Free Soil Banner, Indianapolis, Marion County, 22 September 1848 — Page 3
Drive back the man of toil, who knows and feels that he is a freeman, whose production is substantial, whose wealth was not born on credit and begot by mortgages, and let in the slaveholder in his Southwestern tramp to wealth, with bankruptcy, repudiation, vice, amalgamation, idleness, pride, and fear of poverty to ply the lash and wring from the bondsman at once his livelihood and his ruin! And yet, these are the men who have the effrontery to talk about the “mean social privileges” of the negro in the North, and complain of the “gratuitous malevolence of those who wish to force local laws on a free people" in the territories ! Is it, indeed, a wonder that the North is exasperated ? No feeling but terror, and hope almost against despair is oppropriate, when the full crater in the old States is pouring its scalding tide over territory after territory to the Southwest—more terrific than the flames of war, which threatens to consume the Constitution, to desolate the fairest half of our continent, and blast the prosperity of its population for a hundred years to come. Let us, then, calmly, and yet with boldness, rescue this wide and fair domain from bankruptcy, from lethargy and oppression, which we have so recently snatched from the hands of Anarchy. But the crowning argument of the whole is, that the free soil movement fastens slavery forever on the old States. Can the mere removal of it lessen the evil, or mitigate the curse ? No; it only spreads and strengthens it. As well say that the Atlantic slope would now contain the wealth of the Union as it is, had the man of enterprise never ventured in, occupied, and blessed with the hand of culture the rich empire of the Mississippi Valley. Who doubts that the older States are more populous, more prosperous, more enterprising, more powerful, from the very fact of the settlement of the West? Then stop your clamor about the extension of slavery thinning, weakening, and finally doing away with it. It seems that the Hand of the Almighty has quenched the confiagration of war, which had glared on the pinnacles ol the Cordilleras and swept to the falling Metropolis of Mexico, by the addition of free territory, to fence in forever the progress of that power for which all this drama of blood has been enacted. There is a question behind the constitutionality of legislation on this subject; but when did humanity weigh a feather when interest or pride lay in the opposing scale ? The following statistics show the comparative growth of two States, whose natural advantages are about equal : Missouri---Slave State. Illinois—Free State In 1820, Population, In 1820 White and black 77,182. 55,211 In 1844, - - .528,382 In 1844, . - - 662,125 In Missouri, of these seventy-one thousand four hundred are slaves. Twenty-eight years ago, Missouri contained 21,971 more people than Illinois— four years ago, slaves and all, 133,743 less. Doubtless the framers of the Constitution never contemplated such alarming prosperity as this on free soil, or they would have checked it by some positive enactment in favor of the extension of slavery. CANDOUR.
and its success ought to be paramount to / all respects, and on his motion, five thouall other considerations./sand of the report and bill were printed.” If objections to Van Buren drive men /In April, 1836, the bill thus introduced back to Cass and Taylor, and thus break /was taken up and debated. In the course down the cause of freedom, slavery will /of this debate, Mr. Morris, an Abolitioncertainly be carried back into California/ ist, from Ohio, and who was subsequently and New Mexico, and the South having /the Liberty party candidate for the Vice triumphed, will involve us in war for more/ Presidency, stated in the debate substanSouthern territory, as soon as they can / tially, that the parliamentary rule was to use another slice/ give the friends of the meusure or bill evIf we convince the South that all future /ery possible opportunity to amend, perfect acquired territory must be free, we shall /or remodel it in all its stages, previous to have no more war of conquest begun by/ its being put/ upon its final passage, and
the usurpations of the President, or by the he remarked :
declaration of Congress, for many years “Opposed myself both to the bill and at least. If the Free Soil movement is amendment, upon the broad principle that
now crushed, I fear that it. cannot soon be revived. My feelings, therefore, are all engaged in its success. I consider it. the cause of truth and justice, and the cause which carried out. to success, will most certainly secure the future happiness and
prosperity of our country.
One word as to myself. 1 have felt that if I took a prominent part in the movement against the Philadelphia nomination, I should be accused of being moved to do so on account of my defeat before the convention last winter. I have, therefore, avoided all speeches away from home. Here 1 have made three, in all of which 1 have opposed Taylor, and therefore among my
neighbors I am well understood.
I have also avoided any publication that would give to the world my reasons for opposing Taylor. In all this I begin to fear that I have erred, and that it would have been better to have said all that my heart felt. But in doing as I have done 1 have avoided all concealments, Every body
its passage would be an abuse of the legitimate power of Congress, its details are to my mind of hut little importance, for I cannot possibly see any shape in which the principle contained both in the amendment and in the bill could be presented to my understanding, that would induce me
to vote for it.”
In all cases is this rule considered as obligatory upon the presiding officer of a legislative body. Though himself opposed to a measure, he is to give a committee from the friends of the bill, and not put a child to a nurse that cares not for it. In case of a 'io vote in any«luges of a bill, previous to its final passage, it is claimed by the friends of that bill, as an act of courtesy, as in accordance with strict and customy parliamentary practice, that the casting vote be given in their favor, that they may have every chance to perfect their measure, previous to its final trial. No final action was had upon the bill at this time. Here the matter slept unt il the
The old Hunker whig presses still stick to it that Mr. Delano of Ohio is out making speeches in favor of Gen. Taylor. There has been quite a chuckling over the matter since it was announced that he was to stump the State in company with Mr. Corwin. We give below a letter in which Mr. Delano defines his position—We take it from the True Democrat. Mt. Vernon, O., Aug. 25, ’48. Thos. Brown, Esq., Cleveland, O. Dear Sir : Your letter of the 15th inst., came to hand during my absence from home, on a journey to Cincinnati. I have just returned and hasten to answer. You arc aware of the object of my visit to Cleveland, during or immediately preceding the Buffalo convention. I could not, without gross neglect of duty to others, omit the business in which 1 was then, and am still engaged. I have never hesitated in my own mind as to the dictate of duty in regard to Gen. Taylor’s nomination for the Presidency. I cannot vote for him, and shall not ask others to do so while he occupies before the world his present position in regard to certain measures which 1 have always regarded as cardinal in the creed of northern whigs. At Columbus last winter, l expressed a willingness to assist, if 1 could, General Ford’s election. So I feel now, and I am ready to redeem the pledge there given. The State Central Committee, judging me correctly in this regard, made the announcement in the Journal without consulting me. I am ready to comply as far as business engagements before then contracted will permit, provided by doing so l can advance the cause of Gen. Ford, and be guilty of no deception in word or deed. This, my dear sir, is my position in regard to the appointments. I do not like Van Buren. I can forget most of my objections to him, but I cannot forget that himself and friends have given countenance and support to this accursed war—the bitter, bitter fruits of which we are now tasting, and 1 fear only beginning to taste. Nevertheless, 1 know, at least I feel, that upon the preservation of the Free Soil movement every thing depends,
knows, who knows me, that I cannot sup- /30th of April, when Mr. Grundy, of Ten-
port Taylor, though some Taylor men have attempted to convey a different impression. 1 have in this letter attempted to tell you my exact opinions, so far as the limits of a single sheet will permit. This letter is not written for publication—nor is it private or confidential. 1 wish every man in the State under-
stood me exactly.
Truly and Respectfully
C. DELANO.
From the Rochester Daily Advertiser Van Buren's Casting Vote. Among all the bare-faced calumnies that party has resorted to, to malign Mr. Van Buren, no one is characterized by a more shameless disregard to truth and manly fairness, than the casting vote Mr. Van Buren is charged with having given, as Vice President, in the United States Senate, on the bill “authorising the Post-mas-ters to search the mails, and throw out pestilential and incendiary matter.” All who recollect the state of southern
nessee, introduced a substitute for the whole bill, which was not acted upon until the 3d of June after. 'Phis substitute confined the prohibition to the delivery of mailable matter, prohibited by the laws of the States, where they were to be delivered. and had no penally attached by way
of fine.
Mr. Calhoun moved an amendment to the original bill, which was lost, the Senate being equally divided. Mr. Grundy’s substitute was then adopted by the Senate without a division. Thus far, all had been done in Committee of the Whole. The substitute was now reported to the Senate, when Mr. Calhoun again renewed the motion lost in Committee, and it was again lost here. The amendments made in Committee by striking out the original bill and adopting Mr. Grundy’s substitute, were also agreed to in the Senate, and the question being now immediately called for, on the engrossment of the bill as amended, for its third reading, the Senate was equally divided, and Mr. Van Buren, as President of the Senate, voted in favor of the en-
feeling on the subject of circulating, what was termed, inflammatory publications, calculated to excite a servile war between /its last trial, to the test vote in legislation, the slaves and their masters, in the South, called its third reading, or final passage. cannot forget the high state of excitement /The third reading cannot be on the same that pervaded the entire South upon this /day of the engrossment, and here the matsubject,and the only part Mr. Van Buren took in the legislation growing out of this/ter rested until the 8th of June, when the excitement./ bill was put upon its final passage took in the legislation growing out of this excitement/ debated during the day, and rejected by a ' Our attention has just been called to a / vote o nineteen in favor of , and twenty letter of the Hon. Seth M. Gates, a highly / five against it-seve Senators voting respected Whig, and at that time a member / against the bill on its final passage, who did of Congress from Western New York /not vote against its engrossment./ ''The head and front'' of Mr. Van Bu-
giving a history of the bill, and most triumphantly vindicating Mr. Van Buren from the foul libel—from which letter we
are indebted for our extracts :
“December 21,1835, Mr. Calhoun made a motion in the Senate that so much of the President’s (Jackson’s) message as relates to the transmission of incendiary publicacations by the United States Mails, be referred to a Special Committee. The propriety of a reference to the standing Committees on Post-offices and Post-roads, or to a Special Committee, was debated at considerable length, and seems to have been decided in favor of a Special Committee, principally for the following reasons, assigned by Senator Davis, of Massachusetts, who was a member of the Standing Committee, and who said : — ‘Looking at the motion rather as a matter of courtesy, than in any other light, he for one, would he glad to send it to a Special Committee; be-
ren’s “offending, has this extent and nothing more.” He simply, in compliance with a uniform rule of parliamentary courtesy, gave his casting vote on a tie vote in the Senate, ordering the engrossment of Mr. Grundy’s substitute for Mr. Calhoun’s bill, thus enabling the friends and opponents of this substitute, who had had no opportunity to debate it at all, to fully discuss it at length, on its third and final read-
ing.
This vote did not pledge Mr. Van Buren, in the slightest degree, to the principle of the bill, or to vote for it on its final
passage.
There is not a man acquainted with parliamentry custom, who does not know that his casting vote should have been given as it was given, under the circumstances of the case, even if he had been opposed to
the bill.
Yet a vote sanctioned by immemorable
cause it was desired by the gentlemen of /Let a vote sanctioned by immemorable the South. He viewed this as-a peculiarly /parliamentary usage, and expressive of no southern interest, and was willing the gen-/opinion on its merits, and which no hon-
tlemen from that section of the country should present to the Senate their views— southern gentlemen certainly best knew their own embarrassments in relation to this matter. It seems not only courteous but parliamentary, that those who are most vitally interested, should first present us
with their views.’
“Mr. Ewing also took the same view of
orable presiding officer would have felt authorized to withhold—has been made the basis of a false and reckless charge—of giving his casting vote for the bill. Pitiable indeed must lie the condition of a party that has no weapons but falsehood, detraction and misrepresentation to sustain
its cause.
The following is the conclusion of Mr.
Gates’s letter:
the subject, and said Congress had been/ called upon in all quarters by the public /'' Even Gen. Cass acknowledges that press, to act upon the subject; and gentle-/ there have been great changes going on in men from the South best knew how to sat-/the public mind, and I fancy it will appear isfy public expectation. The motion was / in the sequel that most of the changes have /been less like Lucifer’s than his. I have carried without a dissenting voice, as ap-/ ,, , , t 0 ,. n ,, 1 opposed Mr. Van Buren nearly all my pears by the records, and Mr. Calhoun, / /life, but as I regard the question of nonMr. King oi Georgia, Mr. Mangum, Mr. extension ol slavery—free Soil—the all-
Davis, of Massachusetts, and Mr. Linn, / engrossing subject of
constituted the Committee./ engrossing subject of the present campaign; “On the 4th of.February, 1838, about / as I find both the other candidates beyond six weeks after the reference that Com- /the possibility of a doubt, unyieldingly mittee made a very long report/opposed to Free Territory; and as Mr. mittee made a very long report, drawn up/ Van Buren has always been right and con-
by Mr. Calhoun, and accompanied by a / bill of five sections in length, prohibiting/sistent m regard to annexation and the non-
bill of five sections in length, prohibiting
all Post-masters in the Union from receiv-
iug or putting into the mail any written or / federates of both the old parties have arprinted matter, or pictorial representa-/
rayed themselves against him
extension of slavery; as the slaveholders
and all their Northern apologists and con
tions, touching the subject of slavery, addressed to any person or office in any State, territory, or district, where, by the laws of said State, territory or district, their circulation was prohibited—and prohibiting the delivery of any such matter to any person, requiring the Post-master General to dismiss from office any Postmaster that should violate the act; making it an offence punishable by a heavy fine ; requiring the papers to be burnt after a certain time, and also containing a variety
of other regulations.
“Mr. Davis, of Massachusetts, rose and said, that as he was a member of the Committee, he would remark, that the views contained in the report did not entirely meet his approbation, though it contained many things that he approved of. Mr. King, of Georgia, and Mr. Linn, also stated that they had assented to the report, but did not fully concur in all of it. Mr. Mangum assented and concurred fully in
rayed themselves violently against him, thus giving me the best kind of evidence that his position is now good, and his tendencies in the right direction ; I intend most cheerfully to give him my support
and vote.
“SETH M. GATES. “Warsaw, Aug. 22, 1848.” Be Firm—Be True.—If there was ever a lime, since the formation of our Union, when the voter and patriot was called upon to be true, that time is now. He must do right, and leave consequences to Him who marks the sparrow’s fall, and holds in his hands the destinies of men and nations.
Goon News.—Father Ritchie says he is not to he frightened, but means to stand at tbe helm in spite of the Barnburners. We are very glad to hear it, for the Union is a very amusing paper, almost equal to the London Punch.—Freeman.
From the Charleston Courier. Mr. Calhoun’s Position.
The speech of Mr. Calhoun on Saturday night, was precisely what we could have wished, and just what we expected. He opened by insisting upon the importance of the Presidential election on the present occasion. He dwelt particularly upon the necessity of the State casting her vote.— He had never thought that she should forego this privilege. His only wish has been that the State should not go into the canvass—should not take a warm attitude in favor of either candidate, neither of whom came up to our standard. But this was now unavoidable. Parties had been formed, persons had been committed, and it only remained to conduct the canvass with moderation. We were all Southrons, having a common cause, and a common necessity before us, and our affinities with a Southern man, whatever party, are naturally greater than with any Northern man, no matter what his professions. He glanced at the claims of both the candidates. Mr. Cass had acted with us in the ranks of the Democratic party. But the Democratic party was not what it was.— It had departed from its principles. It had never been a party to which our cordial sympathies had been given, and with it, Mr. Cass and ourselves, there had always been some serious points of difference. Personally, he gave no opinion with respect to the character and claims of Cass. General Taylor, on the other hand, was a Whig — a man whose preferences had been with a party to which we were opposed. But the old lines of party had been broken down. There was an end of them. The old necessities and measures of party were chiefly at an end; and we must now understand that the South had nothing to hope from any but a Southern party. It was greatly in favor of General Taylor, that he was a cotton planter and a slaveholder — that he was a Southern born among us, and whose affinities were naturally with us. Nobody who heard the speech of Mr. Calhoun, but must have felt, that though he desired, with a proper policy to preserve his individual neutrality, in order the better to shape his action in future, when in Congress, his preferences, as between the two candidates, were wholly with the hero of the Rio Grande. On the purity and character of General Taylor, he, as well as Mr. Senator Butler, passed the most unqualified eulogy. They alleged his honesty to be beyond all question; and it was to be regretted only, that Gen. Taylor had suffered his friends to place him in a position, in relation to the whig party, which, at first, he had avowed his determination not to take. On this subject, by the way, there is a great mistake. General Taylor authorized no such nomination in the usually understood sense of party. Any body, of any party might nominate him; and, so long as they declared no formulas of party, for his guidance—and, so long as they asked for no pledges or promises from him, in return, there was nothing to prevent his acceptance of their support. Under such circumstances, they voted for him at their peril; he preserving a perfect independence, which would enable him, at any moment, to fling the trammels of party in the face of those who think to fetter him with them. Tbe true position in which Taylor stood to his Louisiana friends of the Whig Convention, appears simply to be this: “You, gentlemen,” said he, “will be bound by the Convention, no matter upon whom they settle as their nominee. Now, you propose to bring my name before them.. In the event of their choosing another person, you will feel somewhat awkwardly in regard to myself, and I propose to relieve you from any such feeling. I release you from all pledges to me —you are at liberty to give me up at any moment.” This is the true version of an affair, which, like everything else, the followers of Cass have tortured to their own
purposes.
ize it into practical vitality. His defeat was considered, under the circumstances, a thousand times sure. We can conceive of no possible contingency that could alter this “fixed fact,” * * » * * * * At this juncture of affairs there can be but one course left to the men of principle in our ranks. ******** Fully aware of the responsibility that attaches to us and to you, we declare our fixed and unalterable determination io vote for HENRY CLAY, of Kentucky. With the blessing of God we will adhere to this and abide by it—earnestly, zealously, and unitedly ; and pledge ourselves, one and all, to use unceasingly, all honorable means to insure success.” Ii is stated in all our exchanges, that this address, and the resolutions, was received with the most enthusiastic outbursts of satisfaction; and one writer says, that if the number present was to be judged from the manner in which these were hailed, twice the number he had estimated (which was 5000) would be rather below than above the truth. This is the first resolution: — Resolved, That we return our thanks to Hon. D. Webster for his recent address to the Whigs of Marshfield and of the Union, for having, in that able speech, demonstrated, by unanswerable arguments, the impolicy of the late Philadelphia nominations for the Presidency; the error of relying upon supposed avalibility, as the principle ground of recommendation, and the importance to the Whig party of having and electing a candidate thoroughly instructed in the civil policy and conduct of our national government. After the assembly had disposed of the address and resolutions, (which were read by G. N. Price, Esq ,) the Hon. Dudley Selden, E. D. Smith, Esq., and several other unwavering friends ot Mr. Clay, addressed the meeting. In the course of his remarks Mr. Selden said:— “He believed that Mr. Clay would carry the State of New York; and if the election goes to the House of Representatives, the great Kentuckian will stand the best chance of an election there. In this State, Mr. S. contended that the great Whig and Locolo party ore about equally divided, that the Locofoco party will, in all probability, divide about equally between Cass and Van Buren, so that Clay will require but a trifle over one-fourth of the votes of the State to secure the thirty-six Electors. * * * * * With our present facilities for inter-communication ,all parts of the country could be reached in a few days; and with Whig principles on our banner, and our ever true Harry for our standard bearer, the whole country could be aroused, and the whole Whig party brought enthusiastically into the conflict, which cannot and will not be the case while the Whig ensigns are trailing in the dust. The Clay Whigs stand upon the ground of honor and principle, and cannot abandon it. The heart of the Whig party has been pierced by the proceedings of the Philadelphia Convention, and they will have their candidate or they will not vote.” In short, said Mr. Seldon—“if a Clay electoral ticket shall be formed, it will receive three-fourths of the Whig votes of the city of New York ; and if other parts of the State will do as well, Mr. Clay will carry the State by at least 50,000 majority. A Telegraphic communication whs read from the Hon. J. M. Botts, encouraging the friends of Mr. Clay to “go ahead,” which was received with great applause; and the meeting adjourned at a late hour with three times three cheers for Henry Clay. The New York Tribune is in extacies on account of this meeting, while the Journal of Commerce regards it as a move to defeat Gen. Taylor at the sacrifice of the “Whig” party; and all the other Taylorite papers refer to it with every expression of denunciation.—Pittsburg Post.
Energy.
One of the most remarkable instances of the success which attends well applied energy and perseverance, is exhibited in the case of Dr. David Jayne, of Philadelphia, with whose advertisements the readers of the Register are familiar. The Doctor, after spending many years of his life in practice, and a careful investigation of the origin and character of diseases, applied himself to the preparation of remedies, and the excellence of his compounds is attested by the grateful thanks of thousands, who have proved the benefits of his skill and scientific knowledge. His are not mere quack nostrums, but preparations resulting from long and careful study, and as they serve, in an eminent degree, the good purposes for which they were intended, success has followed the proprietor’s enterprise and labors. His establishment is now one of the largest in the United States, and besides furnishing every city, town, and township in the country with his invaluable medicines, he ships,annually, immense quantities to foreign lands. In the prosecution of his plans for bringing his specifics to the notice of the whole people, Dr. Jayne has issued a Family Almanac, containing certificates and testimonials of the highest character. We see it stated in the Germantown Telegraph, that “ last year, one, million of the Almanacs were published for 1848, and all distributed. This year, the demand for 1849, is so great, that two power presses, driven by steam, are running day and night, with a double set of hands, and are unable to meet the requirements of the public for the Almanacs. Indeed, Messrs. Stavely & M’ Calla, who do the press-work, have found it necessary to meet wants of the publisher, to obtain a third power press! Two millions and a half of copies will be required for 1850, consuming from twelve to fifteen thousand reams of paper, and incurring an expense at the very small rate of two cents each copy—and we cannot see how they can be furnished at so low a price—of fifty thousand dollars! This is wonderful,exhibiting, as it does, one of the most remarkable instances of enterprise on record. But it must be remembered that this large sum, which is a fortune of itself, is entirely given away—the whole two millions and a half of Almanacs are gratuitously given to merchants, storekeepers, families and individuals, with a view to their general gratuitous distribution throughout the United States. The position of Dr. Jayne is an enviable one—achieved by his own unaided energy, industry and enterprise —drawing largely from an extensive knowledge of medical jurisprudence—
able” nomination and adjourned. We rejoice to / and he now stands at the head of the
discoveries of medicines for “ the million,” which have not only been pronounced to be unequalled as remedies, for the diseases severally set apart by the proprietor, &c., but destined to confer upon the human family incalculable benefits in the form of restored health, and prolonged existence.”—Norristown
Register.
TREMENDOUS MEETING In favor of Henry Clay, in the city
of New York.
On Thursday last, there was a tremendous meeting at Vauxhall Gardens, for the purpose of placing the name of Henry Clay before the people upon the banner of the “Whig” party. The call which led to this meeting, as we learn from some of the New York papers, was signed by about nine thousand of the most sterling “Whigs” of that city, and the number present at the meeting is variously estimated at from 3000 to 10,000. We therefore do not doubt that there were five or six thousand persons present, and participating in its
deliberations.
The venerable Willis Hall, was chosen President, with a large number of Vice Presidents and Secretaries. The address of the chairman on accepting that post, and the manner of its reception, are very plain indications of the state of feeling that prevailed amid the multitude. He said, “if this question of slavery is to be forever thrust into our laces, asking us to stand a little farther and a little farther back, we say to them, Free Soil to the knife ! [Cheers ] If we are compelled to go Free Soil without Henry Clay, [no! no!] I for one, go Free Soil under Van Buren. [Cries of no! no!—Clay! Clay!] I will go for Henry Clay, as far as the furthest, [cheers] hut rather than give up Free Soil I would vote for Van Buren.— [Cheers, tumult and confusion.] The worst thing that can happen to the Whig party is the election of Gen. Taylor. If this should take place, then
farewell to our principles.”
When Mr. Hall had concluded, an address to the “Whigs” of the Union was read, together with a number of spirited resolutions, which were adopted by acclamation. In the course of that address we find the following statements, which however severe they may seem to be, when applied by one portion of the Federal party to the
other, are nevertheless just:—
“Urging “availibility,” our own beloved Clay, and all those leaders who, by their civil services, have made the Whig party illustrious “for all time,” were overslaughed, and a mere soldier substituted. Unfolding a banner inscribed with that potential word “avalibility,” 179 members of that Convention, including the four unauthorized votes of Texas, and three votes of Arkansas, cast by one individual, were obtained for Zachary Taylor, and, without another word—declaring no principles—issuing no address—making no platform—passing no resolutions—without compass, or guide, or landmark—they launched this “avail-
say, there is no parallel to this slaughtering course, in the history of this or any other country. * * ****** We must consider his (Gen. Taylor’s) course as in defiance of that generosity which trusted him at Philadelphia, and his support, if persevered in, must inevitably place the cherished measures and principles, with the settled policy of the Whig party, completely at his mercy. * * * We cannot recognize the acts of the Philadelphia Convention as regular. * * * Their nomination has fallen dead upon the country—without response; no effort can galvan-
Horace Greely is up at the copper region indulging in the luxuries of an underground search for Taylor’s principles. Wisconsin extends from Lake Michigan to the Lake of the Woods, a distance of 1000 miles. Dividing the whole territory into two equal parts, each part would be as large as the great State of New York.
While a regiment of volunteers were marching through Camargo, a captain —a strict disciplinarian—observing that one of the drums did not beat, ordered the lieutenant to inquire the reason.— The fellow, on being interrogated, whispered to the lieutenant—“1 have two ducks and a turkey in my drum, and the turkey is for the captain.”— This being whispered to the captain,he exclaimed—“Why did’nt the drummer say he was lame? I don’t want men on duly when they are not able. S. BECK AND TULLY, Manufacturers and Wholesale and Retail Dealers in HATS AND CAPS, Sign of the City Hat Factory. OPPOSITE WASHINGTON HALL, INDIANAPOLIS, INDIANA, ARE constantly manufacturing and receiving from the Eastern Cities, a splendid assortment of Hats and Caps, which they offer at the lowest possible rates for cash, and to which they call the attention of country dealers and the public generally. Latest New York and Paris fashions always on hand. Cash paid for Beaver, Otter, Racoon, Mink, Deer, and Bear skins. 5
DR. JOHN M. GASTON, | HAVING returned from the University of New York, again offers his professional services to his old Iriends, and all others who may favor him with a call. OFFICE in the room over Tomlinson’s Drugstore just opposite Browning’s Hotel, where he may be found day or night. Sept. 22, 1848,
J. VANDEGRIFT. J. GREER. REVOLUTION IN IRELAND. VANDEGRIFT & GREER, GENERAL DEALERS IN ALL KINDS OF GROCERIES, AT 'THE CHEQUERED STORE, OPPOSITE THE PALMER house, Indianapolis, Indiana, HAVE just received and opened an extensive Stock of Groceries, comprising every article usually lound in Grocery stores, which will be sold at the lowest prices, for cash or country produce. Particular attention has been paid in the selection of the stock, and the best articles purchased. The public are invited to an examination of their price and quality. 5
J. W. LOCKHART, MERCHANT TAILOR, MANUFACTURES, and keeps constantly on hand, a large assortment of ready made Clothing, Cloths, Cassimeres, Vestings, etc., for sale at low prices for cash. Shop on Washington st.., two doors west of the Palmer House, and immediately opposite Buist's Iron store. 5 TO MERCHANTS. Wholesale Dry Goods House, L. B. WILLIAMSON, WOULD respectfully inform the merchants of the vicinity, that he has established a house at Indianapolis, for the purpose of selling goods at wholesale, and at wholesale only; and pledges himself to sell as low as they can be bought west of the mountains. His stock will consist of well assorted fancy and staple dry goods, such as he trusts will be suitable to the market. His stock of Prints is large and well selected, embracing every variety of style and pattern. Those wishing to purchase, are solicited to call and examine tor themselves. L. B. WILLIAMSON, Washington street, nearly opposite the Branch Bank, at Walpole's o d stand. Indianapolis, Sept. 22, 1848 5 ALMANACS! ALMANACS! ALMANACS!— DR. D JAYNE would hereby inform the public that he publishes annually for gratuilous distribution, by himself and all his Agents, an Almanac called Jayne’s Medical Almanac, AND GUIDE TO HEALTH. The calculations for this Almanac are made with great care and accuracy, and for five different latitudes and Longitudes, so as to make them equally useful as a Calendar in every part of the U. States and British North America. They are printed on good paper, and with handsome new type, and are neatly bound, and besides being the neatest and most accurate Calendar printed in the United States, they contain a large amount of valuable information, saited to the wants of all, and of that kind, too, which cannot be found in books. HIS CATALOGUE OE DISEASES, with remarks and directions for their removal is really invaluable, and makes them welcome visitors in every house they enter. Every family should possess at least one of these Annuals. His Almanac for 1849 is now ready for distribution, of which he designs to publish at least Two Millions, and in order that every family in the United States and British America may be furnished with a copy, he hereby invites MERCHANTS AND STOREKEEPERS to forward their orders to him as early as possible and they shall be supplied GRATUITOUSLY with as many copies as they may deem necessary to supply their various customers. They are also invited at the same time, to send a copy of their “ BUSINESS CARD,” which will be printed and placed on the cover of the Almanacs sent them, also without charge. They are also requested to give all necessary directions how the Almanacs should be forwarded to them. By law they cannot be sent by mail unless the postage is first paid on them here. Orders (post-paid) directed to DR. D. JAYNE, Philadelphia, will meet with prompt attention. FAMILIES can obtain these ALMANACS Gratis of D. CRAIGHEAD, and TOMLINSON BROTHERS, Sign of the Golden Mortar, Indianapolis, Ind., And all who are Agents for the sale of Dr. Jayne’s Celebrated Family Medicines. 4 DENTISTRY. P. G. C. HUNT offers his professional services to . this community; his office is at the late residence of his brother, where the public can rely on having whole or partial sets of teeth inserted, or any operation in Dentristry satisfactorily performed. We, the undersigned, take pleasure in recommending P. G. C. Hunt to the patronage of the community, considering him well skilled in the science of Dentristy, as we have known him to have been under the instruction of his brother, D. P Hunt, (deceased,) for a long time, and from our personal inspection of his work, we believe he will render satisfaction to those who may employ him. CHARLES PARRY, M. D. J. L. MOTHERSHEAD, M. D. Indianapolis. Sept. 1818. 4 DAVID CRAIGHEAD, WHOLESALE AND RETAIL DEALER IN Drugs, Medicines, Paints, Oils, Varnishes, Dye Stuffs, Glass Ware, Window Glass, Putty, White Lead, &c., Indianapolis, Indiana. N. B.—Particular attention given to filling prescriptions, and compounding medicines.
BLACKSMITH’S TOOLS. JUST received at GRAYDON’S, Sign of the Saw, a full assortment of Bellows, English Anvils, Solid Box and Common Vices, Screw Plates, Sledges, and Hammers, &c. 3 HARDWARE AND CUTLERY. JUST received, an axtensive assortment of hardware and Cutlery, expressly selected for this market. The undersigned have also the agency for the sale of Medearis and Martin’s celebrated patent PLATFORM SCALES, Weighing from 600 to 20,000 lbs., all of which are warranted correct. They are expected daily, and will be sold at factory prices, freight added. Persons in want of articles in our line are respectfully requested to call and examine them, and our prices, TERMS—Cash or approved produce. KELLOGG & DAVIDSON, 4 Sign of the Big Padlock.