Franklin Repository, Volume 3, Number 2, Brookville, Franklin County, 11 December 1827 — Page 1

pttJxfCL LT REPOSITORY.

PCBLISHED EVERT TUESDAY, BT. AUGUSTUS JOCELYN, pc5USHER Of THE L.AWS OT THE U.NITED O TATES. UtTEttlGEXC IS THK LIFE OF LltlERTV. flESDJY, DECEMBER 11, 1827. .V 3. Volume rr. TERMS OF THE REPOSITORY. TV dinars for fifty -two numbers, if paid in ad-ranee-fx tfty centi, if paid within the ve.ir. f'j-ee do&irt will be the price if payment be Slaved umil the year expires. sent br private post, an additional charge of Sftv cents will be made. Honsper will be Hincontinwd until aXarrraraVf .-ire paii, (this p trt of the terms will be Vr'ctlv adhered tt.) 4 figure to notify a discontinuance at the end of the term subscihed for, will in all cases be considered as a new e.iiremeit. Mtt kinds of produc will be taken in payment of subscription, if delivered within the Terms of advertising. 6QUUE or less, wdl be inserted three times for o ttoitia 25 cents lbr every gubseauent insertion; longer ones in proportion. 9Tht cash must accompany all advertisements, or they will be eo.iiuvied at the expense of ths adreriijer until ptid. CEX. HHRRISO.V'S Speech concluded This is a subject calculated, Mr. Chairman, to bring to my mind the most painful recollection?. What situation can be more distressing than that of a som mander who sees his nrmy daily diminishing hy disease, and that disease r-roJjced by the improvident conduct of the government which is serves. Sir, t;ie scenes to which I allude have been described in History by an eye witness of part of them. The address of the Commander of the amy to th cMzens to procure from them the blankets and woollen clothes which the public stores could not furuish, is to be found in the eld Journals of this city. Lt the writer of this memorial figure to himself a youth, (perhaps like himself) drawn to the army by the love of his country, encountering iu a cotton dress in the capacity of a sentinal, the rigors of a Canadian winter; let him suppose that lie leeshim in a few days without a blanket, stretched upon a bed of twigs, the ordy tomfort which his cammandr can provide for him, under the effects of a diseit. vrUii'i ts ;y ,,vtri: 'in I. r ?."!: CJ3i3tuice has produced; that he see?To infant weakness sunk the warrior's arm, The deep racking pang, the ghastly form. The lip pale quivering, and the beamless eye, No more with ardour bright.'' If the description, Sir, of the suXjrings f the British sailors by the poet, is in auy respect a creation of the faocy, (hat w!iicli 1 have given is not an over col ired pictuie of what .actatUy took place in the American army. And t e signer of the memorial p.rist iu tieir error; will not ttiey rather t ike t:n lanuaze of their orn proposition, m l ay to Con-ires; "that as tiie iron, wvl lie npea materials for our army and hivy, can b prt:s?rvtd for an age uniujired, but as wo 'dleu clol'is, and blanket:, are in-JispensifIe for the public service in war, and can only be certainly and elfectually supplied from manufactories established in our own country, that nothing should be suifered to impede or postpouu the measures which may be necessary to place them upon secure ami permanent basis." Mr. Chairmm, I must ask your induljence to say a few words on a subject not immediately connected with the Resolution now uader consideration, but which I have undcrstoad is to be brought bcfre the meeting. I allude ti the formation of a ticket for the State and County officers for the ensuing year. Wi!h the deepest regret I have iinderitood that at a late meeting of a Comaidtce, formed for the purpose of promoting lha election of General Jackson tj the 'residency, a ticket was formed and recommended to the people upoa tie principle of excluding all who differ with the n upon the suoject of tb Preriieatial election, I mj$t confess that I have never heard of a measure toare wanton, unnecessary and mischicv. rusinits consequences than this; one 'i.-tter calculated to destroy all the courtesies of life, break down all the bonds ot friendship and adection which bind together; every thing in short whic.H makes existence desirabhs or dis-tiT,aihfc-5 the civilized man from the avag3 of the forest. Did the committee not know thatupon the Presidential fl iestion the dearest friends differ in opinion; that brother is oppased to brother, and the son to the fativ r; and 1 interminable war to b waged between parties so situated! Wliatmau, ho prefers Mr. Alain to Gen. Jackod, U unworthy of all public trust, and

if of all public trust, sorely of all private confidence. Also, persons are in future to be selected to fill the Public offices, not on account of their talents and integrity, for the correctness of their political opinions, but solely for the o-" pinion which they may entertain of the qualities of another. And is it to come to this! In this free country, that a man is lo be denetneed because he could not euyll himself in the (services of an individual ? Are tiie authoi s of this measure aware of ail the consequence? which ar to How from it? Do they not see that it leads, not only to the subversion of all Fecial intercourse, but to the destruction ot political principles also? Does not all history tell us, that w hen factions are created solely to support the interests of particular men, where no principle is involved, that they are more inveterate and malignant in iheir conduct to each other, than when they difler on a fundamental principle of government? Do the annals of nations exhibit human nature in more disgusting colours, than when they record the exterminating wars and the torrents of blood which have been shed by men contend, ing for the choice of a master? Whether he shall be Sylla or Marius, Edward, Richard r Henry. The sole distinction between them consisting in the emblems on their banners, a red rose or a white one. Are we really prepared to contend upon ground like this? Have we forgotten that we are Republicans and christians, not monarchists and Mahomedans. If we abandon our Republican principles, which teach us to regard moas. ures and not men, who can define the limits to the uubridled passions which will succeed? An exterminating war will be waged having no other object but dominancy of our respective parties. Like the war of the two roses, or that which is still waged between the Mahometan followers of Omar and the adherents of Ali. They both" worship the same God, acknowledge the same prophet and the same law; but one party supposes that the caliphate should have been given to Ali: whilst the oth. er supports the pretensions of Omar. The sole difference btttween Omar and Ali consists in the one beginning his ablutions at the elbows and the other at the top of the fiosjers. To such ex tremes of folly and madness will men arrive, when they abandon principle and reason, and put themselves under the government of their passions. The subserviences to the cause of an individual which is now acknowledged rtrid 'rvs!ed of is now at least to th? professed Republicans of our counlr) i ven i" the lime which tried men's souls. If the manogram of King George was to be fonnd embroidered upon the shoulders of his votaries, no American wauld deigu to inscribe himself with tbf etnblrms of au individual; not even .vit'i t.ie glorious name of the father of ids country. Ia those tloips of Republican panty, the caudidites for oiiioe height it not u.i!er th (nllueuca of ihe migb;y names of Wah'ngtoa and H:n. coek; but upon Sh? grjiiad of devotion ta tii? ptinciplts if liberty and the cause ul t it coinitiv II at niO, every lhm mu-t b: Juk'oma i. A C iatv T eaur rf 0-u'-ity Crauvs.iciw, a 7'W;irbip Juv t,c. or ConJtablc, all must be ( Jacksoniuis. I pray v n Mr. Chairman, let us lot i ii 'a'.e their example. lfi!cb. a I ddiure th sUcliou wf Mr. Adaill"j I WOuld not support ia n jvt the espne ot any ssont al prineip'e. And 1 would say to the friends of General Jackon" elect htm if you can bv any fair means. If vou

succeed, our countenances will not be j char j?d from you H e will still regard you as frten Is and brother?, But in your objpet, spare, oh spr your c Uutry! spare those principles which have extend ed Iit fam?! to the ends of the eartli, and what is of more importance, upon which the continuance of her liberty depends. THE CUISIS. We copy from the United States Gazette, some numbers introduced with the above lUIe, and subscribed Penn. Though addressed to the people of Pennsylvania, they are equally applicable to the citizens of the Western States. They are written with ability, and ihe truths they contain are of vast importance to the country. We hope that even the devoted partizans of Jacksoi, will not turn from them without a perusal. Every candid man should read hem with care, and reflect well upon their coutents. El. On. Gaz, Front the United Stales G.uetlti THE CRISIS No. I. The Presidential Election approaches. It begins to occupy the minds of men. The peop'e of Pennsylvania have a deep interest in the issue of it. It becomes them to weigh the matter well. I propose to reason the case with them, to show them the danger of the crisis, and the magnitude of the evils that menace us. If it was a personal contest; it miht depend on personal predilections. But it is a great political contest, involving threat principles, that embrace a vast interest, extending over an immense co j u try, and operating on large mass

es of people, and to an indefinite extent. The choice must therebre turn on n profound consideration! of the effect which these principles Viay have upon the future happiness and prosperity of the people. t ... f It is not a light subject to be trusted to our passion, but it app;als directly to our judgment and reasoi. We must guard against popular" mutilation, and popular delusion, and deliberate calmlyNominally, the contest is between Mr. Adams and General Jackson, and so far it is matter of little moment, whether the choice fails on one or the other; whether on a man of the north

or of the west; whether upon a great j statesman or a successful eem-nd. Bat it is the principles of government, the measures of abministration, and the policy of the country which the election involves; which gives it interest and dignity. It is for these momentous considerations that I address you. Before I come to these, permit me to remark, that their personal qualification are nol equal they are so dhTeient that tiiey cannot be compared they can- only be contrasted. Mr. Adams is a man of moral and religious lite, a profound scholar and eminent statesman, of various acquirements, of great force of mind, deeply versed and practised in the public affairs: General Jar kson's life, is not to be approved, much less admired and still lcs hold upas an example to our children; but of that, although highly ex. ceplionable, I will not now speak. If it should ever be his extraordinary fortune to be the President of the United States, I shall wish to cast a veil over the scene of violence that mark his character. He has no acquirement, no experience, no habits ol business; he is too old to learn or to change; he has s'rongpr j ia;c , violent pissions, deep and implacable resentments, easily provoked and ungovernable in his ragf. He is disqualified by his unhappy temper, by his'defective education, by the habits of his life, by the infirmities of age, and by the want of every quality of a statesman. I ask my countrymen if such a man was ever intended to preside over the ailairs and direct the destiny of a great nation? And if we aive such an example to the world, shall we not deserve their scorn and ridicule? Will you trust your negotiations with foreign nations, questions of peace, of commerce and of intercourse with a violent man; will you put power in the hands of a man, who never used it, but to abuse it? Will you trust this fair fabric ot freedom the worlds best hope, to the guardianship of a man in whose wisdom and judgement and prudence you cannot confide. Mr. Adams has candidly exposed the principles of his policy, and the measures of Ids administration. With regard to those of General Jackson, they me as uukuown as tile men by whom his cabinet will be filled and his course directed all is doubt and darkness arouud him. General Jackson will come into power at the head of the southern ttates he must be unfaithful to them, or he must advocate their principles and thrir policy, and he must call around him their men and submit to their controul ; and in proportion to 1 us inp jrpoi lei'CO nd dependence, will he look to their guidance and lean on their support. The friends of general Jackson have distinguished their reckless career, bv steady systmalic opposition to al! the salutary measures ot tne administration. They have at one session defeated the woollens till, the colonial bill, tne Joan till, the naval bill, and naval school, and various rouli and canals, &ic. They deny the powers of Congress, they resist the construction of the con dilution they oppose all protection to our ir.dustry and internal improvements all aid to c Ionization and in line they thwart all legislation. Upon all those principles and measures we are directly opposed to them. The protection of domestic industry, is an essen, tial principle and paramount interest, and one which can never be yielded but to the will of a majority. General Jackson wilP come into power with these men he will subserve their pur poses as they do his. Will he, nor can liQ cast those men off? the tie that unites, and the sentiment that connects them will biad them indissolubly togeth. er. They are already remonstrating in strong and bold language against even the existing taritr. They are menacing resistance and threatening disunion. Can you depend on General Jackson to make hea I against this formidable force to resist his own friends nd protect you. If all his friends have openly thrown themselves on that side, peading the election, what will they not dare do when they are stated iu power, with a majority at hind. This subject is deepfy interesting to the people of renu?) ivaua, and wdl be pursued.

A crisis U approaching, and I warn you of the danger PENN. CRISIS. No. II. Pennsylvania possesses, within her self, all the elements of wealth. She has water power, coal, iron, labour, capital, skill and provisions. She wants only the fostering care of the government for a few years, until her capacity is developed, and her means and resources brought into activity. No country can compare with her in all the natural advantages of soil, position, climate and productions. She has the power of

producing to an unlimited extent, all !he necessaries, comforts, elegancies & Ju vines of life. Bat with all these, she would be borne down bv European competition without ln eilkient protection of the government. It has been the policy of the present administration, to give this protection by a tar'uf on foreign goods. Mr. Clay has befi its most distinguished advocate. it is the policy of Virginia and the other southern states, to oppose and put down this system, which has been emphatically called the American system. To effect this object, they find it necessary to put down Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay, the principle colusns of the edifice, in the hope that with them will fall the system which their talent, zeal and influence has reared. To accomplish this purpose, they have thrown themselves upon Gen. Jackson; and you are invited to join them, to pull down the pillars with your own hands. Let us look to the consequences. If he is elected, and he joins them in hostility to this policy, then it will be effectually put down, and for ever: and this protection will be withdrawn, either gradually, by adroitly assailing each separate interest by itsdf, or by boldly reducing the whole at once. If he comes in by a majority, organized, disciplined, and exasperated by collision, and Hushed with victory, what can withstand their weight and influence? They may choose their time and mode. Can you rely upon the moderation and forbearance of the political leaders of the'eouth, who have given you so many evidences of excitement and hatred towards this systfm! To whom then wdl you look for protection to Mr. Adams? You have destroyed his power. To Mr. Clay? You have destroyed his in fluence. To the party of Gen. Jackson? Look to their course last winter. To the public men whom he is to call aromsd himc I hey are. already com mittc-d against you. Then you will repent of the popular delusion which has swept over this country, and ' thfi madness and folly of running on your fate. If the protecting duties arc removed, there will hea wide ruin and desolation ovrr this land. Manufactures will sink, and the foxes will look out of the win dows "four factories.- Commerce will languish, and your ships will rot at the wharves a memento of the decay of trade, and the decline of navigation. The grass will grow in ycur streets, vou r hou-es become tenantless, your fi. Ids will become a waste. Labor will lose its reward, industry its animation, lite its hopes; and we sha'l become a poor, miserable, straggling, &; at length ,iii mnarant population. But ifGon. Jackson has the courage o disengage himself from this party, and to throw oil these men and espouse your cause, they will immediately form another combination, to put him down in turn; and thus every friend of your system will be successively sacrificed. Let us therefore resolve to support the meu who support our measures and our principles. Who openly and fearlessly espouse our cause, and who have identified themselves with our interests. Suppose what is probable, that Gen. Jackson remains neutral, and the parties are left to struggle on the floor of Congrefs your ablest advocates are gone, wit tne zeal eloquence lnflu ence which animated them and your friends in the cause. I he tantl of 1824 was carried with all those aids, and with many of the friends of Gen. Jackson, by a majority of o ily three. What will you hope when you have armed your opponents with power, and disarmed your friends? When the cabinet shall be filled w ith men of talent, with great might, and lufluence, and with a determinated hostility to the American system, your best interests will be sacrificed either to the ambition of a predominant party, or lost in a vain struggle between contending factions, whose only object will be power and place. I warn you of the danger of the crisis. PJ3NN. CRISIS NO. III. I warn the people of Penns) lvania of the danger of the crisis. The present admmistratien is the fast friend of the American System; with all their aid and influence, there is a bare majority in Congress, and nw you are invited to torn yottr arms agaiuat &

protectfsn ofjoar Best rntarsr. nod M Ou increase your streogth and ecuii;y by such a course? , The people of Virgir.ia and th oth er Southern States avow their object if to put down Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay, because they maintain the right of Congress to protect the industry of tb country, aud you are invited to ass'iBt them in the work. The value of all productive labour as well as the value of every thing elsef must now depend upon the eflieieht protection of the government. You h;'v now an administration pledged to giv you this protection, able and determined toaflord it, and who have put tbeif fame and character on the issue, and) you are invited to join their enemies t put them down. Has General Jackson more zeal of. ability? And what do you hope from him? Has he more experience or more learning, or more practical talents ii maintaining your just rights? The principal states friendly to th election of General Jackson are opposed to these great interests. Can you desert! the north, your natural fiiends, to whom you are cemented by ties of interest well as by unanimity of sentiment, to throw yourselves with this unnatural combination with hostile opinions anil interests? And why are you expected to join them? Has Mr. Adams evincedt any deficiency of talent or any unsound opinions? Are the principles of his administration injurious to your interest or dangerous to the country. Can you find an abler man, of higher moral character, of sounder principles, or more, practical skill? I admonish the men of property of this state, of the dangerous crisis. You fre about to commit the highest and; dearest interests, to untried and unskillful hands, to those who have no feeling;or sympathy in common with you , am to those who avow a determined hostility to principles of policy essential to your well being and indispensable to the prosperity of the country. Gen Jackson's friends werestron; enough last winter to defeat a bill of great interest to the northern and middle states, particularly Pennsylvania Can you rely upon these men hereafter to advocate these measures Will they be converted to the true faith as soona he is elected, and they are seated inr power? Are you not hazzardin every thing upon the chances of political in trigue? Are you not taking every thio upon trust? Are you not casting yourselves upon a sea cf troubled waters! Do you rely upon Gen. Jackson's pria; ciples what are they? Upon his pro ft ssions when made? Upon his friends who are they? 1 warn you of the danger of the crisis. The people of Carolina are novr remonstrating to Congress against the tariff; protesting not only against any increase, but against the existing duties If they have the power to prevent th increase of any necessary duty, they have the power to diminish it the sam majority can do bo'.h. Do you bel evs they want the inclination when ihey have the power! Then you will lo ale to that natural alliance of interest whicft i xists between you and the north but you may look too late. Is there any other object connected with the elevation of Gen. Jackon worth the eminent peril of your fatur prosperity and happiness? Who will General Jackson bring t his council and his cabinet? Cn h find any man in the south, favorable i the American system? Mr. Calhoun? He has already committed his clinr.icleTf by several decisive votes against manufactures and internal lmprovemeo;i. Mr- Cheves? He isopenly opposed ani always has been, to both on principle Mr. Clinton? He is also opposed lo Improvements by the general govern

ment. Mr. lu Lin tie tnms tna woollen bill too extravigant. Mr. Yaat Buren? Can you depend on him? I warn you of the danger of the crh PENN. CRISIS NO. IV. The publication of Mr. Jefferson' Letter, with the remarks of Mr. Giles, can leave the people of Pennsylvania oo longer in doubt, with regard to the opinion of the Virginia politicians, nor thaB they are at variance with the opinion and the interests of the people of this state. Mr. Jefferson's great authority and venerated name, are introduced to maintain principles with regard to th Censtitution, and to sustain a violent opposition to measures essential and rital to the inhabitants of a large portioa of the Union. .. There are two great measure ot puai! rwO.-.. tn wit: Th orotection ofdoIIW SUJIVJ , v A fL mestic industry, and the system of internal improvement which have been, upon deration. aDoroved and adapt ed by this state, and upon which, es pecially the lormer, aepenas uer piw Peril' What U the object of this letter j To thow jou there is no power in tv