Franklin Repository, Volume 3, Number 2, Brookville, Franklin County, 11 December 1827 — Page 3

heard and pro-perly appreciated by the reflecting and candid in every part o' the country. The very people whom his valour saved from the ravages of a foreign foe, and who have ever awardeJ to him all the honour and gratitude which that most briliant act his long life has ever achieved ; denounce him in the most decided language, in relation lathe high civil cilice to which he now aspires. Why is all this! Let it not be said that it is the fruit of ignorance of his real character and worth, and an instance of reprehensible ingratitude: for the people of Orleans are far better acquainted with Gen. Jackson in the exercise of authority, than any other people in the United States they know him well. Their knowledge has not been derived from foreign evidence, much less are their views of, and feelings towards him, the spurious offspring fvague report. They have seen the man they have witnessed the jealousy (or something worse) of his disposition the petulance and violence of his temper turbulance of his will, and his tenacity for its unlimited, unrestrained, and sovreign exercise, regardless of the constitution and laws of their country. They have felt the oppressive weight of his arm, while at the head of a military force, flushed with victory and under the control of his beck ; while at the same time they know not, nor doeg any one else know of any other claims which he can possibly lay in for the hih office of the presidency, but those of a military character: No wonder then that the citizens of Orleans, while they award to him the gratitude and honour due to him for defending their City, denounce him in reference to that ofike. And had the citizens of the Union generally, witnessed and felt the wme facts, however popular he might have been as a mere hero, he would have h xi no popularity in relation to the presidency. From all the accounts we have seen, and the whole weight of evidence on the subject, so far as it has as yet come before the public, it is clear that no

Legislative assembly, nor the citizens of , any place under heaven, were ever so libellously slandered, as were the Legislature of Louisiana, and the citizens of ; Orleans, by Gen Jackson; in relation to his military operations at that place and in Us vicinity. From the whole history of the business, and the evidence already before the public, we have been forced to the conclusion that when Gen. Jackson arrived at New Orleans, and ascertained his resources, means of defence, and the ground on which the defence was principally to be made; he laid his plans to raise his wn military fame, in case of success as high as possible; or m case of failure, to be able, plausibly Vo shift it off upon others by transfer' ring the blame from himself to the Legislature of Louisiana, and the citizens cf New Orleans. Knny man, after reading his charRes of "Treason' &x. urged against the Legislature and citizens, and their defence against those charges, made before the tribunal of the public, by Mr. Loualhcr and others, can draw any other conclusion, let him. We cannot: though we could sincerely wish, for the honour of the General to do so; for Mch a coarse savours of a meanness of d spes t on which we wish never lo b ; farced, even by fact and evidence, to scribe to any man, much less to a Maor General iu the Army of the Uuiied Sta'.es. Monday the third instaut, the Log "lureof this State commenced its ses (oaat Indianapolis. Sometime dating Ne ssssijn, and probably at an early day, ths important interests, the Wabasb Canal and the Raad from Like Michigan to the Ohio river (for the accomplishtneat f which, Congress at its last sessional such liberal appropriations of public 'ad) will come under the consideration of the Representatives of the people. And ethink,as it respects the road, that it most probable, Commissioner! will be ppoiuled to survey sod locate it But bat arrangements will be made as it reacts the dual, in its imperfect and unwished state of survey, it is difficult to urmhe: as a completion ot the surveys ou;d seem to be a prim try measure, "e have sufficient confide nee h nvever in ur legislature, to induce the belief, that 'ien the report of the Engineer shall Dlr3 OGfin rpm i VoI m nrniliirt annnnmi-

lod wise disposition will be made of

that most Important interest. Whatever that disposition mar be, and every other subject of general interest to the state, which may be ac'ed upon during the session, we sball take the earliest opportuuity to lay before onr readers; with such correspondence with our members, as may be deemed proper or expedient o submit to the consideration of tbe public. We bad prepared some remarks last week on the subject of tbe Administration meeting held at the court house io this town on tbe 2'Jtli ult.'; but had not room for tbe insertion. We would now remitk however, that the Committee appointed to draft tLe address, ably and handsomely acquitted themselvts. Tbe subjects embraced by them, are foun led in facts, aud stand too imrcediate'y on necfeed wi'h the honour, safety and best interests of the republic, not to be felt and deeply apprec atf d by an enlightened public. And we trust that the earnest solictations of tbe nieeiiiig both by itself and its committee, to our fellow citizens throughout tbe stale, to follow the example here set them, will, without tail be complied with. For while the oppositi b to the present Administration, which has so extensively fastered and promoted tbe best interests of the country, are using every effort to put it dowr, it becomes its friends to ciinte act those effar - a.d to concert the best measures for its support, which can only be done by concert of action, assiduity and v gilance. The first sesion of the Twentieth Congress commenced on Monday the 3d iiist. We calculate that the session will be stormy that every administration measure every measure tending to promote the best interests of the country, will meet with angry and protracted opposition. Of this, the last two sessions furnish a sufficient earnest. We trust however that the friends of the

administration will be -found at their posts firm in their ranks united in their exertions. If so, those measures cannot be totally defeated, though they may (some of them at least) from the nature of our government, be, for a time, procrastinated. We may possibly be mistaken in our prognoslick: for if the opposition party in Congress, are capable of being conscious of any thing, except their enmity to Messrs. Adams and Clay, and their favour iti-m f r Jackson; they mut be conscious that the violent course which they have heretofore taken in both branches of the national Legislature, has not only diminished the number of their own personal friends, but has rob ed their favourite of no small amount of his support; and especially in the western stites; for the people here reason thust they say, "If to promote the clec lion of Gen. Jack-on, it becomes necessary that his adherents in Congress should employ their talent, influence & every species of management to thwart those measures of the present administration, which go directly to promote our intciests and the interests of the country generally, we cannot go with them in supporting his election." Again, they say, that "This opposition to our best interests (internal improvements and the protection ofdomestio Manufactures by the general government, by the friends of Jackson in Congress, is too portentous of the character of his administration should he be elected: especially as he gives no satisfaction on the subject, though called on to do so for more than two yer.rs p rst. We therefore must and will desert him, and bupport the man and his administration whom we know will help us." This is the way our honest farmers talk; many ol whom were once Jackson men, but have now abandoned the General, and are ready to give their votes for Mr. Adams. They are told however by the heated parti zans of the General, that "there is no necessity for him to come out now and avow himself friendly to the American System, inasmuch as he did it by his votes in the Senate in 1824." But our farmers have seen so much electioneering trap, and so many electioneering games played off by candidates for office, that they are wide awake with a reply to this unfortunate "go by." They say that, "previous to his being a candidate for the Presidency, Jackson never was known to express in any Way, his friendship for internal Improvements or the protection of Domestic Manufactures. Ills own state (Tennessee) is op posed to the whole system, and has recently, by its Legislature, voted it down in toto that when he voted in tne senate, in 1821, for some fev cases of lntcrnal Improvement, &c, he went against every other member of the Ten nessee delegation," and they ask "why did he do so," and answer their own queslim as follows. "Jackson well knew that there was no hope of bring' ing over the Southern States to his support, that his only hope wasMarylind, Pennsylvania, New York and the Wes tern StatesStates deeply interested in Internal IniDrovcments and Domestic Manufactures; therefore, in hope of winning them over to his support, n1 mil ted them bv his votes in the Senate in 1824, and in Cct found some ot tliem but too coy to his ." , It is now

we think, too late for the name game to

be played over again, and however conscious his friends in Cohgress may be that they have injured liii cause by their former violence against the present administration and its best measures, they will so view the case; and instead of ret

rograding, will' advance to the attack I with the renewed viole; ceof desperation. We hope however for the honour of the government and the good of the country, we may be mistaken. Whatever ma) be the course pursued, we expect shortly to learn, and shall give it in faithful detail to our readers. Remarks on T. P. Moore s Address continned. As to the writings attributed to Mr. Adame, "over the signature of Publicola," (if his they are) we can say nothing definitely of their real character, having never seen them. But if they possess the character ascribed to them by Mr. Moore, the whole political life of Mr. Adams says that his mind never conceived, and that his pen never wrote them. For, we may safely defy the inveotive ingenuity of his most eagle-eyed, inveterate enemies, to adduce a single instance in his whole politic! career, in Which he has "manifested" the least "devotion to the principles of the British Government." And in charging him with it, insult is -again offered to those incorruptible republicans, patriots and fathers of the Republic, who, as we have heretofore repeatedly shown, have suffered the lash of the envenomed tongue of the calumniator, T. P. Moore, over the shoulders of the victim of his malice. John Q. . Adams. , But who will believe that Mr. Adams would ever have enjoyed the highest confidence of the incorruptible Republicans, Patriots and Statesmen, Jefferson, Madison and Monroe, had he "m mifested his devotion to the principles of the British Government," (as Moore savs he has done) "over the signature of Puhlicola?" The answer is, no man of the least reflection can believe it: hut will rather conclude that the "numbers' over that signature, do not "manifest devotion to the principles of the British Government," or if they do, that they were not written by Mr. Adams. But "his hatred to Mr. Jefferson m his dogrel (doggerel) Rhymes, originally published in a work styled American Anthology, and recently transplanted to the Library of the Congress of the United States, by the Library Committee of which Mr. Everet of Massachusetts is the Chairman." If "his hatred to Mr. Jefferson," existed only, "in his dogrel Rhymes," (and Mr. Moore's charge goes no farther) it could at any time be easily disposed of, as it could not have been skin deep, much less have had its seat in the heart, as it is evident Mr. Moore's has towards Mr. Adams, and that if o i f the most inveterate character. In proof of this no other evidence is necessary than, a reference lo his address; as it comprises mote bitter invective anJ calumny, than we have ever seen crowded into so narrow a compass, against any man. Aud we may add to this, the open and unqualified avowal of his etirniBut his "dogrel Rhymes," "mean worthless verses,'1 "were originally published in a work styled American Anthology:" that is "American collection of Poems." As we have never seen this work, we are not prepared to decide either on its character or merits, but are lead to conclude from i Is expressive i and assuming "style, that the collection has been made by some person or persons of learning judgment anl refined taste; who of course woulJ not select, as a part of such a Compilation, any thing "dogrel" 'i?ar., xmrthlcn. Beside; it is n.ot to be believed that such a wovk vf0ul J be "transplanted to the Librri rvr of the Congress of tbe United S'.ates, by the Library Committee, of which Mr. Everet of Massachusetts is the Chairman;" a gentleman, whose profound erudition and refined taste, have placed him in the chair of that committee. To suppose that under his sanction, any thing "mefln" and "roorfecM" has found its way into the Library of Congress, would be doing outrage to contnon sense. Whoever therefore, was the au'horofthe Rhymes referred to, they cannot be supposed to possess the character ascribed to them by Mr. M-ore. It is allot a piece however with the general tenor of bis address, walitiug both in truth and candour. What is more unlikely than that such a work should find its way into the Li brary of Congress under the eye and sanction of Mr. Everet, is, that Mr. Jef ferson should have admited to, and held in his confidence, (as he did Mr. Adams) a man whose enmity toward him had been openly avowed, and mhnfeslr:d-to the world in "dottrel Rhymes" "mean worthless verses" Such the world knows was not the course pursued by the sage of Montieelo while he presided over the destinies of the republic '

The reproach'ofof red b Mr. Moore j to Mr. Adams for being ll son of Jo in j Adams" the elder, and 1 al having i 1 bibed what he calls his mocirchkl prin- ' 1

ciples for having become, as he says, (but without the shadow of proof; a great adept in the etiquette of European Nobles for prescribing (his word only for it) a $700 laced coat and cocked hat, as the costume of our foreign ministers, deserve neither consideration nor reply; as matters of fact give the lie to the whole. For as lo the first, whatever may have been the potitical principles of Mr. Adams the elder, (and there is no proof that they were monarchial) John Q. Adams, the son, has, by a long series of distinguished public services, established hw character for republicanism, and an attachment to the-free institutions of the United States, upon a base not to be shaken by the violence of his ertjmies; not by words only, like the blustering demagogues of the day, while their acts give their words the lie, but by acts which stand recorded in the massive, imperishable volumes of the diplomatic history of the country. As to the second, the statement of Moore himself, (hat Mr. Adams is "a Book worm" and "a sloven" is a sufficient refut ttio i; for thaf'adeptnessmcti puettc, a book-worm and sloven" should meet in the same individual, would be a prodigy which we think the world has seldom seen. And as lo the lat, that a man, who, like Mr. Adams, is among the plainest in the country, and who io all his attendance as minister at foreign courts, never wore it himself, should now recommend a 700 Lccd coat, cocked hat, Sac, as the costume of our foreign ministers, requires a credulity to believe, which will not be found among men of reflection . But, "He has received from the Treasury of the United States near three hundred thousand dollars- He ha9 lived and grown rich upon the public Treasury." We know not whether eithei of these statements be true, yet we have no objections to admit that

they are s. For thirty years services, mostIyit foreign Countries, for "outfits, paries, expenses &c. &c" Mr. Adams has received, say, three huudred thousand dollars, or ten thousand dollars up on on average per year. Deduct from this, all the expenses of going to, and returning from, foreign, countries, and of gt ing from one foreign country to another on public business, and ,then from the balance deduct the necessary expenses of living and supporting a fa.nily in a foreign country, in that style which a mini-ter at a foreign court mir t do, not to appear mean and penurious; admitting economy to be used, and we will hazzard the assertion, that, conld nil those deductable items be correctly ascertained, it would be found not only that several'of our state executives, without encountering the dangers of the seas aod other inconveniences, enjoy a more saving income from their salaries and 'perquisite?, thanjMr.3Adams has averaged duriug the term of his services in foreign countries, but that the Mayoralty of the city of New York commands a better income. Many professional men in? the United States, of not half the eminence of Mr. Adams, have, in less than oce third of the time that he has served his country, amassed property by their professional services, to more than double the amount of all that he has ever received from the public Treasury including "outfits" and every other expense ordinary and cxtm, attending hie foreign missions. And, we cannot entertain a doubt that he is now comparatively poor in consequence of devQimg himself to the service of his country as he has done, to what he would have been, had he for the same time devoted himself to the practice of law, for which he is pre-eminently qualified. But if he has as Moore says, " .'ecome rich upon the Treasury of his country," it is owing to the regularity of his life, the steadiness of his habits, and a rigid domestic economy; circumstances which ought to endear him to the American people, and place him high in their confidence; especially at a time like this, when profusion and prodigality mark the course of but too many of our politicians and puhlic oiiicers. If there be any force or sense in Mr. Moore's objection to Mr. Adams' "becoming rich" by the pay he has received for his public services, it co;iists in one of the following considerations, as first, he either supposes that he who devotes his whole life to 6erve the public, should be kept poor by deficient pay, or secondly; if his pay be such that with economy, he can accumulate a competency iu thirty years) he is criminal. We are confident that the citizens of the United States, are not prepared to begger their puhlic servants, nor to withhold from them such wages or salaries, as will enable them by prudence and economy, to accumulate, during a long life of public service, something like the amount they would most probably have acquired by following the calling or profession they may have abandoned to serve their country; or at least a competency, to support them ir. the. decline of life:- Mr. Moore's g;ov;li:i to the coatrary nc'.withjtacdius.

We hare n'& ftias much . on this sub-

ject, because we know werl that "ihrre hundred thousand dollars-, carries with ii a mkuiu ueie in me west,, mux. especially that a man bhould live and become ric!i upon money received frorr the public Treast ry of hb cotu.try; bufe when the Citizens reflect, that adii.iiling; the fact (which is very doubtful of Mr. Adams) it has required thrrtv years faithful public service to effect it, at dl that many of them have become so, by following the ordinary avocations of lie, under the blessing and advantage secured to them by those services; Rlr Moore's mountain dwindles to a molehill, and instead of the envy he intei ded to produce by it against the object of his vindictive wrath, the perple are nfr only satisfied, but respect him the mora for his prudenee'vV economy, in husbanding the income fmni his services, tro as ,to have an unexpended balance leffifor future use and eijoyment, rather thaa, to have wasted, or worse man wasted it in extravigance and prodigality. "Much" of this enormous sum" say Moore "was paid to him in diieet violation f positive law." It should be recollected that tliia is hut the saying of T. P. Moore; which if true, he ought eilher to have cited the law of which it "was a direct violotioo," or at least referred to the page in the statute Book; that the public might ki ow where to find it. it would certainly have bee as much to his purpose to have dene so, as to refer to the Journals of the Senate for 1 803 45 -6 & 7, deigna!ing the very pages where he says Mr. Adams. votes against the interests of the w est l r l- i t i may db iouiki. dui as ne nan so many of Mr. Adams' damning sins to atteni to (poor man) the nunvKr ol the U jo'C and page where the liw in qtiesiiqi stands recorded miaht have escaped n memory, we therefore pardon the ne giect. But admitting the fact as he states it, why attack Mr. Adams, did he aud t an! pay his own account? "There is good reason to believe" says Moore "Mr Adams superintended in person the settle merit of this illegal and enormous account." Pray, and who should superintend the settlement of a man's own account? But hat does Mr. Mora mean by Mr. Adams' "superintending in peison?"' :c. Does he mean that he officiated as Auditor and Treasurer, and that President Monroe and the otier members of his cabinet stood by a the dumb and idle spocttors of such at outrageous usurpation, not only of the offices both of Auditor ai;d Treasurer, bU the sovereignty of the law itself? Either this must have been the case, of the account of Mr. Adams must have passed the ordeal of Auditorial inquisition in the u.-ual farm, before it could either have been sanctioned by the Ex eculiyeor paid at the Treasury. Iltha account therefore of Mr. Adams, wera "illegal," as asserted by Moore, Mr, Monroe and his cabinet generally, ara to be charged with the sin of paying it But ifsuch political and pecuniaiy s;i exist, why has. not this redoubtable expositor of law this immaculate renubhcan this champion guardian ot tho people's rights this public economist, taken legal and constitutional measure! to have the evil corrected? The reason is plain, either it was not half aa convenient for him to do so, as to lampoon Mr. Adams, or there was no illegality in admitting his claims and "account;" notwithstanding his say so lo the contrary; which must be viewed by every man of candour, as a vile calumny, uttered against Mr. Monroe and hi cabinet, with more farce and application than against Mr. Adams himself. The fact is, no "i urn" of money has been "paid to Mr. Adams in direct violation of a positive hiw. That "Mr. Adams was known to bcr " hostile to the tariff' that "he dt-obey-ed his instructions" at Gent that "he was the principal mover behind th screen of the almost fatal Missouri ques tion" that "he cordially ' hated 3r. Clay," we pronounce a base calumny. and as unworthy of notice as the etorvr of "bargain and sale" between th se two illustrious patriots; now that it ha been disproved, so far at least as negative evidence can disprove any thing; and the disgrace made to recoil upon the heads of their political enemies, by the testimony of their own witnesses. v(b be continued.) APPOINTMENTS BY THE PRES DENT. Georg B. Adam of Peansylvam', to be Consul of tbe United States for the port of Alicant, in Spaiu, in plca of Rol , ert Montgomery, removed to South merica. Albert Davy, of Pennsylvania, to b Cousol of tiie United States for the po of Kingston upou-Huil, in Great firitaiif,. in place of VVihiaui iavy. ueceascd. Samuel Israel, of peinsylyatua, tt be Consular Com.nerciai As;3t.t i.f Cm United States at C ape llayhcj .b tioe o" James E Brica, osceat.sd. V.riLi.iiu Couooii io b. Ciinfcular Comtaareii:! Agent &f :Le Cmed Sta.e it AuX Cuy;3, i tlase of JaGi X. IIjUIoo lacja-. seJ