Free Soil Banner, Indianapolis, Marion County, 6 October 1848 — Page 1

THE FREE

ANNER.

EDITED AND PUBLISHED BY W. B. GREER &. L. WALLACE.

''HE IS THE FREEMAN, WHOM TRUTH MAKES FREE; AND ALL ARE SLAVES BESIDE.'

PRINTED BY DOUGLASS & ELDER.

VOL. I.

INDIANAPOLIS, FRIDAY, OCTOBER 6, 1848

NO. 7.

PUBLICATION OFFICE OF THE BANNER IS ON PENNSYLVANIA STREET, Three doors north of Washington Street.

Song of the Free Soilers. Tlne—''Campbell's are Coming." Hurrah! for our cause—let each man put his heart in,, And join in the song we are singing for Martin: Free soil is our pledge—its success we are sure in, As we work, hand in hand, for Martin Van Buren. CHORUS. Free Soilers are coming, oh! ho, oh ! ho— Free Soilers are coming, oh ! ho, oh ! ho— From mountain and valley, They meet and they rally, They never will dally—oh ! ho—oh ! ho. The North and the South shall no longer be kneeling, For changed are the purpose, the will, and the feeling: The path we have chosen is wiser and better, Than, with party, to cling to the iron-bound fetter Free Soil we will have—work without melancholy, For toil to the freemen is pleasant and holy; We'll bow to no power but the Spirit who gave us Such hearts—that Tyrants shall never enslave us, One effort, my Brother—one pull altogether, And the balance of party is light as a feather: One party is trembling—hurrah! for our thunder, And the other —believe me—goes tumbling under Then Freedom and Labor shall hold sweet communion: The Rich and the Poor find a brotherly union; The record of time tell of Liberty’s story, And “Our Country" again be the watch-word of glory. CHORUS. Free Soilers are coming, &c.

The Buffalo Nominations--Chan-ces of the Election of Mr. Van Buren The Hunker press of both parties are

In a word, if the Free Soil principles are disseminated as ardently as Hale and Corwin contend, Van Buren’s nomination will put the old parties into ‘bodily fear,’ and send the election in-

to the House.”

Gen. Cass and Slavery. The Wilmot Proviso, it is known, was first passed in the House at the close of the session of 1846, and came up in the Senate on the last day of the session. No vote was taken on it in the Senate, on account of Mr. Davis, of Massachusetts, having occupied the floor in speaking on it until within a few moments of adjournment. The records of the Senate do not therefore show the position of Mr. Cass on this subject at that time ; but there is unquestionable evidence to prove that he was then a Proviso man. At the Utica Convention, George Rathbun, who was a member of Congress in 1846, made a statement from which we extract the following: “I knew very well the views of Gen, Cass in August, 1846. * * On the day that Congress adjourned, and at the time that Senator Davis, of Massachusetts, spoke up to the adjournment of the Senate, on the Wilmot Proviso, I met Gen. Cass at the railway depot at Washington, and sat near to him, and conversed freely with him between that place and Baltimore. He

perfectly spasmodic on the subject of the Buffalo nominations. The Philadelphia Bulletin remarks as follows upon the prospect of the Free Soil nomi-

nees:

“We have been considerably surprised to hear as we have from more than one quarter, that Indiana, Illinois, and even Michigan, are full of the ‘Free Soil’ enthusiasm, and that Van Buren has a chance in each of those States. A gentleman who professes to know, and who has just left Illinois says that the ‘free soil’ nominee will carry that State. Of course such statements must be received with caution. But the improbability of the case is not really so great, as appears at first blush. A defection of one third from each party, united to the abolition strength, would give Van Buren the electoral vote of any, or all of those Commonwealths. Is it too

ly and with a good deal of energy on the subject of the Proviso. He stated to me that every northern Democratic Senator had agreed to vote for it, and but for Mr. Davis’s speech, would have voted for it. He said repeatedly that he regretted very much that he could not have recorded his vote for it before the adjournment. . This continued to be his language all the way to Michi-

gan, as I understand.”

At the next session of Congress the Proviso came up again in connection with the Three million bill. Gen. Cass then said that he was in favor of the principle of the Proviso, but thought it improper to incorporate it in that bill. The question could properly be passed upon, he said, when the territory was acquired, and governments had to be

provided for it.

We have, then, Gen. Cass anxious to vote for the Proviso in 1846, and in March, 1847, still in favor of the prin-

sacred instrument but what the South permits him to see. The South, by threatening to withhold its vote from all but anti-proviso men, has extorted the men of its choice from both parties. But the South is unable to elect a President, of itself. It must have Northern assistance. It has extorted its own candidates from the north; but to complete its success, it must also extort northern support for those candidates. If that support be give, it will be given with the full. knowledge of the fact that all the interests of Freedom and Free Labor are sacrificed thereby. Democrats, will you support Lewis Cass? He has bartered your interests, and of your descendants forever, for the vote of the South, and will you ratify the bargain? The bargain will be worthless unless you do. Go, then, if you will be false to yourself and your posterity, if you will stab Freedom upon her own hearth, and immolate her upon her own altar, go do it boldly, with the eye of your conscience to the result, and your face towards those whom you would betray. The north can withhold her vote from the candidates of the South, and elect a candidate of her own, if she chooses. She has the power if she has the will. If the South triumphs now, she triumphs honorably, and with your assistance. She tells you what she wants, and what she intends to do, if you will let her. It you want to defeat her, imitate her example. Vote for no man who is not in favor of liberty, and the days of' southern domination will be over. Candidates will then hereafter bow to you, instead of to the South, and look at the constitution through your spectacles.—Free Soil Union.

much to suppose that one-third of the / ciple included in it. But in January, Democrats would prefer Van Buren to /1848, something had changed the spirit Cass, or that one-third ot the Whigs /of his dream. He had found the Prowould vote for him and ‘free soil,' in viso unconstitutional. He wrote to a preference to voting for Taylor? For/ man named Nicholson, of Tennessee,

ourselves, we do not pretend to decide this very nice and delicate question. We leave it to those who better understand the complexion of parties, and the state of public opinion in the great west. The political field presents altogether the most curious conjuncture of circumstances ever seen; and it would baffle

a relation of James K. Polk, assuring him that be could find no power in the constitution for the Wilmot Proviso. The arguments advanced in this Nicholson letter, were not original with Gen. Cass. They were the same as those advanced by the opponents of

is Ca

the Proviso, when Lewis Cass avowed

a file leader to tell the result. One himself /its friend. Those arguments thing only is certain—somebody must/( | not convince him then of the unwin. constitutionality of the Proviso. Some“Here is Indiana! In 1844 it polled | thing more powerful than those argu67,867 votes lor Clay, 70,181 for Polk, /ments must have operated convincingly

and 2,106 for Birney. Now suppose/ upon him.

Van Buren takes off one-third of the Whig votes, viz: 22,622; and one-third

What was it ? The Alabama Herald, of June 1847, gives an inkling

of the Democratic, viz: 23,393; these / thereof, as follows :

together would give him 46,015. Now /“The Democratic papers at the North add the obolition vote to this, viz: 2,106. / are becoming alarmed at the resolute and we have his whole vote, viz: 48,121/ stand taken in the South against the If then we take the vote for Cass, which /Wilmot Proviso. As long as the opwould be 70,181 less 23,393, we have/ position here was confined to an exa poll for him of only 46,788, or 1,500 /pression of disapprobation in general less than Van Buren would get. The /terms, (the usual Southern mode of vote for Taylor would be 67,857, less | getting rid of surplus indignation,) our 21,622, 45,245, which would place him | northern friends took it very unconnearly 2,500 votes behind Van Buren. / cernedly. Now that we begin to think To recapitulate, we have for the three / of voting for no man in the Presidencandidates, calculating on the vote of/ tial election who will not pledge him1844: self to veto that Proviso, our friends in Van Buren, - - 48,121 / the Northern States begin to prick up Cass, - - - 46,788 /their ears. Some of them begin to Taylor, - - - 45,244/ calculate the cost of the agitation, and “Of course there will be more votes think the best way is to drop the matpolled in 1848 than in 1844; but the re-/ ter entirely. They are discussing what sult will be the same, if the relative/is due to the compromises of the Con-

strength of the Whigs and Democrats/ stitution.

remains the same. A similar calcula- The Charleston Mercury, of Jan. tion for Ohio would show for /1848, discourseth thus:

Van Buren, - - 109,442 Cass, - - - 99,411

Taylor, - - - 103,371

the democratic party in that great con“If we turn to the New England /test unless the North and South can be

“The approach of the mighty struggle for spoils—the Presidential election and the disastrous defeat which awaits

States we shall find the same surprising results. The vote of Massachusetts in 1844, was 67,000 for Clay, 53,039 for Polk, and 10,880 for Birney. Now a

test unless the North and South can be united, have brought forth a letter from Mr. Buchanan, and a speech from Mr. Dallas, resolutions in the Senate from

Polk, and 10,880 for Birney. Now a / Mr. Dickenson, and within a few days, defection of one-third from each of the/ a letter from Gen . Cass ''

So, then, it was the threat of the

old parties, united to the abolition vote,

would give the following result: Van Buren, - - 50,348 Taylor, - - - 44,670 Cass, - - - 35,360 “Connecticut, in like manner, would be carried by Van Buren, if he could secure a third of the Whig and Democratic vote, and the whole of the abolition vote. Michigan also would be his under similar circumstances; while he would miss Vermont by only a few votes. New Hampshire would give him, in such a contingency, her electoral vote by a clear thousand majority.

South, that they would oppose any man who did not pledge himself to veto the Proviso, that closed the eyes of Gen. Cass to the constitutionality of that measure. The dark body of the South, menacing defeat, loomed up between him and the constitution, until he was unable to see one of its plainest provisions. Like the man who held a dollar before his eyes, and found that he could see nothing beyond it, Lewis Cass finds the political power of the South between his vision and the constitution, and he can see nothing in that

“The acts” of Lewis Cass. REVISED AND CORRECTED, WITH NOTES, THE TEXT TAKEN FROM THE ORIGINAL HUNKER PAPERS. “Who is Gen. Cass?—The man who with a single dash of the pen, defeated the five greatest European powers.” While it required two dashes of the same pen to defeat himself-—the signatures of the Nicholson and Chicago letters. “The man who asserted successfully the freedom of the seas against the grasping hands of England.” And yields willingly the freedom of our territories to the grasping avarice of the South. “The man who received the confidence of Jefferson at the early age of 24 years.” And lost that of the people when he was 65. “The man who has invariably contended, during the war, for his country, her honor, and her rights.” Having an eye at the same time, to his own election. “The man whose character and good conduct, every Democratic President, from Jefferson to the present day officially endorsed.” And found themselves obliged to redeem their own paper—the principal being good for nothing. “The man who sat for years in the cabinet of Andrew Jackson, the coworker of that great patriot in the cause of republicanism.” And afterwards brought water from the river Jordan, for his patriot friend, Louis Phillippe, to baptize the Comte de Paris with, the heir apparent of the French throne. “The man who first set hostile foot on British territory, in the war of 1812.” And whose services ended with setting his foot there. “The man whom the rnonarchs of Europe fear, and the oppressed people of Europe love.” Because he writes a book in favor of the kings, and votes against allowing a government ship to carry relief to the starving millions of the people. “The man who will, if elected President, oppose by every constitutional means, every attempt of a foreign power to plant their colonies upon the western continent.” In order to give the slaveholders exclusive benefit of planting slavery in New Mexico and California, and of annexing Cuba. “The man who is destined to lead the Democratic party to an old fashioned Jackson victory. Such is Lewis Cass.” Perhaps.—Free Soil Advocate. How it Works.—Charles J. Ingersoll and Charles Brown, members of the last Congress, who voted against the Wilmot Proviso, have failed to receive a nomination for re-election.

The population of ancient Syracuse was equal to that of Paris. Now there are not 1,000 inhabitants, and not a ship in the port.

For the Daily Advertiser. Getting Desperate. It seems strange to what degrees men will be driven by party shackles: even pledge their unreserved support to candidates, regardless of principle, and even to the utter abandonment of all principles. Since the Buffalo Convention, Taylorites have grown desperate; some of them, unhesitating, affirm that “ Taylor shall have their votes, though they knew that he would carry out every Loco measure that was ever advanced by that prrty. Where now, are all the glorious “ Whig principles inscribed on our banner?” Are you brother whigs nobly battling for principles, and not for men and party, and yet vote for a man though he might, and even should he pledged to oppose your entire creed? And we poor “ Free Soil” men are every thing but honest men, because we will not vote for a man regardless of principle.— This is certainly a noble stand to occupy; only think of such a position.— “ Though Taylor should, with ever so many letters go ever so much against Whig principles, I shall not read his letters, but shall vote for him any how.'' If that is not “ going it blind,” we do not know what such a feat would be. This is making a literal interfection and application of a certain declaration; though he slay me,1 yet, I will trust in him.” The old saying that, “ the more you whip a spaniel the better he will love you,” is being j realized, and that too, “ with a vengeance.” This proves the position taken at the Buffalo Convention to be true, that the only contest is between Liberty and Slavery. When men openly declare that they will vote for a slaveholder irrespective of his principles, we must infer that Slavery is the great idea, the “sine qua non” of their aspiration, the desideratum of all their efforts. How inconsistent for such men claim to be Free Soil men, and that “ that question should not be brought in to politics, when so many great questions are before the people.” “Great questions” presented as issues! and in the same breath declare that “ we will go for Taylor, though he carry out every Loco measure ever advocated by that party.” This looks like “ great measures” before the people for their consideration. And if you Taylorites can drop all these “GREAT MEASURES,” for the sake of electing a slaveholder—we can drop them for the sake of the great heaven-born principle of HUMAN LIBERTY! “Oh! but this Free Soil party are not honest in their professions; but the Whigs have been a Free Soil party for twenty years.” Let us look at the evidences of honesty on both sides of the question.— The Buffalo Convention adopted resolutions, affirming that Congress should make all our territory Free Territory; and nominated men who hold and avow the same principles. The Whig party utterly refused to pass any such resolutions, and nominated a man who will say no such thing. Who has the best claim to the name of Free Soil? The people will please decide. “Stolen Whig thunder” have we.— We suppose that this must be a figurative expression, and has reference to the “natural thunder.” Now, this is a report that follows, and some times a great while after the “lightning” has done the work. This is whig thunder, is it? Well, it is really appropriate-; they do most always “report” and “ thunder” after the “ work is all done,” they are really somewhat noted for this kind of “thunder,” and never more so, than at the present time. No we have not “stolen your thunder,” we do not use the article, but have been somewhat used to “lightning,” or rather enlightning, and hear the “report of, thunder” for the “Gineral” and his poetry of “ Bragg’s.” alpha. Good,—While the steamer Michigan was lying in Detroit, on a trip down, a raw-boned hoosier entered the cabin, and confronting a large pier glass which is framed, and set something like a stateroom door, carelessly addressed his reflected image with the inquiry— “When’s this boat goin’ eout?” Pending the answer, he leisurely cast his eyes round the cabin, surveying the accommodations, and receiving no response, he hailed again— “ I say, yeou, when’s this ’ere boat goin’ eout?” He received no response but a loud guffaw from the chambermaid, who witnessed the scene, and indignantly turned on his heel, soliloquising—“Sidable stuck up, that chap; needen’t been quite so proud, for he diden’t look as if he was much, any how!” “It is melancholly to reflect,” says the Daily News, “that while all the aspirations of the old world tend in the direction of freedom, the question which chiefly agitates the new is that of the extension and perpetuation of Slavery.”

New Southern Dictionary. Compromise—Taking the whole. Concession—Glorifying slavery as a “sacred” institution. Harmony—Keeping still when kicked. Patriotism—Voting for a southern slaveholder or northern slave. Freedom—The right to extend slavery. Chivalry—Manifesting a disposition to play the hangman. Consistency—Glorifying the extension of freedom in Europe, and laboring for the extension of slavery in America. Statesman—A man who never held a civil office, but who does hold 280 slaves. Constitution—A rusted weathercock, always pointing south. Democracy—Allowing 250,000 slave holders to rule the nation. Religion—A belief in the infallibility of John C. Calhoun. Humbug—“All men are created free and equal.” Traitor—One. who is not inclined to let us have our own way. Thinker — One of our non-resident slaves, who never rebels under the severest infliction of the lash.—Hamilton Reflector.

The mortification and chagrin of the Taylor men at Webster’s speech are . unbounded. Some make a vain attempt to conceal it, while others “speak right out in meeting” about it. Among the latter, is the New York Herald, whose editor discourses as follows in

relation to it :

The speech of Mr. Webster, has created in this community, in all parties, a very odd and singular sensation. In former days, when Mr. Webster was called on by the New England manufacturers, he generally made a splendid and powerful speech on his side of Mason and Dixon’s line. Whether the profits of the manufacturers in those days had some influence in producing those bursts of eloquence, is a question to be solved by future philosophers and fools. It is certain,however, that Mr. Webster’s position and speech, in the present political crisis of the country, with regard to Gen. Taylor, are the most wishy-washy, and the weakest that ever came from that quarter. From beginning to end, he seems to be making an apology for supporting a man so ignorant in public affairs, as even he himself represents Gen. Taylor. He damns his own candidate with faint praise. While the obscure friends of Mr. Clay still boldly and chivalrously seem to he foremost in assailing Gen. Taylor to his face, Mr. Webster and his friends seem to place themselves in a position of half and half assassins— smiling with one cheek, while there is a scorn on the other, and the dagger itself is about being directed to some

place under the fifth rib.

The folly of the Whig journals in New York, which, while professing to support, Gen. Taylor, were, at the same time disgusting and calumniating a large class of our naturalized citizens by taking the side of British tyranny against Irish freedom, was not more suicidal to the cause of Gen, Taylor than appear to be the speeches, the sentiments, the allusions, and the temper displayed in the famous address delivered at Marsh field. Even the anti-masonic movement of Thurlow Weed & Co., at Albany, who endeavored to get up a premature indignation meeting against the hero of Buena Vista, will not be able to injure the cause so much in this State, or in New England, as the faint, studied, and elaborate praise which was bestowed on Gen. Taylor, from the lips

of Mr. Webster.

The surest way to destroy a popular man is to become his friend, win his confidence, and then betray him. Such appears to be the policy of the New York and New England whigs, even that portion of them who still cling to the Philadelphia nomination. If Gen. Cass should be elected next November, he will not have to bestow his thanks on those leading whigs of New York and New England, who, while they affect to support the nomination made by their own Convention in Philadelphia, yet pursue such a course as the whig journals of New York have done all summer, and adopt such insane measures as Thurlow Weed and the antimasonic portion of the whig party have done in Albany, or make such a speech, and promulgate such sentiments, as came from the lips of Mr. Webster last week in Marshfield. The defeat of Mr. Clay’s nomination in Philadelphia divided the whig party, and disgusted the old standing personal partizans of the Ashland statesman; but the portion of the whig party who stuck to the nomination, have, since last June, betrayed even more folly, more silliness, and more want of wisdom and discernment than the friends of Mr. Clay did in bolting outright, when the nomina-

tion was made.

As matters now stand, every day

only seems to strengthen the confidence of the friends of Gen. Cass—not their own efforts, not in their wisdom, not in their discretion, but arising from the folly, the weakness, the imbecility of those whigs who call themselves the supporters of Gen. Taylor. We have conventions and mass meetings in New York and New England ; but unless some new spirit springs up among the great body of the people, the lukewarmness produced by the Taylor whig party in New York, by the whig journals of this metropolis, and Mr. Webster’s friends in Massachusetts, will produce their legitimate results in the defeat of the hero of Buena Vista. The Greatest Humbug. Ex-Governor Jones, the slaveholder from Tennessee, imported by the Taylorites for the purpose of cajoling Northern men into the support of the great Mexican-killer, in his meeting at Rochester, N. Y.., a few days since, denounced the Wilmot Proviso as a “sheer humbug, entirely unworthy the notice of Whigs—the greatest humbug in God Almighty’s world!” We should think the whigs generally, concurred in this opinion, from the fact that they have nominated Zack Taylor as their candidate for the Presidency. How long will they affect a regard to the Proviso ? Not long, we think, if there is any reliance to be placed upon present indications. The “American Patriot '', a Taylor paper published at Norwich, attempts to show that as the President has only executive powers, his opinions are not of much consequence. It then goes on to say : “If we are correct in this view of the subject, why should such a question as the Wiimot Proviso be brought into a Presidential election ?” Sure enough. It is a very troublesome question to Norhern doughfaces, and one which they would be glad to shirk if possible. We warn the advocates of the Wilmot Proviso, that they are betrayed by their pretended friends at the North, who are ready to sacrifice it to the success ot either Cass or Taylor. The cry now is, “Don’t bring it into the Presidential election; it properly belongs to the members of Congress.” Ah ! the artful dodgers ! Like their antetypes of the olden day, they are very averse to being tormented before their time. —Charter Oak.

For the Rochester Daily Advertiser. ‘'A Little more Whiggery, General Taylor.” Mr. Editor: For the benefit of those who try to persude themselves that Gen. Taylor will, if elected, administer the government on whig principles, and are laying the “flattering unction to their souls” that, by his election, a whig Administration will be secured to the country, I ask you to give place to the following, taken from his letter to Col. Mitchell, of Ohio, dated February 12,

1848:

“I deem it but candid to add, that if the whig parly desire, at the next Presidential election, to cast their votes for me, they must do it on their own responsibility, and without any pledges from me, should I be elected to that office, I should deem it to be my duty, and should certainly claim the right, not to look to the principles of a party, for rules or actions.” It may be ungenerous to present our whig friends with such a cold collation at this juncture of their affairs, but I certainly hope they will not consider me uncharitable. Yours, &c.,

LEO.

The Spirit in the West. Accounts from Ohio, Michigan, and Wisconsin, give the most gratifying assurance of success to the cause of Freedom. A correspondent from Wisconsin, says that young sister of the Commonwealth is sure to cast her first vote for Van Buren and the cause of Liberty. The True Democrat, published at Ann Arbor, Michigan, contains letters from correspondents in every portion of the State, breathing one unanimous feeling of favor for the Buffalo nominees; while a writer, who has been stumping it through Ohio, says that State is sure for our candidates. But it is not alone in the west, that the fire of Liberty is burning so brightly. The east reflects its light, and Old Fanueil Hall reveberates with an echo to the prairie thunders of the giant West.— Western Atlas.

A solemn philosopher announced as the result of his deliberate reflections, that it was a remarkable evidence of the goodness of Providence, that great rivers always run by great towns. It was the same “great scientificker,” who explained the phenomena of expansion by heat, and contraction by cold, with the irrefragable illustration that in summer, when it is hot, the days stretched out very long—but in winter, when it was cold, they contracted until they became very short indeed !