Free Soil Banner, Indianapolis, Marion County, 22 September 1848 — Page 2

FREE SOIL BANNER.

FOR PRESIDENT, MARTIN VAN BUREN OF NEW YORK.

FOR VICE PRESIDENT. CHARLES F. ADAMS, of Massachusetts.

Senatorial Electors.

HENRY L ELLSWORTH, of Tippecanoe Co JOHN H. BRADLEY, of Bartholomew Co.

CONTINGENT SENATORIAL ELECTORS.

E. Deming, of Tippecanoe Co. S. S. Harding, of Ripley Co.

Robert Dale Owen’s Speech. On Tuesday of last week, we heard a speech from this gentleman, at a meeting of the Democracy of this city. Mr. Owen is plausible in his arguments, and is an effective speaker. Much as we differ with him in many of his positions, wo cannot but admire his ingenuity, and the apparent fairness with which he presented the position of parties and their candidates, He spoke of Taylor and Cass as honorable, high-minded men. Mr. Van Buren, he said, was a man he had always respected, and thought his present course dictated by honest but misguided motive. We record this as being different from the usual course of stump orators, and creditable alike to the head and heart of the speaker. Mr. Owen considered the old issues between the Whig and Democratic parties, as matters now settled, and about which there could at this time be no further quarrel,.He took up a considerable portion of time in vindicating the position of the Democratic party on the war, and the annexation of Texas. The position of Gen. Taylor in reference to the Indiana volunteers, was then subjected to a full investigation, and the documentary evidence to sustain the charge of injustice produced. Mr. Owen went into a very lengthy legal argument to show that slavery was an institution created by operation of law alone,

District Electors. 1st Dist.—Nathan Little,

John R. Cravens, of Jefferson Co. James H. Cravens, of Ripley Co.

Geo. W. Julian, of Wayne Co. Ovid Butler, of Marion.

Milton Short, of Lawrence Co.

Albert G. Coffin, of Parke Co.

Samuel A. Huff, of Tippecanoe Co. Joseph L. Jernegan, of St. Joseph, Co.

2d 3d

4th 5th 6th 7th 8th 9th

''

CONTINGENT DISTRICT ELECTORS. 2d District—John Brazzleton.

3d 5th 6th 7th 9th 10th

John P. Milliken. J. H. Jordan. E. J. Sumner. Abiathur Crane. John U. Pettit. Daniel Worth.

State Central Committee. 1st Dist.—0. Shelman. 2d “ R. E. Stratton. 3d “ John P. Millikin. 4th “ R. Vaile. 5th “ Calvin Fletcher, A. A. Ackley, B. S. Noble, J. H.. Jordan, James Sulgkovk, Philip Sponable. 6th “ W. Judah. 7th “ L. Jessup. 8th “ J. B. McFarland. 9th “ R. Faber.

Free Soil Platform. No more Slave Territory No interference with Slavery in States where it

now exists.

Cheap Postage for the people.

Retrenchment of the expenses of Government. Abolition of all unnecessary oflices and Salaries. The election of all Civil Officers of the Government, so far as practicable, by the people. Provision by the Government for all such River and Harbor improvements as are required for the safety and convenience of Commerce, with Foreign

Nations or among the several States.

Free grant, to actual settlers, of the Public Lands,

in limited quantities.

which we of the North are all willing to

admit.

According to Mr. Owen, the argument in favor of the position of Gen. Cass stands thus: He is pledged to veto any bill either for or against the extension of slavery, from the fact that he supposes such legislation to be unconstitutional. If Congress should pass a bill extending slavery, it would not. meet his sanction, while on the other hand, all is perfectly safe from the fact that the territory is now free, and must so remain until the contrary is established by positive legal enactment.— Therefore the Wilmot Proviso is a humbug, it only prohibiting a thing already prohibited. That where a slave is taken into a territory, he instantly becomes free by virtue of the law. This is the substance of the argument; will it meet the end proposed, and prevent slavery from attaching: to the territories? It is well known that a difference of opinion prevails in the North and South relative to the constitutional power of Congress. The South contend that under that instrument they have a right to emigrate to any part of our new domain, and to carry with them and hold there, their slaves. The whole Congressional delegation from the South, able statesmen and some of them distinguished jurists, state this as their right, and believe it the law of the land. Will

or prngrussive, itsairvotmt will be the same. Ihere- j tached to our Country, Simply because he jection of ihia.estrielion will not add one to theclass . , of servitude, nor will its adoption give freedom to a would let the people do as they pleased

rSS “bout .he malter. To prove this, his Ali-

eo Gras compression, with less abundance ol the son letter was referred to. This position necessaries of life, is an evil, to far will that evil be . . r , rp mitigated by transporting slaves to a new country , we Will briefly review. 1st. Is Gen. i ay-

aml giving them n larger space to occupy.” The rejection of the restriction contained in the Wilmot Proviso, will cause the same numbers to spread over greater ter-

; lor, taking that letter as our guide, opposed I to the veto power, or its use ? He evidently considers the veto as a necessary power. Fie pronounces it a high conser-

rilory, says Mr. Cass. The rejection of vative poweiS that is , a power to preserve the restriction will cause slavery to re- thc p( , 0(> , e from theil . own action, and bemain where it is, says Mr. Owen. W hen j ]j ev ; n g this, he thinks it should he used in such doctors disagree, whose Version shall > certain cases . H c declares that it should we take. We think that the very fact of. not be used except in eases of clear violasuch disagreement, a sufficient ground (or | tj 0 D of the constitution, or hasty legislation, having the matter settled by positive on- Th(> inference is that it should be used in actment ol Congress. t | ie oases pointed out by his exceptions. It is strange that in a speech of three But what is hasty legislation ? What fixed hours length, Mr. Owen should have on- laws have we for determining? Congress tirely forgotten to state this difference of i, as created some rules on that subject.— opinion, or to give us one word in relation They have declared that no bill shall he to the “diffusion” doctrines of his candidate, passed until read three diflerent times and

on different days, and this and other regui lations have been adopted for the purpose

The public presses of both the old par- of prevcnting hasty legislation. But ( Jen.

ties are persuing a most traitorous policy toward the people of Indiana. Instead of sounding the alarm awakening public at-

Taylor assumes it to be the right of the executive, to say independent of these rules, how fast or how slow Congress shall

tention to thc proceedings of the Slaveoc- pl . oceed i n their legislative deliberations.

Revenue Tariff sufficient to defray the expenses

of Government, and pay annual instalments, togeth-/ they not thus believing, emigrate to New er with the interest on the National debt.

Mexico and other portions and carry with them their slaves and thus establish sla-. very there, notwithstanding the declarations of the North that they have no right to do so? Slavery would most certainly he introduced into those portions contiguous to slaveholding States, and once introduced, owing to the repugnance of Northern men to interfere with vested rights, the evil will be fixed beyond a remedy. The very fact that there is a wide difference of opinion in the two great portions of our country, in relation to the legal rights of the slaveholder, is a powerful reason for the passage of a bill, declaring what the law is and shall be; once pass such a bill, and the question from that moment is settled beyond a controversy. It is the settlement of the question that the South fights against. All that such men as Calhoun, Butler, and Berrien contend for, is to let things remain as they are.— That is all that the Southern slaveholders wish, in order to secure the extension of their pecular institution. They know that, if they once carry their slaves into the territories, and hold them there for some time, that then in the event of the North attempting to prevent the continuation of the evil, they could cry out that we were depriving them of rights that have been acquiesced in, and they would with great force bring up the fact that Congress refused to declare what the law was, as an argument to prove the position. But, says Mr. Owen, if a slave is taken into the territory he instantly becomes free. How ? By virtue of the law of the land. But there are two parties. The master says you are my slave. Who is to inform the ignorant degraded negro that the dicta of his master is not correct ? What is the position in which he is situated ? He has in the first place to become informed of the fact that his removal has made him a free man, and this when his master makes use of every means to prevent him. He must then employ counsel to litigate the matter for him before a court, the judges of which probably hold slaves in the same way that his master claims him—he has no property by means of which he can pay for legal assistance, ho cannot even go to seek it without his masters permission, he cannot attend to the suit because his master claims his time and services. If he overcomes these difficulties and obtains a hearing, the probability is that the judgment would be against him, for we may very naturally suppose that from Cass’s

FREE SOIL MASS MEETINGS. The public are informed that arrangements are made to hold Free Soil Meetings at the following times and places :— APPOINTMENTS FOR SEPTEMBER.

On the 25th at Lima.

On the 27th at South Bend. On the 29th at Logansport.

On the 30th at Lafayette.

APPOINTMENTS FOR OCTOBER.

On the 3d at Terre Haute. On the 5th at Princeton. On the 6th at Evansville.

On the 9th at New Albany. On the 10th at Jeffersonville.

On the 11th at Madison. On the 12th at Columbus.

On the 14th at Bloomington. On the 16th at Greencastle. On the 18th at Crawfordsville.

On the 19th at Frankfort. On the 20th at Lebanon.

On the 21st at Noblesville.

On the23d at Greenfield.

On the 24th at Knightstown.

On the 25th at Rushville.

On the 26th at Shelbyville.

On the 27th at Edinburgh. On the 28th at Franklin.

On the30th at Mariinsviile.

On the 31st at Danville.

On the 1st of November at Indianapolis. (Speaking to commence, on each day, pre-

cisely at 1 o'clock P. M.)

All persons, without regard to parties, are invited to attend. The Free Soil Electors, and other gentlemen, will address the public, at the times and places above specified, on the principles of the

Free Democracy. Calvin Fletcher,

Chairman of Central Committee.

Friday, September 22, 1848.

We call the attention of our readers to the advertisement of Messrs. Beck and Tully. We are glad to hear that their beautiful hats and caps go off with a rush.

We publish to-day a condensed account of the great Clay meeting in New

York city.

The smothered indignation of the masses at the suicidal course of the Philadelphia Mob is beginning to be seen. What will be the result?

A pamphlet containing the decisions of our Supreme Court, reported by H. C. Newcombe, Esqr., is upon our table. The members of the bar have long felt the want of such a work in advance of Blackford’s regular Reports. We hope Mr. Newcombe will meet with sufficient encouragement to induce him to continue the

reports at terms hereafter.

General Taylor’s opinions appear harder to find than were the Seminoles in the everglades of Florida. What says our Rough and Ready Club to sending a few of the hounds to hunt them up.

racy of the South, they are singing a song calculated to lull the people to a repose,

at once dangerous and impolitic. Indeed, thousands in the North have al-

ready gone to sleep in imaginary security. Never was inactivity on their part more inoportune. While they arc quietly chatling over thc news of their neighborhood, the slavery extensionists in the South are putting forth the most desperate exertions to secure to themselves the broad, fertile valleys of our new territories. That we may not be considered as alarmists, we publish the remarks on the resolutions adopted at a new Democratic Taylor meeting, held at Charleston, S. C., given by the

Charleston News:

“The preamble and resolutions throughout, bronilic the proper spirit. They adopt thc vieivs nf Mr. Calhoun, and carry them out with decided strength. Recognizing the vital principle, dial which is esscniiul to our Union, and witlioui which it cannot exist, thai “.Southern men must feel a stronger affinity to each oilier, than to thc citizens of the non-slaveholding States, no matter to which party they may belong.” These resolutions strongly urge the necessity of unvm at the Sin III for the rake nf the South. ON THIS GROUND DO TIILY URGE T11F, NOMINATION OF GEN. TAYLOR. “Thu Norih has selected its man, (Van Buren,) and with no other man will that portion of the Union he satisfied, unless ho comes from the North. Wo of the South, if indeed we love the South, must go fir the man. of the South. Let •those who denounce us as Whigs, because we support Gi n. Taylor, denounce Mr. Calhoun who y3=-has fraternized with Mr. Berrien, and Mr. I hitler, who lias fraternized with Mr. Manoiim. Wo have no douht that the preamble and resolutions, when published, will exhilnl the adcoratis of Cm. Tuytor in that light which reveals their I rue position. They go fur the South, Did FOR GEN. TAYLOR, BECAUSE HE IS THE MAN OF THE SOUTH.” The same paper describes the meeting at which the resolutions above spoken were passed, as “large and enthusiastic.” With such evidence of a Southern movement, and extreme ultra Southern feeling, how can the North throw away the power which their majority give them,

upon Cass or Taylor ?

n letter to the Central Committee Lewis Beecher asks the withdrawal of his name from the Free Soil Electoral ticket. Mr. Beecher states that the Convention was misinformed as to position he occupied, ns he always expressed himself favorable to the Baltimore nominees. The vacancy will be filled and announced next

week.

{£7 The present “Free Boil'’ organization originated with the old corrupt Albany Regency. Whigs, beware! There can nothing good come out of any thing having paternity there! Journal. This is not thc first time that corrupt leaders have found fault with “paternity.” Some of the same “stripe,” about 1800 years ago objecting to certain doctrines' and their teacher said, “nothing good cun come out of Nazareth.”

cringing servility to the South, he would /Gov. Letcher of Kentucky--His

appoint such men as judges for the ter- /Speech,

ritories, as would be pleasing to them /Some days ago this gentleman addressed and hold their peculiar views of Southern / the Whigs of this city. Like most other rights, who believe that the slaveholder/ speakers of the Old Hunker parties, he has the legal right under the Constitution /was fierce in his denunciations against the to hold the slave in the territories./ Free Soil candidate. The Governor could But says one Cass man, he could appeal/ not give Martin Van Buren credit for a if the judgment went against him. That/ single honest motive. When we hear such is a mistake. No case can be appealed to/ speeches, we always feel irresistably inthc Supreme Court of the United States,/ clind to doubt the nicety in morals of the unless the amount in controversy exceeds / orator. There is something about human two thousand dollars, and the negro him- / nature that leads men to form opinions of self is worth only half that amount. But / the motives of others, from the feelings suppose he had the right to appeal, who/ that under similar circumstances moves would go his security, pay his expenses,to/ their own minds. Hence we see truly Washington City, and his counsel fee?/ honorable men always willing to believe The more we look .at this matter the more /good action, until the contrary is shown, to we are satisfied that Gen. Cass is wrong,/ have proceeded from honest motive; while and the more fully convinced that no Free / others looking to the same index, come to Soil man who understands his position will/ directly opposite conclusions. Thecharge vote for him. We do not believe that /that Mr. Van Buren is prompted by impure Free Soil men will vote for a man holding/ motives to assume the position he now octhe same views as Calhoun, Butler and /cupies, is very easily made, and one we Foote, on the subject ol slavery. /care very little about. When men admit But again, Mr. Owen and Mr. Cass them- / that our position is right, and have in orselves differ in regard to what the effect/ der to find any fault to impugn the moof the non-interference would be. Mr./ tive that prompted to good deeds, we think

Owen declares that slavery could not be/ we are doing well.

introduced, while Mr. Cass holds that the / The Governor attempted to show that opposite will be the case. In his Nichol-/ Gen. Taylor, from the position he occupied son letter he says : /relative to the use of the veto power, was “But there is another important consideration, / just the man to insure the success of the

which ought not to be lost sight of in the investiga-

tion of this subject. Tho question that presents it- | Free Soil movement, and to prevent any self, is not a question of the increase but of the diffu- more slave territory from becoming at-

Truly we think there is great latitude given thc executive in this position. Do the Cassites claim more? Ask them.— Has ever so much been claimed by any of our Presidents? But again. It is stated in the letter that the General thinks that in matters of “domestic policy,” the will of the people should be respected, and from this, it is assumed by the Governor, that in any case fixing such policy he would not use the veto. To get a fair understanding of the letter it must be taken connectedly. The grand proposition is, that the veto should not be used except in certain events; the minor one, that the will of the people should be respected in matters of domestic policy. What is the common sense inference drawn? Certainly that on questions of “domestic policy,” the will of the people as expressed by their Representatives should prevail, except in such cases as are limited by the general proposition. This must be what is intended; for if Congress should pass a bill regulating some of the domestic relations of the country, which clearly violated the constitution, would Gen. Taylor sign it? Certainly not, for he swears to support the constitution, and so long as the veto power remains he must prevent the violation of that sacred instrument. He cannot sign it without violating his oath of office. We say then that the minor declaration was intended to be limited by the general proposition. The Governor assumes that Old Zack would not veto a bill preventing the extension of slavery into our new free territories, that being a matter of domestic policy. This is a mere assumption without any testimony going to show the truth of it. If a man is a member of a certain church, it is reasonable to suppose until the contrary is shown, that he believes the general doctrines of that church. Gen. Taylor is a Southern man and a slaveholder. Calhoun, Berrien, Mangum, and indeed all the Southern statesmen and lawyers, now hold that slaveholders have, a right to migrate to our new territories, and to carry with them their slave property—to hold them as slaves in those territories, and that Congress has no constitutional power to interpose an interdict. Is it not reasonable to suppose, in the absence of all proof to the contrary, that Gen. Taylor holds the Southern doctrine ? We think this the conclusion that every reasonable man would come to. Can we suppose then, that he would sign a bill preventing his friends and himself, from doing what he thinks they have a

right to do, and which he supposed Con-/ For the Banner. gress had no constitutional power to prevent?/ Democratic Review and Free We guess not. Where is there then, any/ Soil. safety for true Free Soil men, in adopting /The August number of the Democratic the advice of the Governor and elevating /Review contains a political “leader” aimthe old veteran to the Chief Magistracy, /ed at the Free Soil movement, but entiWe are unable to find it, after looking /tled “The Liberty Party.” As it is the calmly at the whole ground, and are forced/leading Journal of .the Democracy, it is to the conclusion that the Governor’s ar- /to be inferred that this article contains the gument in favor of Free Soil and Taylor,/ great arguments, facts, and doctrines,was an arrant political humbug. /from which, at least, the politicians of one

party will peddle till November.

Queries for Consideration. The writer sets out with the statement First.—If the Ordinance of 1787 con- /that ninety-nine of every hundred men in secrated the North-western territory to /the Union are anxious to get clear of slafreedom, and prevented slavery from be-/ very ; and proposes, as a plan to accoming fastened on it, what would be the effect / plish this, the extension gf slavery into of a similar ordinance in reference to our /the new territories ; thus, to drain theoldnewly acquired territories? er States of their stock of slaves graduSecond.—If the Wilmot Proviso is, (as/ ally, many assort,) a thing that can have no The writer takes for granted that the force and only declares what the law now / institution is only temporary, and that it is, why do Southern slavery extentionists / must, if permitted, follow tho new and oppose it so vehemently, and threaten to / fertile lands of the Southwest. To prove resist its provisions with force ?/ this, it is shown by statistics that the price Third. lf it is injustice to prevent/ of cotton has been, since 1816, growing slaveholders from emigrating to the terri- / less, and that the planters have only been tories now free, and carrying with them | saved from utter ruin by removal into the their slaves, was it. not equally unjust to new States of Alabama, Mississippi and prevent them from doing so in the North-/ Louisiana,—it is taken for granted that western territory, and why is it that this they only are capable of producing this objection is now raised for the first time, /staple and sugar. In a word : Slavery is Fourth. If the nature of the country/ only temporary : wo will do away with it in our territories prevents slave labor from /by removal; while labor will step into its being used, why are the owners of slaves | tracks, and thus State after State will anxious to have it made slave territory ? /shake off the curse so loathsome to them.

This is indeed a beautiful theory. To

Martin Van Buren is at this moment/ see the bondsman and his owner, and all being fully maligned by every Hunker / this train of evils, marching slowly, surepress in the State, He a Southern man ! /ly, and forever, to the Southwest in search Let the recollection of the people go back/ of the El Dorado of cotton and sugar. It to 1844, and they cannot but remember,/ is well the writer slopped here; for, in that it was on account of the effect of his/ his triumphal career, lie would, in the anti-annexation letter he was beaten by /course of a few years, have marched this Mr. Polk, for the Democratic nomination./ grand army of blacks and whites into the That letter roused all the malignancy of/ Pacific ocean—all the while increasing at the Southern spirit against him. The / the rate of 50,000 a year. This is the South required a man who would sanction/ only legitimate end of this argument.— annexation; as Mr. Van Buren stood side/ Slavery never can he temporary while by side and on the same platform with / there is land Southwest; so that to make Henry Clay on this subject, he was not/ it temporary, the friends of removal must

the proper tool for the execution of their design. Accordingly they waved their imperial hands, and he was hurled overboard by the servile slave-power propitiators, who met at Baltimore, as the delegated representatives of the free north.

lead their host, like Moses, into the sea. Let us look a moment at the process by which our writer says it has been extended, and must still be. The planter in the old States finding that, with his 50 or 100 negroes, he must break up, moves to the new land, borrows money to put his plan-

Mr. Delano is on the stump every day for Gen. /tation into a state of successful operation, Taylor.—State Journal of Sept. 7. The Knox County Times, a Whig pa / mortgages his land and his negroes, and per, giving an account of a Free Soil meet- /thus hopes to surmount his debts and enjoy ing held in that county on the 25th of/ease; but, how, says our our writer, does it

August, among other things says :

work? The enormous “sum of $200,-

Hon.C. Delano being called for, then took the /000,000 been sunk in the last ten stand and in an able speech again defined his posi-/ years.” Nearly all the slave States borrow-

tion which was he was resolved not to support

either Gen. Taylor or Gen Cass, but if he voted for /ed large sums ol money in London in 1831 either of the three candidates, it would be Martin ‘ , ... Van Buren. He further exhorted the people to keep/ and '32 when itwas very cheap : Alabama up the Free Soil organization and push it forward , $11,000,000, Louisiana $20,000,000, Mis-

with energy, as the only means of keeping the terri- . .

tories free. j sissippi $7,500,000, Arkansas $3,500,000, He is certainly on the “stump.” Will /Florida $3,900,000—total more than $50,the Journal inform us of the number of / 000,000. This money was raised on the

converts he makes per week for old Rough and Ready !

Mr. Carey, the celebrated temperance lecturer, in a speech at Xenia, Ohio, in favor of Gen. Taylor, said that he would rather vote for Henry Clay’s old boots than for either of the three candidates for the Presidency. From the appearance of things in New York at present, lie will have an opportunity of voting for them, legs and all. “A regard for Whig principles forbids the nomination of Gen. Taylor.”— Journal, April 1848. If they forbid his nomination, wonder what they have to say to his election !

sale of stocks in England, constituted Bank capital in these States; and was borrowed by the planters on mortgages of their homes and servants. “In Mississippi the Bank capital increased in the ten years, from $950,600 to $30,000,000,—nothing now remains but mortgages on lands and negroes, many of whom have long since gone Southwest." Such is thc origin of repudiation, bankruptcy, and commercial death of the richest portion of the Union. Such is the sure and terrible train of disasters which haunts, like an angel of wrath, the slaveholder, which he is now seeking to drag over the Valley of the Del Norte, beyond the Cordilleras, into the green nooks, fertile hillsides, and the

smiling valleys of California.

But even in the last ten years the number of slaves in the old States has increas-

ed, according to his own statement,

In 1830, there were In 1840, there were

Increase,

1,555,057 1,664,449

86,392

Taylor on the Reserve. Corwin is having a sorry time of it on the Reserve. Taylor drags hard in these diggins. It is like drawing a cat by the

tail.

The Taylor men in every county, anxious to make what show they can, still persist in announcing Delano as accom-

panying Corwin. At Akron, instead of / Increase in new States, exclu--Delano appearing, large handbills contain-/ sive of Kentucky,

ing Mr. D.'s anti-Taylor letter, were posted all around the speaking ground, to the great annoyance of Tom, and to the equally great amusement of the bolters. At Ravenna, the fun was more serious. The bolters had the thing cut and dried. When Walker, who proceeded Corwin, got through speaking, there was a universal yell for Delano! Thc chairman attempted to introduce Corwin, but it was no go.—The crowd were vociferous for Delano. “ But there is no Delano here,” says the chairman. “Yes, there is,” shouted the bolters; “ here is his name on the bills”—holding up a large handbill with Corwin and Delano’s names in glaring capitals. “ It’s a cheat,” says one.— “It’s all a cheat,” says another;—and then they began scattering through the crowd Delano’s letter denouncing Taylor. This created a “great commotion,” which lasted some minutes. At length Corwin was allowed to speak but with a sepulchral tone and cast of countenance, which told that he had got into the wrong country. His speech was a spiritless, halting, lame affair, unlike his former efforts, when conscience had something to do with his

sentiments. The best of the joke, how- no * • se *‘ . mus ' : drive hack this ever, was reserved, like good wine, for stream, which (lows only to fertilize, to the last. At the close of the speaking, j make glad the desert, to deck the mounthe laylor men brought forward their tain, to open its storehouses of opulence, resolutions, and thc van Buren men vo- t -.v ,i ’ , . .to sprinkle the land all over with the

ted them down. It is said that Corwin _ ! _

425,920

Which will make the total increase more than 50,000 a year. '['his, then, is the Gleet of removal; instead of a diminution, 86,000 more are swarming the ranks of life, clamoring for bread, and work, and freedom, at the doors of the slaveholder in the old States. His own statistics rise up and condemn his arguments; nearly a hundred thousand men rise up and give it the lie ; humanity and common sense spurn and spit upon it. Again : in shewing that white labor can co-exist with slave labor, it is said that 50 whiles emigrate to Texas to one black— thus the host of bondage is not the only one on the Southwest track. No! thanks to the enterprise of the hardy pioneer, he will shoulder his axe and carry thc blessings of honest industry, of free labor, of home virtues, anywhere and everywhere on the wide bosom of our continent, on which the foul foot of the slaveholder has

turned up his eyes in despair, like a dying calf.—Plaindealer.

channels of commerce, the seats of manufactures, and the temples of literature.