘Yes, I’ve got five pair of linen sheets and four coverlids, that I made for her this summer. 1 mean, if she everdoes get married, that she shall have as good a setting out as anybody.’ ‘So 1 would, and you are able to do it. Now 1 think of it, I’ve got a few first rate things that 1 mean to carry home to somebody, you can guess who (winking.) I’ve been offered more than they are worth, but would not sell them —but I’ve a mind to let you have them for that girl of yours. 1 don’t know though as I can let ’em go. Betsey will expect them. But come you maylook at them.’ ‘So the old woman put on her specs, and went out with him to his wagon. He dug to the bottom and hauled out some pans and pails just like those on top. ‘Here they are; I keep them stowed away out of sight—the genuine Lalityette tin come from France. The moie you use them the brighter jthyy grow ; they never need scouring.’ •What is the price of these common ones?’ said she, pointing to Some just like those he had in his hand. ‘Five shillings, and these are len ~ the Lafayette tin cost nine and sixpence ; but for that pretty girl’s sake, that looks so much like you, they say, I’ll let you have a few for seventeen shillings.’ So he went on talking till he sold her more than five dollars worth of ware not nigh as good as mine, and at good deal higher prices. When he started on, says he, ‘ How much did you sell?’ ‘None.’ ‘Ah, you didn’t come from Conneclicut.’ ‘No, I didn’t,’ says I; and then in a low voice, ‘and 1 don’t want to if they all lie as von d 0 *’
The poet very properly puts the question “Can she make a pie?” This is an essential inquiry ; for a girl who cant make a pie is worse than a toad that can’t hop. She is of no more use to a man than a 1 pick-axe to a portrait painter, or a fine tooth comb to a no-haired horse. If a woman can’t make a pie, she can’t make the best of a bad bargain, and that’s what many of our nice girls have to do after marriage. What business then has she to get married? She had better stay at
home if she can’t cook.
The Three Platforms.
The B toff al o
Jt‘lat form.
Free Men to ailmiriistrr the General GoVemm’nt.
No more SlaveStates. < j
N<> more Slave Territory, and the.enactment of the .Tellcrsonian i’rovisoi for all om Territories.
it is responsible..
Harhoi ami River liiiproveiu’ls
“ Can site make a pie ?.” Yes she can make a pie, with her mother standing '
high. This proves that the young lady is ( lazy, not ignorant. Now laziness is as Go LL.< mTo muuh worse than ignorance; as a state’s I abolish ail Slaveprison pen-knife is worse than a regular ry undents jnnsT, , -*r , .. • , | i diction lor which
Rogers . Yet some of our girls are dreadful lazy. If a young damsel desires to get married she must stir her stumps—Marriage is a working institution. Consider the duties of a wife. She must first get up, dress, comb and wash, make a fire, boil the coffee, toast the bread, set the table, and then cull down her husband to eat, and go to business. She must kiss him before be goes, and then look out of the window after him, and pretend to admire his good looks. Then wash up and clean round; sweep and make the beds; dust and fix her husbands clothes, and put on the buttons—after which she can mend her own rags, or make baby clothes, as it happens. She must keep a going all the time, and occasionally run out on a visit, to tattle, sneer and slander.— No, no, a lazy girl must not get married.
The l‘hihidehjihiii
Phil (or in.
S'lave' 'li(>!(let's and JJ'lqnlyni
viles to iiilminls- vilest.) atlmitus-
The Baltimore
Plat/orm
Srave holder? and Nonli'ni~er-
ic r the Govern-
ment.
As many more -Slave States as the Slaveholders 1 can get organi-
zed.
The enactment of such a Proviso unconstitutional -.-and would lead to the most alanViing and dangerous eon sequences. Such abolition
Freedom of the
the people, endanger the stability and pei;;;aneuce of the I 'nion, anil ijughi not to be coume-
iiaiiccd."
Endorses Folk’s Veio.-s of the HaiiioYhiitd Riv bill. "Aigt-q-tral system ul Internal Improvements unconsti-
tutional.”
Sell the public
ter the Govern-
ment.
“The Proviso was hooted out of the Convention A It would npt lMK'/r I hi uridedv thin"
Old Zack. with
■‘would diminish his Two j’lantathe happiness of tious and Two
Hundred Slaves)
A Whig but not an ultra Whig.— There is a story going the rounds, in till the Free Soil and Democratic papers ami stump speeches, which, so aptly illustrates Gen. Taylor’s peculiarly mild style of vvhiggery, that it might very well he kept standing till after the election, fur the special benefit of the outrageously Whig Taylor-
ites. Here it is:
A traveller, after riding u long distance, came to tavern. He stopped and directed the old lady in the barroom to have his horse put out and fed
with eight quarts of oats.
‘•1 am sorry to inform you that, we have no oats,” said the old lady. “Then give him some corn.”
“We are out of corn.”
DUblic lands to lands, as usual.
set tiers.-
uiaA'
cultivate filnin. ‘
who will
it, a
The Retienchivyeut of the expenses of Govevrm/eut, the abnliliou of aH unnecessary offices, tend the election of all Etidetalofhoera as far as pdsaihta by the people, -'Ulo'. Cheap Fo.-tage, and the election of Post musters by the people.' Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labo/, Free Mi n.
to tin; poof, and to speculators, & put the proceeds iuto the National Treasury: for the
officeholders
Lewis Cass.
Resolved, That we now adjourn. Hurrah lor Old
alias Jas. If. Polk Zack ! i !
elongated.
— fFisconsin Barnburner.
The Hardest Kick Vet.
There is an attorney practising in our courts, who has attained a great notoriety amongnumerous other things, for bullying witnesses on the opposing sides of cases when lie is concerned. As it would not be polite to give his full name right out to the crowd, we will merely call him “ Wyke,” for short.
There was a horse case common case upon our
dockets—trying before Esquire Nnelibanker, one day, in which Wyko happened to he ‘ fernenst’ the horse. A slow and easy witness had been called to the stand, by the plantin', who, in a plain straight forward manner, made the other side of the case look
From the N. Y. Dernociatio Uiupn. “Principles—Men.” How strangely do words sometimes lose their meaning! Once, the phrase which stands at the head of this article admonished the elector that he should never, in pursuit of personal preferences, lose sight of principlk—but to what stranjfe uses have they been recently
perverted! *'■ 1
u \\t ,i i „ j .I. i • ]■' Most of the Whig electors dl* this lie meal .md im v." " j who support Gen. Taylor for the rurn n ° Oo i°* i • . | • ,i , slavery, a fundamental article ot their “Will you let him stand m the vard, i i t -a , -., • ■ • i . ! political creed—and yet, with the words w.thout any th.ng? mqu.red the d, S ap- j i pl , incip ,^ noI . incn L on t|l , ?r y |,0 ''\i ‘ lau . ei ‘ , . . „ they disregard this vital prin'dipld, and
“Oh yes, sir, as long as he pleases, I . r 11- , . ,, ‘ / G , c i , rush blindly to the support ol a man. “Now bring me a plate ot steak and . i , • • | v- • ° 1 who by his education, lus associations
-a very
magistrate s
a cup of coffee, with a hot roll.” “Hot rolls!—ho—ho—what sir—and coffee—steak ! We are out. of ’em aii. “Then bring me cold victuals,” con-
tinued the traveler.
“There is nothing of the kind in our house, sir—don’t keep ’em!” “I should like a glass of lirandy.”
“Ain’t got any of that.”
“Well now, my goo.l lady,” continued the traveler, “you don't appear to
keep any thing here.” “Yes we do, indeed.”
“What?”
and his interests, is pledged to the subversion of that pflnciple and the exten-
sion of human bondage!
Nor are the Taylor men alone in ibis beautiful exhibition of consistency. A large portion of the electors who favor the pretensions of Gen. Cass, also pro less undying devotion to principle, and are perpetually sounding in our ears the hackneyed words “principles, not men.” They too profess the principles of Freedom, and complain most piteously of being slandered arid misrepresented, if they are charged with favoring the extension of slavery. Still, in
“ We keep Lavern, sir.”
^her U hr„er C Tho"plamirt : “ s 7u 0 m,(y . » t: ' v0, ' n ’ 1,1,1 “<"* "* vl '
being through, Wyke commenced a ‘ a 111,171 ■ has said he will regard the exclusion' regular a-o.v.v-examination, which was j , n ri 7 of slavery from the free territories by cursliort in the following manner. 1 Tu« *.***« .T«r«*^No .Uwtof. ~ . . . *.\
“ Well what do you, know about a
character is more valuable in
! j-f 1 V ' act ol Congress as unconstitutional, and a iemale q lat therefore he is bound to veto the
horse—you a horse doctor?' 1 ’ 1 said the I !l llin tlU possession of •i svvt.c t. tempei. Jefefsonian Ordinance of 1787 designbarharian, in his peculiar contemptu-1 Can i, ne - Ve ui ,e ,,)a<le ha|) Py j ed for the preservation of Freedom, .,n«nnd nvethfiariL manner. 0ut . ^ U .' s 1,ko the n ° we, ' s . tial thev shout ltistilv.“nrincinles.normen
ous and overbearing manner. “ No, I don’t pretend to lie a horse
spring
up
. . . they shout lustily,“principles,notmen!” m our pathway, reviving _/ nd cast tlle ,; g tes jg,.,, in f . lvor \iv no I rh f •> mon . ■'
doctor, but 1 know a good deal about an< ^ . ( '! K el ' n ^ n ' v '. L 1 a lna ! 1 ^ < | , k ‘ )tne of a man through whose instrumentaHthe nature of the beast?” at f - wei,, ! e 1 d and vv t ° l f. n b . v tlie to ^ tv, if elected, their professed principles “ That means to say that you know I °J l l( ; d W anrf ,s » ^ord a *,. e ( . ei . t . lin to be subverted ami the a horse from a jackass, when you see ( u: ' a 1 U; ' by -‘ g <10 ' | . ls l i0sUlon ' ^ ! s ! curse of human bondage indefinitely
— J - - ? •' sunshine falling on his heart. He is | ex tcnded!
happy, and the cares of life are forgot- 1
them,” said Wyke in the same style— looking knowingly at the court, and glancing triumphantly around the crowd of spectators, with a telegraphic expression, which said, “ now I’ve got
him on the hip.”
The intended victim, gazing intently at his legal tormentor, drawled out. “Oh yc-as—jest so—Pd never lake
you for a horse!"
The Supreme court of the United
ten. A sweet temper has a soothing influence over the minds of a whole' family. Where it is found in the wife
Again: Gen 7 Taylor is not a Whig —neither is he a democrat. When he denounced the Wilmot Proviso as “d humbug," and said to the committee
„nd mother, you observe kindness and i t ° he Mississippi legislature, “Ihe love predominating over the natural I never t(i consent to the Wilteej'ngs o a had heart. Smiles, kind , Prm>i „ he r „p Ud j at<ll | one of |hc words and looks oharaetenze the child- fulldamental principles of democracy, ren, and peace and love have theiri ..n ..i..!.^ ,i.„ J r
| dwelling there. It is more valuable than gold: it captivates more than
p fotp | iri ^
stampede, and the bushel of suspender Grktna Grekn.—Marriages can buttons that stuck to the sealing above, never occur ;it Gretna Green again, brought a regular shower of plaster A Scotch marriage bill has been read upon the heads below. Every body a third time in the Lords, which Yewas convinced, that whatever the at- quires runaway couples to reside a torney might be, the witness was a fortnight in Scotland before they can hoss/”—Gin. Dispatch. \ effect the hasty purpose which is said j t0 j' () || owet i ky a leasurely penitence. Another Curiosity for the Museum, ! — —
—Out west, there has long been known on a certain side hill, a large hole, which is not an uncommon thing in that section of the country. The hank is said to have recently caved off and left the
hole sticking out about ten feeL\ CLrThe South Carolinan calls upon
the Charleston Democratic Taylor men to publish the letter Gen. Butler addressed to them. It is understood that he has refused the use of his name along
With Taylor.
and forfeited till claim to the support of the deciples of Jefferson. Not unlike this is the position of Gen. Cass. He is not a Whig—neither is he a democrat. When he deserted the standard of freedom and pledged himself to the extension of slavery by his implied promise to wield the veto power for that purpose, he became false to the principles of Jeffersonian Democracy, and unworthy of the support of any intelligent friend of the great Democratic cause. The position of the two men
— — | is thus shown to be identical.
A Chance for an Astrologer.—One! Nor does the identity stop here.— of the political papers advertises for an | The Baltimore Convention virtually reastroloirer, to read the “stars” in Mr. jected the New York delegation,'and
Clay’s letter, as published in the New
York Express.
The Vermont schoolmasters are up to a thing or two in the way of their duty. One of them lately flogged an unruly damsel attending his school, to whom he W'as engaged. He said, though he kissed her as a lover, it was his duty
to lick her as a tutor.
stilled the voice ofa great constituency for no other reason than. that, those delegates and that constituency dared to unfurl the banner of Jeffersonian Democracy, and, in these days of Virginia degeneracy, to assert the great doctrine of freedom taught by the fathers of the republic. In the Philadelphia Convention, the friends of human liberty w'ere, if possible, more signally re-
; buked than at Baltimore. There stood the slave power in its might. Before Rs iadignant frown, the honest impul- ! ses of freemen were driven back, aha, 111rough lear of il.s riispleasure none were found bold enough to stand up in vindication of the right. The Ordinance of freedom was received with hisses and execrations, and was spurned with contempt from the presence ofa body of men, who, as a fitting jin file to their abasement before the bloody Moloch of human bondage, closed their session by proclaiming the nomination of one of the most extensive dealers in live we/i ever offered to a free people for their suffrages! These conventions were each the j counterpart of the other. Each selected a candidate every way worthy of itself. The ruling powers in each had lor their primary object the extension ol slavery, and accordingly each presented a candidate through whom those powers expect to succeed in the accomplishment of that unparalleled iuj iquity! The two conventions might, | therefore, with ail propriety, have swop- \ pet! ca tid i/l a tes-—ri cm mated Taylor at , naitimore and Cass at Phiiadtdphia.—and the electors riiiglit then, with as i much propriety as at present, have been appealed to, to support the respective c.andithtleson party grounds! And yet wiihithese two candidates; thus identical in their position—both nominated lor the same purpose ,and each socking the accomplishment of the same object, intelligent electors are sought to be rallied tiv’the support of each, under the senseless cry of “principles—not men!” What can he more ridiculous? A contest so ignoble eannul be dignified into respectability by applying lo it such a misnomer as is the above motto, thus used. Into such a contest men of sense will refuse to he drawn. Bv joining.hands with the Free Democracy—the only party through whose triumph theii principles of Freedom can he vindicated—-they will rescue the above mol to from abuse, and again give a praclieal application to the words— “Principles, not men.” . H'arty Sw indliu^. The following manly and straight forward rebuke of “pariy .swindling” is from the Blaeksione Ohtoaicle, an independent paper: The New York Express, (Taylor Whig)alluding to Horace Greely's demand that 1 (•fen. Taylor shall come ont with a.distinct declaration that lie will not vetoa hill prohibiting the extension of slavery, says: “The Tribune .... demands that Gen. Tavh>r shall write’a letter that will LOSE EVERY SOUTHERN
VOTE.”
And yet in the same paragraph it declares that in the Allison letter, he (Gen. 'I'.) is p/rdge/l to approve, any Free Soil bill that Congress may pass.” Now if Gen. Taylor cannot write such a letter as Mr. Greely demands, without Losing every Soiilhern vole, it follows indubitably that his supporters at the South do not understand him to have given such a pledge as the Express says he has given in'his Allison letter. If they did understand him thus, and were still determined to vote for him, what possible objection would they have to his writing another letter saying the same thing? If they do not so understand him, then his position at the very best is equivocal, and there is a deliberate intention to cheat either the North or the South, and that, too, upon a point which both parties regard as vital. Now we are an “outsider” and shall not vote for either of the Presidential candidates now before the people! but as a spectator we insist upon fair play. Gen. Taylor is either in favor of extending slavery into the new territory, or lie is not. If he is in favor of such extension, then there is a determined purpose to en'ioAT the north; if he is not, but would if elected sign a bill prohibi/ing such extension, then it is equally clear that there is a design to cheat the .south. Now we give all the parties to understand that when we catch them in nicks like this we will expose and denounce them. This shuffling thimble-rigging game, whether practiced by Whigs or Democrats, Free Soil men or Abolitionists, we utterly loathe and despise, and whatever may be the consequences to ourselves personally, or lo our paper, it shall have no mercy at our hands. If Gen. Taylor is for Free Soil, lei him say so, and not attempt to swindle his supporters at the South; if he is in favor of extending slavery, let him take his ground accordingly, and not attempt to cheat the aroused and indignant North. //The friends of Gen. Taylor tell us, that in straightforward honesty he rivals Washington. We put it to their consciences if they would not lose their reverence for the Father of their country, if they knew that he was ever guilty of concealing his opinions on a great public question for the sake of obtaining votes?
From the TV. Y. Globe. Land Reform. The principles of exemptions of property from liability for debt, has for several years been gathering ground in the United States, till nearly or quite every State in the Union has exempted more or less of personal property from such liability; and when we consider the amount of pauperism existing in all the old States, it seems surprising that the exemption principle has not made still greater progress. By exempting property from liability for debt, the people simply say to the creditor, that he must exercise more circumspection in his business transactions, and depend less on governmental aid; that it is better that c redif should be circumscribed if that would be the result, than that an unfortunate or miscalculating debtor should be stripped of bis means of support, perhaps be driven to crime, or be subjected to pauperism, and in either case become, with his family, a burden on the public. It is clearly the duty of society to protect every citizen's person and property, but it may well be questioned whether its duty extends to making good losses incurred by voluntary risks of individuals to the detriment of morality and social order. Property exemptions having been found beneficial by many cautious experiments, the final result will probably be the entire abolition of collection laws, (a measure already broached by many public writers,) and the placing of credit on a new basis, that of character instead of law, and thus elevating the standard of public morals. The principle of homestead exemption is comparatively a new one, and besides having all the arguments in its favor that can be adduced for more property exemptions, it can be supported by many other and powerful arguments. It is next to impossible that the possessor ofa homestead should ever be reduced to pauperism,and by inference it may be argued that the thorough establishment of the principle would eradicate that great evil from society. The absolute security of a homestead would be almost an effectual bar to crime against property, much the greater portion of which are committed by those destitute ofa place to live and lo work upon. There could be no better or cheaper guarantee for the public defence than the multiplication of freeholders. Many other benefits of homestead exemption might be enumerated, but those already named are sufficient to show that the measure is a most important one, and thus to invite to its consideration, our own and the other States that have not yet legislated upon -th© oub-jeot. The homestead exemption naturally leads to another measure of land reform. If the measure is conductive to the public good as applied to preserving in fact the body of freeholders, would notthe good of the public be still further promoted by increasing the number of freeholders to the greatest practicable extent? And how can this he done so easy and effectually as by limiting the quantity of land that individuals may hereafter acquire, and thus, by preventing monopoly, to invite an extension of the freehold qualification? The two measures, land limitation and homestead exemption, naturally connect themselves in a system of land reform, and hence wo find that no sooner had one measure become a law in Wisconsin, than the other was introduced. A bill to limit the quantity of land that an individual may hereafter acquire in Wisconsin, is now before the Senate of that State, having been introduced by Senator Slides. The bill we shall publish. The homestead exemption is a measure second in importance to none that has been adopted since the foundation of our government, and the measure of land limitation is one of still greater power for good.— Among the far reaching tendencies of the latter, is its capability to settle that “question of questions,” (as it is termed by the Commercial of yesterday,) the question of chattel slavery. This phase of the land reform requires an article of itself. The other aspects of the subject have already been elaborately discussed in this paper, and these few hasty remarks are merely designed to keep it “before the people.”
(Ft The following excellent paragraph is from John Van Boren’s speech at Poughkeepsie: “It has been said by some whigs, and in effect repeated by ‘an old colony Whig, a Massachusetts Whig, a Marshfield Whig,’ that the free soil principle is a darling child in the Whig party. “If this he so, it has very suddenly been left an orphan, for it is now proposed to put it under the care ofa guardian, whose feelings would be from the power of interest, the force of habit and education, to strangle it before it readied the age of manhood, and this guardianship, too, is instituted by order of that great probate court which held its sittings in Philadelphia, in June last, for the purpose of granting letters of administration upon the late Whig parly ; and l do not know whether we should most detest the pretence of humanity on the part of the court referred to, or the recklessness of the parent who neglected, by last will and testament, to provide for such a meritorious offspring.” [Great applause.] Alton, (III) Election.—The Charter Election in Alton, (the largest place in southern Illinois.) look place Sept. 12. The Free Soil Van Buren ticket was carried by 284 majority.