Fiery Cross, Volume 3, Number 18, Indianapolis, Marion County, 29 February 1924 — Page 3

- -w .,, Friday, February 29, 1924

THE FIERY CROSS PAGE THKEE

LOOKS LIKE CREAGER IS TO GET ATTENTION

Not as He Predicted, However Alleged Land Frauds to Be Investigated

WASHINGTON TO BE

HANDSOMEST CAPITAL

Coolidge Approves Plan to Spend $50,000,000 for Buildings in Ten-Year Period

Frost Sees Sweeping 'Victory i for Klan Voters at Polls in November Election Writer, in Summing Up Article in Series in Outlook, Says He Fails to Find Any Single Thing to Condemn Movement On Other. Hand, He Has Found Much Good to Recommend

(Copyright, 1924, by The Outlook

WASHINGTON, Feb. 23. That the Company and reprinted by spe

cify of Washington, District of Co- cial arrangement through

lumbia, should be the handsomest courtesy of The Outlook.) capital city in the world, is the be- The really vital strength, the true lief of many high in the councils of hope or menace, of the Ku Klux the government. That public money Klan lies in politics. It is there that should be spent for rents, rather it can produce the greatest" effect, than buildings, seems to be the cause the most stunning impact on opinion of a great many congress- our lives, exert the deepest influmen. Between these two extremes I ence on the nation. In sober truth the capital of the nation receives there is a very fair chance that the

such growth as congress can give it. Klan may succeed. It will surely go

(I$Hrjia Publication and Education) WASHINGTON, Feb. 23. The Senate committee on post offices and railroads has named a subcommittee to handle the Texas land fraud cases in pursuance of a resolution

offered by Senator Ileflin, of Alabama. The personnel of the subcommittee is as follows: Senators Moses, of New Hampshire; lCdge. of New Jersey; Oddie, of Nevada; Heflin, of Alabama, and Trammell, of Florida. The first three named five Republicans and the latter two belong to the Democratic party. This is the subcommittee, which It. H. Creager, Republican national committeeman for Texas, said would never bo named as he gave out Htu'.Miient after statement to the

pi-ess that Senator Ileflin was only is now given to a tew rooms in the Muffin; and that nothing would , national museum, where a five-mil-ever come of the investigation. i lion-dollar collection of paintings is

; noused as an adjunct to the museum, j Another suggestion is that if the government seriously considers the i establishment of a national univerI sity, the buildings be erected on "the i Mall" and not, as has otherwise been

President Coolidge approves the plan to expend $50,000,000 over a tenyear period, for public buildings which the government must have, or continue to pay rents which are interest on a much larger sum than $50,000,000. One feature of the lxiilding program which has been suggested is a national gallery of art. That name

This 8ubcommitt.ee will meet in the near future, organize and begin bearings on the alleged Texas land frauds, whether Creager likes it or not. Creager is the man who charges all this muss up to the Ku Klux Klan, as his company is mixed til) in the investigation, and naturally be does not like the notoriety pmi publicity. .

Creager is also the man who says

proposed, on a tract of land to be acquired on the outskirts of the city. Senator Smoot, chairman of the public building commission) has drafted a bill covering the govern

ment needs, somewhat along the

be is going to have the Republican iines suggested and approved by

far toward it, though just how far no one can even guess till the smoke has blown away after the November elections. The Klan's political power is al

ready large, for, as was pointed out in the first article of this series," it lias elected men of its choice to controlling places in six states, has dominated the elections in half a hundred congressional districts and has

won complete victories in many hun-1 dreds of towns, counties and small cities, to say nothing of throwing the whole political world into spasms.

It has already shown power, in short, about three times that of the Non-Partisan League and double that of the Populists in their best days. " But this is only the beginning. At the coming elections the Klan expects not "hopes" but confidently

expects to win more than twenty states, most of the local elections

and Democratic parties in national j President Coolidge, which has been i inside these states and hundreds out

inventions this summer insert

Jlanks in their respective platforms reading the Ku Klux Klan out of existence.

introduced committee.

and referred to a sub-

SYMBOL OK TI1K Hl-RY CROSS The Fiery Cross symbolizes to the Klansmcn the finul triumph of truth over falsehood, of liberty over slavery, of life over death, and of good liver evil. It symbolizes the great truth, that notwithstanding the xistance oC evil. God is infinitely wise, just, and good; that though the affairs of the world proceed by

no rule of right and wrong known to us, yet all Is right, for it is the work of God; and all evils, all miseries, all misfortunes, are but drops in the vast current that is sweeping onward, guided by Him, to a great and magnificent result; that, at the appointed time. He will redeem and regenerate the world, and the Principle, the Power, and the existence of Evil will then cease; and this will be brought about by such means and instruments as He may choose to employ. Contributed by an Iowa Klansmau.

Controversy Is Aroused Over Coat Lincoln Wore

CHICAGO, Feb. 23. The Chicago

Historical Society for years has ex-

j hibited and treasured as one of its i possessions a coat which, affidavits attest, is the garment worn by Abraham Lincoln when he was shot, I April 14, 1865. Philadelphia dispatches said an ' auctioneer there had sold for $6,500 the coat worn by Lincoln when he

was shot.

The Chicago Historical Society's coat was presented by Frank G. Logan, who obtained it in 18S9 from

j Thomas F. Pendel, a doorkeeper at

the White House during the civil war. Mr. LoMan declares he has no doubt that the Chicago coat is the original. Claims for the Philadelphia' relies probably will be investigated by officers: of the Chicago Historical Society.

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side, and considerably more than

-fhalf of the congressional districts.

It even expects that the next president will be a man of whom it approves and who sympathizes with it. 12,000,000 Votes Probable The Klan's present political power has been won with far fewer members than answer its roll calls today. Two years ago in the congressional election it had less than 200,000

votes. Last fall, when it scored so heavily, it had about 3,000,000. To

day it has some 4,500,000 and by election time it confidently counts on having 12,000,000. This doubtless includes many unhatched chickens,

but even if the Klan growth continues at the average rate of the last three months and the rate has increased steadily during that time it will have close to 9,000,000! And nine million votes is more than a

third of the largest vote ever cast. Cleverly used it can get almost any

thing. When we recall the influence that has been exerted by the two million German hyphenates or the three million Jews, the possible power of nine million Klansmen, or even of eight, or seven, or five begins to be clear. The Klan intends to win. Its leaders believe that a victory will give it freedom from the persecutions and prosecutions which have plagued it,

give it a chance to consolidate its power and trim off its excrescences and to make certain reforms, and let it prove the worth of its theories and program. All this, however, does not mean i that the Klan intends or wants to rule the country in the full sense, in the sense in which a political

! party takes over control. On the j contrary, its aims are very strictly i limited. What Dr. Evans Says Dr. Evans states its position :- j "The Klan is not In politics," he and other leaders have said over and l over. Yet he goes on: "It Is clear

that the Klan program must result in political action and can be carried out In no other way." His meaning is that the Klan operates in politics, not as- a party, but as non-partisans. It does not want the full responsibilities of government, it does not want to face the

need of distributing . patronage, it does not wish to have to find solutions for all the controversial issues now in politics, and try to unite its members on them, and it, does not

have to hold its organization together, as a political party does, by the

use of place, pork and pie. What it

does want is to free itself from government opposition, to put into effect its program of "native, white, Protestant Americanism" to make

some general reforms. It is playing for results alone, while the ordinary political party must play for offices. In this sense it is not in politics. But it must be able to control officials and legislatures if it is to put into effect any of the policies on its national program, or if it is even to

make more than a temporary suc

cess out of its local reform campaigns.

This self-denying attitude in re

gard to spoils and full power is not due to virtue alone. It is forced by the very nature of the Klan itself,

by the fact that the membership is

almost equally divided between Dem

ocrat and Republican.

Klan Lenders Recognize It The more important of the Klan leaders recognize this limitation, "If the Klan shonld ever make .the fatal mistake of Identifying itself with either part," Dr. Evans told me, "or with any canse except the

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fundamental Issne of Americanism.

It would invite division In Its own

ranks, destroy Its own power and In sore its dismemberment."

Many Klansmen, of course, even many lesser leaders, do not see this or ignore it for selfish reasons. The

most numerous breed of parasites

with which theKlan is afflicted is composed of cheap politicians who see a chance to get jobs or. graft they have been unable to reach in

ordinary politics, or to hold on to places they are in danger of losing. This noisy and pestiferous crew, however, do not represent either the great body of the Klan or its national leadership. They are appar

ently tolerated, as such are always tolerated in new movements. . All these conditions in the membership limit not only the program of the Klan in politics, but also the demands it may make on candidates, bosses or men in office. Its political record so far shows that it has very largely respected these limits. It can seldom nominate its own man, for example, as that would aid one party or the other. It can not pick the men whom it is going to support on any party basis, but only on the basis of their ability pnd willingness to support, the Klan program, and their general fitness.

Character Making

The church-going quality of most Klansmen makes personal character unusually important for candidates in Klan territory, and is likely to en

force more than usually decent administration from officials. It Slso

gives the Klan a political morality rather above the average. There are cases, of course, as in other similar movements, when very decent citizens overlook all other qualifications in a candidate except his support of their pet ideas. This has caused some curious situations, like those in the Anti-Saloon League campaigns, where the churches have

united behind men who. were corns-.

plete scalawags except for their will

ingness to vote for prohibition. The Klan very naturally will sup

port Klansmen where possible, but

it has often refused to do this and has even voted for non-Klansmen (in

at least one case for an anti-Klans

man) when it thought them better,

even against Klan members. But

have learned of no case where it

gave support to a man who was

not a native,' white Protestant. It takes pains to see that there is at

least one such in every race.

When the Klan does move m

politics, that is, when it takes a hand

in the selection or election of can

didates or in influencing officials, it

brings to bear a pressure such as almost no other organization, even

one of the great parties, can apply

Ali its organized unity, all its ability

to strike suddenly, all its secret in

formation, are even more effective

here than in ordinary life, for po

liticians are by nature a very timid

tribe. The Klan, too, can use not only this stunning political battle

ax; it can add to that the whole

social and economic power de

scribed in the last article.

in pontics, the Klan claims no actual control over its members. " It

does not officially tell them how to vote, any more than it tells them to

withhold trade from a business man

It merely gives them information

sometimes advice, and they are "free to act upon it as they -see fit." It

alsc "educates" them as to the de

sirability of acting on this information and advice. Not Actually Controlled I asked Dr. Evans how far the Klan controls the political action of its members. "None whatsoever, so far as actual control Is concerned,"- he replied. "No obligation of a Klansman, nothing in his oath or understanding re

quires of him or contemplates that he shall accept the information and educational facts presented to him through the Klan as final. Tho whole thought Is to develop a mind that will expres's itself through an electorate fully informed."

"The actual strength of the Klan," he went on, "depends upon the extent to which Klansmen have been educated to their duties as citizens and on how they respond to infor

mation given by Klan officials. This is always uncertain but experience indicates that these are generally accepted, and will be so long as they

represent in the minds of the Klansmen themselves true American ideals. In the present state of pub

lic opinion this means that the Klan can profoundly influence results in twenty-one states." There will be more states in that list before election. So far as I can learn Dr. Evans is correct in saying that the Klan does not give orders but information. Certainly it has much informa

tion to give, and takes great pains !

in putting it out. Since it is secret it would easily be possible to give false information of a kind that might be exceedingly dangerous, but

I can not find that it does so, at least so far as actual candidates are concerned.

I have learned of several instances in which it has circulated just before an election a report on candidates much like the reports put out by citizens' committees n.nd

similar bodies. I saw one such and

have reports on others. They were all startllngly detailed, Intimate and exhaustive, but rather amazingly

fair. The one I saw was put out in

Oklahoma in . the heat of a bitter

fight, but there was no trace of

partisanship visible. It gave both

the personal and political record-ot

each man, nis amnations in business, society, religion and politics, and bis

relations with the Klan. 1 was war

ticularly Impressed with the fact

that when a man had joined the

Klan under circumstances which In

dicated that his purpose had been to

get political support that fact was indicated. In several such cases the

advice was that he should be beaten. So far as I could Judge by that report, It -was a valuable and trust

worthy guide for any voter.

Training a Good Service

Incidentally; ' even if the advice given is bad, tlfe training given voters by this system .is a very considerable service to the community. If the Klan should succeed in teachins its mmbcrs to judge candidates on any other basis than that of "regularity" and back-scratching

and pie-gathering ability, it would

Crime nd Immigration

Third Party and LaFollette

A I- !i 1 T- j i m .

"1 am an old ladv." Ravs Mrs. H.I L"-eu r-ress aispaicn irom

E. C. Dunn, in a communication in i Washington says that as a result of the Now York Herald, "and I. read ! , 011 scandal disclosures, progreaand think a great deal. Foreign im-lsi,!e Political leaders are "talking migration is a problem I have long i 6r'y of the third party and Senabeen studying, and I think if a com- i lor LaFouette for president." plete record were kept for one year I Why "grimly?" Many worse of the nationality of every law-!thinss could happen than a third breaker imprisoned in our country ! Party or Bob LaFollette for preslit would be a safe and sane way to j dent, or both. decide the ones who should be de-! Just 'hy, however, LaFollette

barred from our country. I read s'iouia he spoken of as a third party

do much for the future of democracy.

The actual political attitude of

Klansmen, as I have -seen them, ap

pears to be much more docile and dependent than Dr. Evans states.

Tiowever. -Even on the night before

election they are likely as not to know what they are going to do at tho polls; they are "waiting for the word." Possibly this is merely the information and advice Dr. Evans described, but the attitude was that of soldiers waiting for and ready to carry out orders. So it seems that in political . practice it makes little difference in results whether "the word" is a command or a bit of in

formation or advice.

There is, on the other hand, some

doubt about how far. the Klansmen

ill follow the lead given. In one

case in Oklahoma, a Klansman and

man whom the Klan opposed,

running on the same ticket, finished

only a few hundred votes apart

There have been other cases where the apparent voting strength, of the

Klan was nil. But these are exceptions, possibly due to lack of "education" or some more subtle factor:

they do prove that the Klansmen

seem to feel under no obligation to follow their leaders in politics beyond a point which they the in

dividual Klansman determine for

themselves. This is important in showing the limits of the Klan leaders' power.

In general, however, in nearly 90

per cent of the cases I have been

able to check, the Klan apparently hr.s cast a practically solid vote. This is increasingly true and the Grand Dragon of Oklahoma told me

that by next fall, the entire member

ship would be educated, and "ready and able to make proper use of in

formation given them." Dr. Evans

adds that the Klan usually casts

more than its own vote.

"We have found by experience," he

remarked, "that when a Klan issue is raised or when the Klan becomes active in a political campaign, the

actual pro-Klan vote will be much

larger than the numerical strength

of the Klan itself, and sometimes

meny times as large." It should be

added that the Klan officials declare that the Klan itself has never been allowed to become an issue, or a Klansman to run as such, unless

an attack had been made on it. I have not found a case in which this

w as not true. Nationally Considered This very considerable ability of the Klan to use almost full strength in local and state elections, however,

must be discounted when we come to consider a national race. In the local elections party loyalty is com

paratively, weak. , Jiow fBXthfiKjin education - would be able to swing the votes of members in the partisan heat of a national election is a very different question, and there has been no demonstration on which an answer might be based. Politicians and observers disagree on that. It seems fair to say that most of them declare the Klan can safely be ignored in national politics, but that few of them act that way! When it comes to the actual power of the Klan in political action the fact that it is not a party, does not want full control or offices, and therefore does not need an actual plurality of votes, gives it great ad

vantages toward the results it does demand. It leaves room for deals;

for politicians to submit and yet save their faces. And a minority, willing to swing to either party a solid block of votes, is in a far better position to get those results than even a party majority would be. The AntiSaloon League has given the most convincing proof of this. Such a body can threaten both parties, quite likely secure pledges or dictate nominations on both sides and be secure of victory whichever wins.

If either party or candidate balks,; it can usually swing enough votes i to beat bim. The political law on wbich this minority power the power of any minority is based is the very ABC of American politics, yet so often forgotten that I may be pardoned for recalling it. It is that control of one-

half of the movable or floating vote

in any electorate given political control. For example, in most elections the two great parties are fairly

evenly balanced, party loyalty hold

ing something like 40 per cent of

the voters to each. The election then will be decided among the remaining 20 per cent, and any one

who controls one vote, more than half of them can throw victory

whichever way Tfe pleases. The man who wins must take his orders both before and after election.

Strength In a Minority

The actual figures vary, of course,

but the fact always is that victory

does not depend on winning a majority of tbe voters, but a majority ot those who are not party-bound.

Hence it is that any small and compact minority is usually able to get what it wants. The Klan's strength is that it has gathered such a minority. - But the Klan's weakness is in the one exceptionjtojthis rule; rather in its corollary. This is that the minority power fails as soon as there Is formed another group, equally

larre. and determined to vote

against the first group; If he two.

balance, both can be ignored. In

practice this seldom happens. ProGermans, for example, were long able to act as a unit, while the rest

of us were divided over tariff, con

servation, or some other matter. In

local politics the "liquor vote" and today the "bootleg vote" can win

easily in any campaign which. di

vides the electorate on any other issue- Our politics has thus become full ot minority groups for which

there is no offset; racial, religious,

' (Continued on Page 6)

long years ago of a foreign land

where they told their most hopeless reprobates who were in their prisons

for life that if they would go to

candidate instead of as a etraieht

Republican candidate is not easy tp. see. LaFollette's state under hisS

twenty years of leadership is mora

America and never return to their soldly Republican today than Penn

native land the government would j syivama or Vermont. equip them for the trip and give! LaFollette's public record is a them free passage. That is cheaper j continuous effort between elections

than to feed and clothe a young man i lo minii tne most attractive

in prison for life. Another remedy I Pledges made before elections in

for orison birds is to make everv one ! lne itepuDiican party platform.

work at something to earn his food LaFollette has been "read out of

and clothes and pay the expense of

the prison house. Our prisons are

comfortable homes for lazy va

grants."

Successor of W. H. Anderson NEW YORK, Feb. 23. Arthur J. Davis, former superintendent of the

Massachusetts Anti-Saloon League, has been elected to succeed William H. Anderson as superintendent of the organization in this state. Davis said as state head of the Massachusetts league he had never engineered a liquor raid and that he

was more interested m tne educational side of prohibition enforce

ment. Although a Republican, he said there would be no partisan pol

itics while he was a superintendent.

the party many, many times. Not infrequently the gentleman who undertook to read Bob out was himself elected to stay at home the very next time the people had a chance to vote. LaFollette for years has been earnestly encouraging and advising ' the G. O. P. to clean house, fumigate.

cease evil communication, eschew wicked companions,, generally repent and reform. Specifically in open senate ho was warning his party about Teapot Donie two whole years ago. For that warning he harvested a few more roasts, a few more shrugs of the shoulders, a few more invitations to get out of the party. And he just smiled "grimly" and waited. Pittsburgh Press.

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