Free Soil Banner, Indianapolis, Marion County, 15 September 1848 — Page 4

Judge Allen’s Speech.

We give below an extract from this gentleman’s speech, delivered to his constituents on his return from the Philadelphia Convention. His name is sullicient to give weight to anything he may say. At home and abroad he is regarded as an able man, one of sound sense and unbending integrity. Most of us have belonged to the whig party. We have professed to be averse to the extension of slavery.— The question is not here whether we would eradicate it where it exists, but we have professed to be opposed to its extension, have we not ? [Several voices, yes, yes.] The members of the democratic party, when the first act of the drama was begun, commencing with the annexation of Texas and ending with the war with Mexico, were understood to be with us on this point. They changed their views, as we thought without principle. And we said so,did we not? Have I not said so,gentlemen, in this hall? Well, gentlemen, I did not eat my words in Philadelphia. Will you at the polls? [Many voices, No, No, No.] When 1 said that the whig party was dissolved, I but declared a fact. The undertakers rnay preserve the corpse for a little time, but it will soon be offensive to the smell and the sight, and must be removed from the sight of the people.— 1 have, and so have a majority of this assembly, believed that the whig party contended for principles which were valuable, and first of all that human slavery should not be extended—that we would go to our graves our consciences not reproving us with having, in our day, and generation, by any voluntary act, extended that evil further

than we found it.

But now the whig party have gone much farther than those they have condemned—much farther—with more guilt, because they have gone against principle maintained not for a year, but for years, and defended whenever they were attacked. They have been asserted with all solemnity in legislative resolutions,and everywhere in the view of God and man. Now, gentlemen, when the whig party went for Gen. Taylor, the representative of slavedom—of nothing else, abandoning their principles, sending forth to the country the name of Zachary Taylor and nothing else, then, gentlenen, I say the whig party became corrupted and debauched, and ruined, and all the Magdalene tears which may be shed, never can restore it to its purity, or give it a character before the people. You must seek some other banner than that of the old whig party. And in saying the old whig party, I do not mean to advocate a new whig partv, but that you will unite with the honest of all parties; that you will show by your acts, so far as you can show— that you will reject the candidate whom your delegates have dared to put before you, and that you reprove those, one and all, who have dared to

be accessory to it.

J suppose there are many in the Democratic party who believe that they have gone too far in yielding to the demands of the South. They are ready to unite with some other party, and stand upon some more worthy basis. They are ready to unite with us. We ask them to join with us. [A voice from the assembly, “We will.”] Yes, I doubt not many will. For one, I discard the old. I look forward to the new and the great principle of free soil and the non-extension of slavery [great cheering] as the principle overriding all others, which I wish to see emblazoned upon the flag under which we may hereafter enlist. Gentlemen, I suppose it will be said that a very small assembly were together here, and that there was certainly no enthusiasm. [A voice from the crowd, “there will be more next week.] No doubt of it, my friend. Yet our old blind leaders do not understand these things. They do not know that that there is an underswell beneath them, which will throw them off' their feet before they are aware of the agitation; they do not know that the feeling which pervades this assembly pervades the masses throughout Massachusetts. How should they, who are shouting for Taylor, see such a thing as that? The press does not inform them; and though there is this feeling of dissatisfaction throughout all Massachusetts, you will not see it in the newspapers. The newspapers in the cities are not owned by their editors generally. There was a paper in Lowell, one of the most valuable of the whig papers; you will all bear me witness to that. The editor refused to go for Taylor. What was the consequence? Why, gentlemen, his head was off in an instant. He was dismissed, and is without bread until the people give it to him. That veteran of the Boston Courier, sometimes capricious, ’tis true, but generally advocating free principles and Northern rights, refuses to go for Taylor. Leading friends of Taylor in Boston own his paper in part or wholly, and it was told me before the convention met what would be the result. I am told that he gives his valedictory next Monday. 1 feel sure it will be a manly one, and I hope the people will sustain him in the course he may take. Gentlemen, let some of our whig friends go to Boston; they will tell the people that there is no feeling in Worcester except for Taylor. Not a man

except that crazy one who went to Philadelphia opposes him. He meets a whig from Norfolk county, who in turn says they are all for Taylor in Norfolk county, and the papers will send the news to Ohio, and the Ohio papers respond. I told you that we should have a voice from Ohio. And so we shall, but the whig papers will not tell of it; and strange as it may seem, we are indebted to the democratic papers for the knowledge of facts. Understand me when 1 say we are indebted to them. It is right they should give us facts. Have not the people a right to see them, whether they are for or against one party or

the other?

There is one paper iu Boston — The Whig—which will tell you and the people what Massachusetts is doing, and what Ohio is doing, and I hope the Massachusetts Spy will also tell the people. [Continued round of applause.J I hope our friend of the Spy will see that there is something more than a “shower' coming; [applause] and I hope that his true interest is in boldly speaking out his principles, and let him be the organ here of what is most emphatically the People’s party—sprung from the people, sustained by the people— and he himself will be sustained also. But, gentlemen, organs we must have in the cities and in the country, and we cannot wait many days for them. We cannot wait and see our principles defamed and our men cut down without presses that will stand up and fearlessly vindicate the right,and receive communications without cutting off all that

is valuable in them.

The Editor knows 1 do not wish to hurt his paper, but to help it; and I wish him to look on the faces of these men, and to let him know that there are more of the same sort, and to let him see that the line of safety and the

line of duty is to coincide.

Gentlemen, let them tell you ns they please, that people are satisfied with Taylor, although there was a general expression of regret at his nomination; that the people of the free States have bowed their necks to the accursed yoke. Do not believe it. And when the people speak through their presses, they will tell you what they are doing, and what is to come of this movement. Massachusetts, it is said cannot act alone. I don’t say so. I would say, let Massachusetts act, even if she acts alone. Let us vote neither for Gen. Taylor nor Gen. Cass. If either be elected, let the resposibility be on those who have brought this mischief upon us. Let the whig party be disgraced, but let not us who have avowed sentiments from time to time as the sentiments of our hearts, be now disgraced in the act of putting our votes into the

ballot box.

Gentlemen, I say let her act. Let her act if she acts alone, and let others say which of the two evils shall be brought upon the country, the election of Cass or Taylor; but wash your

hands of it.

I have not been accustomed to regard Cass with favor. My political principles are opposed to his. And if I were to select from that party, certainly it would not he Gen. Cass. I have always believed that he would not administer the general government for the best interests of the country. But let me not be misunderstood; or what 1 fear the most—if I ought to have any fear—let me not be misrepresented. 1 have not one word to say in favor of the election of Gen. Cass. All, all is against it. In my judgment it would be agreat evil; but the friends of Taylor will exaggerate this matter; they will tell you, for the purpose of making you choose another evil, that Gen. Cass is ever eager for a war with England—always “smelling the blood of an Englishman.” They will tell you, notwithstanding our difficulties are all settled, that you willatonce be involved in a war with England. Gentlemen, I do not believe any such thing; and if the whigs had taken a true course, put up a man of the people, and trusted to the intelligence of the people to elect him, suppose the event to have happened and that the people had elected Cass—there would have been a large whig minority in the Congress of the Union, and you would have a vast portion of the strength of Gen. Cass also in opposition to the

war.

The South fear a war with England much more than we do. You remember how, when the Northeastern boundary was in dispute, and when the Oregon difficulty disturbed our relations with England, the South came forward with the North and insisted upon an amicable settlement. The South knows that in case of a war with Great Britain, she would strike the weak points first. Her numerous and powerful fleets would hover around the Southern coast, and hoisting the flag of emancipation, she would strike into the vitals of that portion of the country. Gen. Cass could not find support even in the democratic party, in a needless war with England. But if Massachusetts does act, and act aright, fear not the consequences which result not from acts of your own. Show a courage which will do more to keep the public men of Massachusetts in the line of duty hereafter than twenty elections would be worth. But, gentlemen, let me say she will not act alone. The Ohio Convention is now in session, called by three thousand voters. A Convention is to take

place in New York. One of the most / States, the country from the disgrace/ age of the government—high indepen- /slavery to the territory of the United popular delegates from Vermont-/with which it is threatned./States, and of course slavery cannotmont—with which it is threatened. | dence which exalts him above the man-/ States, and of slavery cannot Horace Everett—a delegate at large I said Conventions are being held.,/ agement of dishonest politicians—and /exist there, unless it be created by from that State—one of the Vice Pre--/ From Ohio there will be a general call, a profound admiration for the lessons /Congress or by territorial legislation sidents of the Convention, a statesman not for a Philadelphia Convention, but /of political wisdom taught in the early/ under the power of Congress. All the

known over New England, has writ-/ for a new Convention, to select candi-/ conduct of the early fathers of our

ten a letter, saying that he will not sustain the nomination of Gen. Taylor; and he speaks, I think, the voice of Vermont. Others from Connecticut say the same, and 1 know not the

free State of which 1 should dare state/ charge it as my belief at this moment that /protecting

Gen. Taylor will get its vote. This agitation is more extensive than

is supposed—more than was anticipated; and 1 did not expect when I came home to he sustained so completely as I have been. Yet I had confidence in the integrity of the people of my dis-

trict, and

should come

cheers.] But to be sustained at this moment, by this body, and by those at home, is ample compensation for all the obloquy 1 have encountered, and for all that shall be heaped upon my head. And, gentlemen, they who are true to the people in this matter— Presses and individuals—I think I have now evidence from all quarters, will

dates who are honest and capable men, for whom, with clear consciences, we can vote, and whom we may yet hope to elect. But that and all the interests of our country, while we dis-

our

our duty, we will

Providence.

leave to a

A nut for Free Soil Taylor Men. We give below some of the resolutions adopted at the great Carolina Democratic gathering at Charleston. 'I'he meeting ratified the nomination

I knew that at some time, I / of Gen. Taylor and Gen. Butler.— out right.[ Renewed /Read them, Taylor free soil men.

Resolved, That we regard the issue now made between the States of this Union, styling themselves the free States and the States in which the institution of domestic servitude exists, as paramount to all questions which can be presented. That the convention of delegates from fifteen sovereign States for the accomplishment of a

country, and which will guide him in the management of our interest, if committed to his care.—In addition to these we know him as one whose lot has been cast in that portion of the Union now decried and sought to be trodden down. His interests are our interests. We know that he must feel the lawless character of any attempt to interfere with our property directly or indirectly—we know that he must feel the senseless clamor that is raised to disturb our possession of that prop-

erly,

he sustained by the people.

I have a word to say to gentlemen from numerous other towns in the county, present at this meeting. 1 hope it may not continue to be so, but many of the young men of this city

who are accustomed to speak in polit /stern necessity that calls for our immeical meetings, are on the wrong side of/j diate , prompt and decided action.question .I hope that they will/ That in seeking one under whose lead

we shall look for the best guidance in our difficulties, we turn to him, who in the simplicity of his habits illustrates the equality of our privileges, and in his devotion to his country, teaches us the reverence due to the institutions developed by the revolution. That

purpose which is the first step toward /of our State makes to oar patriotism;

the question. 1 hope that they will soon be, and the elderly too, on the right side. And as they value their political safety, let them ground their arms, and with penitent submission to the spirit of Liberty, let them go forth and show by acts that their repentance is sincere. We have not young men accustomed to go out and address assemblies, to scatter the dust which will be attempted from time to time to be thrown in the eyes of the people.— But it is a good cause. It is a plain one. If I had a young friend just admitted to the Bar, an easier work I would not ask for him than to vindicate our cause against any array of

talent or experience.

Let your young men who speak in the Lyceums take up this matter. Let them not distrust their power, but discuss fearlessly the question of General Taylor’s fitness for the Presidency.— Let them look to Wilson. [Prolonged applause.] Let them see, that, with the will to do something which was worthy of an honest ambition, it was easy for a man accustomed to labor, and not to speak, to acquire the power of impressing the truth on the minds

of men.

the abolition of Slavery in the States, and consequently the ruin of the people in the loss of their property, and their degradation in this lawless violation of their rights, admonishes us of a

with such a leader, we may hope that the dangers which surround us may be happily averted. But if this hope is disappointed, we shall be best prepared to maintain our just rights, and the integrity of our whole country under his direction who has already announced to the enemies of his country that “Gen.

Taylor never surrenders.”

Resolved, That the DEMOCRACY OF CHARLESTON District now assembled, are satisfied with the tried integrity, undoubted firmness, and incorruptible patriotism of ZACHARY TAYLOR. That under his administration they feel assured that the rights of the States will be respected and preserved, and they cordially concur in that nomination of him for the Presidency of this Union, which has been made by the people of the United States irrespective of parties, and in-

power there is in the nation to legislate for the territories, is vested in Congress; the Lirritories cannot, through their local legislatures, establish slavery, or enact any law contrary to the will of Congress, as is clear from the following

clause in the Constitution.

Art. IV. Sec. .}. “ Congress shall have power to dispose ot, and make all needful rules and regulalions respecting the territory of the United States.” It is not my object, at this point, to infer from this clause, the specific power to interdict slavery in the territory; this belongs to another argument; 1 now claim for Congress the general power ol all legitimate legislation by vrtue of this clause, to the exclusion oi all other jurisdiction and every other law-making power. The power “ to make all needful rules and regulations,” must of necessity exclude every other power to make such needful rules and regularions, so that in Congress must be vested the power of exclusive jurisdiction and legislation over the territory of the United .Stales. From this the conchision is irreskible, that if Congress has not the Constitutional power to legislate concerning slavery in the territories, there is no such power in the nation, and slavery per consequence can never obtain a legal existence in theterritorcs. As thelirstand exclusive light to ‘make all needful rulesand regulations respecting the terrirory of the United States,” is vested in Congress, the territorial legislatures can have no power to make laws, only so Jar as that power is conferred upon them by Congress, and as Congress eonnot confer on the territorial legislatures, a power which itdocs not itself possess, it follows that if Congress has not the power to legislate on the subject of slavery in the territories, the local legislatures cannot have

upon p0Wer lo le o islate on that subject, as

which slaveholders can rely with any h , ave n r °, P ower onl 1 >' “'ey

^ deiive Irom Congress, and they cannot

• - - I

violating the law either of|

God or man. We know that in this great, paramount and leading question of the rights of the South, he is of us, he is with us, and he is for us. We know, that now to hesitate, to falter in our support of one, so closely connected with ns in spirit and interest— so honest in his opinions—so just in his character—so independent in his conduct—would be wilfully to he heedless of the appeal which the position

and unmindful of the high political necessity which now so strongly urges us to rise superior to the trammel ol the mere name of a party—a party declining openly to defend the great principle of equality among the States, so essential to our well being—and bv a firm and independent course of conduct, strike home a blow in defence of the RIGHTS OF THE SOUTH, the purity of the Constitution and the

perpetuation of the Union.”

From the N. Y. Globe. Free Soil vs. Slavery Extension —The Slavery Propagandists overthrown by their own Argu-

ment.

There is but one argument

Let them take this opportu-/ dependent of politicians.

nity, and let them send our young men/ {em i vei T h at the Democracy back with deleat, when they go to /

preach their nauseous doctrine into the ears of the people of Worcester county—let them meet them, and refute them, and send them back ashamed of their work. When the fathers go, to whom is given the charge of Worece ter county, will endeavor to be there,

or to

of

Charleston District assembled, have ever been, and are prepared to maintain the great cardinal principles of the Democratic party, whenever the same are attacked or exposed to danger. That they feel themselves competent to judge for themselves when these great principles are attacked, and will

, ^ follow them, [great shouting and /then be prepared, as thev ever have

to act in their support, in that

that they do not wait until too near the election, so that there shall he no

opportunity to reply.

I had intended to meet somewhat at length the only argument except to beat Cass, which is urged in favor of Gen. Taylor. It is said he is an hon-

mode which they shall deem most consistent with their obligations to their State and country. That they do not consider these principles are now attacked, or exposed to danger; and they feel under no obligations to support as the nominee of an irresponsible body

est man .and will have a good Cabinet./ styling itself the Democratic canidate, that Webster will be Secretary of /one whose opinions, on a subject to State. In Connecticut it is somebody /them of paramount importance, has else. In New York it is another, and / been marked by singular vascillation; so on through the country. I know /and whose support of some of the lead-

it.. I was about to read the argument

from the Worcester AEgis of this day. But it is too late to delay long upon

this or any other topic.

The questions which the fathers were accustomed to put, respecting the qualifications of a candidate, were: “Is he

ing doctrines of ihe Democratic creed, may he considered more than doubtful. Resolved, That the name of Wm. O. Butler is recommended to us, by the honest discharge of his duty when in the Congress of the United States, and

ifications of a candidate were: ''Is he /we rejoice in the opportunity which honest ?''Is he CAPABLE ?'' The Consti/-; he h,s so recently enjoyed, and imtution itself presupposes that the Pre-/

so

proved, of

illustrating

the

sident will always be a man well ac-/of our institutions, so readilv convertquainted with the political interests of/ing the citizen who is prominent in the the country Among the many import-/ halls of peace, into the soldier distin-

ant duties which are devolved upon him

apparent confidence, and that is a supposed want of constitutional power on the part of Congress to interlere. It is true that they contend that slavery is right, but this is more in reply to our attacks upon its moral character, than as a reason why it should be allowed to exist in the new territory. No one will contend that it is right in the sense of a moral duty, but only in the sense of its not being wrong or positively sinful. When slavery is said to be right, all that can be meant is that it is indifferent, that men are at liberty to practice it, or not practice it, as they see fit, and that Government is at liberty to establish it or abolish it, as shall he judged most for the general good. This view shows that slaveholders can not rely upon the argument by which they attempt to prove that slavery is right, for admitting it to be right in the above sense, Government may see fit to prohibit it in tbe territory, as a matter of policy, because it is believed to be less profitable than free labor. There is then no security to the slavery propagandists in their position that slavery is right, that is, not sinful, so long as it is admitted that Congress has power to exclude it from the national domain, and they are compelled to fall back upon the constitutional argument. Cass, Calhoun, and all others who have taken the southern view of the subject, insist that Congress has no constitutional power to exclude slavery from the territory recently acquired of Mexico. This is their strong hold, and if they fail here, there whole cause will be lost, and yet the very position they assume. if true, must defeat the very end they aim to secure by it. I will now come directly to the argument, which is as follows: To deny that Congress has power to prohibit slavery in the national domain, is to deny that Congress has power to establish it. The power to establish slavery, necessarily

excellence /includes the power to prohibit it; hence,

derive a power from Congress which Congress does not itself possess. It is certain then that if Congress cannot give to slavery a legal existence in the territories of the United States, there is no power that can, and the concluis that it can never have a legal

practical view will lead to

ant duties which are devolved upon him by the Constitation, is the following:

guished in integrity,

That his

when Cass, Calhoun and others, deny that Congress has power to prohibit slavery in the territories of the United States, they also deny that Congress

the fields of war. - .

. T „ tl . .. . t i.iicg.iij, consistency and firmness.! has P owei ' t0 ®^ ab ! ,sh slav fy ,n those ''He,'' not his cabinet, parlor, or kitch-/ qualify him for tbe high position of! / territories.This is so obvious that en, but ‘'he shall, from time to time,/Vice President of these United States, /they deny directly that Congress can

ge our cordial

sup-

give to the Congress information of the / and to him we pledge State ot the Union, and recommend to/ port.

their consideration such measures as /Resolved, That a committee of fifteen he shall judge necessary and expedi-/ from each Ward, thirty from the Neck, ent.'' /and thirty from the District at large, be I need not say more to minds of any /appointed--to be styled ''The Demo-

intelligence than that this new principle, unknown to the fathers, emanates not from the Constitution of a Repub-

lic. It is born of MONARCHY itself. It is the principle which puts fools and babies on the throne. It is the principle which appoints Regencies for the incompetent, and declares that “the King can do no wrong.” What would you think of sending a ship to sea with a good crew and a landsman as master who had never seen

cratic Taylor Executive Committee,” who shall be charged with the general superintendence of all measures in their judgment necessary for the consummation of the purposes contemplated by

this meeting.

Resolved, That a committee of twen-ty-one be appointed to correspond with such portions of the State, and the United States, as may be proper for effecting a concert of action between

he friends of Gen.

a ship? Let me ask you, the mechan- /the United States and that the Commit-

tee be directed to confer in all matters

ics,

whom do you want for the head of your shop? Do you want a man who can instruct you, or a man who does not know when your work is done well or when it is not? Look at those companies whose business involves much labor and expenditure; corporations and companies have been mismanaged, and thereby have subjected their owners to loss. Has it not been owing to the want of a proper head? Apply, then, your common sense to this sophistry, and you will confound all the advocates of a bad cause. You will save yourselves and the State—and with the aid of others throughout the free

with the Committee appointed under the 7th Resolution. The following extract from the address issued by it is still more explicit: “We desire to elevate to the high office of President of the United States, a man who unites in his person those qualities of great decision without which the wisest councils are weak— deep devotion to his country, which lifts him far above the power of party, that controls only to corrupt—singular honesty, which will enable him with an even hand to distribute the patron-

establish slavery in the territories, to make their position stronger, that Con-

gress cannot prohibit it.

The next point in the argument, is, that there is no other power but Congress that can establish slavery in the national domain, and of course, if Congress cannot establish it, it cannot be established by law, while it remains territory of the United States. South Carolina can pass no law establishing slavery in New Mexico, or any other territory of the United States/ State laws are all limited to the States which enact them. They have no power- or influence beyond the limits of the State. No legal existence can therefore he given lo slavery in any territory, by any or all of the states, acting through their own local state legislatures. The slavery of South Carolina is limited to the state of South Carolina, nor is it within the power of Mr. Calhoun or Mr. Butler, to transfer their slavery to any locality beyond the limits of their own State, j’t will expire in attempting to pass over the line of the State.—The courts have decided over and over again, that if a slave is taken or goes with the consent of the master, beyond the jurisdiction of the State, and where the local law does not establish slavery, such slaves is ipse facto free. There is then no way in which South Carolina can transfer her

sion

existence.

A more

the same conclusion. Suppose Mr. Calhoun or Mr. Butler should take his fifty or three hundred slaves, and move into New Mexico or Californi. The moment they reach their new homes, they will all be found equally free in point of law.—South Carolina law will cease to act on them, and the slaves will cease to he slaves, and the master will cease to be master. Suppose these three hundred slaves say to Mr. Calhoun, “ we have served you long enough; you have brought us beyond the reach of the law that made us slavs —we are free;” by what means could he enforce his claim to their obedience and service? By none at all; he and his overseer could not hold three hundred men, nor fifty; and if he could, such enforcement of his authority would be lawless violence. Supposed he call on the civil authorities to protect him against the uprising of his slaves, they can have no legal power to interfere in his behalf. They can only enforce law between man and man, but they cannot enforce the law of South Carolina, but only such law as exists in the territory, and that law does not authorize one man to hold another as a slave. Moreover, as Mr. Calhoun denies that Congress has any power to legislate on the subject of slavery, neither Congress, nor any other Legislature deriving its power from Congress, can interfere for his protection against the uprising of his slaves. Thus is the slave propagandist overthrown by his own

ment.

I

argu-

will close my argument by a recap-

itulation of its points.

1. By denying that Congress has power to prohibit slavery in the territoriesof the United States, the slavery propagandist denies that Congress has power to establish it, or to give it legal

existence.

There is no power but Congress which can establish or give to slavery a legal existence in the territories of the United States: and hence, when Mr. Calhoun and others deny that Congress can do it, by denying the power of Congress to prohibit it, they deny that there is any power within the jurisdiction of the United States that can give slavery a legal existence in the national territories. The conclusion is irresistible that it can have no legal existence in the nat-

ion's domain.

L

UTHER LEE.

Defrees keeps up the cry of “abolition! abolition!” against the Free Soilers.— Poor, miserable, sap-headed creature!— ’tis the only argument he is capable of using, and although it is as false as his own cause is rotten, perhaps it is as well to let him alone. He is a mere tool at best, and his masters, we presume, claim the right to use him for such purposes as they see fit—and who so well qualified as they to judge of his fitness in so foul a business ?— Tippecanoe Journal. “To the points cited in your letter I do not feel myself at liberty to express my frank opinion.”—Gen. Taylor to Mr. Birkey, June 13, 1848. “I hold no opinion which I would not readily proclaim to my assembled countrymen. ’—Gen. Taylor to Capt, Allison, April 23, 1848.