Evansville Weekly Journal, Volume 13, Number 48, Evansville, Vanderburgh County, 20 January 1848 — Page 2

THE EVANSVILLE JOURNAL. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY WM. II. CHANDLER & CO.

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FOR PRESIDENT:

CITY OF BVANSVILI4E:

WEDNESDAY JANUARY 19, I84S.

' ' J ; t f ; Lnduxa Wma Conve.ntiox, We learn thru the Whig State, Convention which assembled at Indianapolis, closed its labors in great harmony on Wednesday last..: Th Convention did not make any nomination fof State officers.: u ; .' i

Jft-Mit. Calhoun's Speech, which we lay before our readers to-day in txtenso, is one of his best ef

forts, clear and forcible, and will be perused by all of

them w ith pleasure, , It is said that it was listened to

by th Senate with great attention and apparent gra

tification, and wherever it is read we are sure that it

will be received with approbation.

IFrom Houston's Official Reports. I SPEECH OF MR. CALHOUN. Lithe Senate of tfo United States, January Ath, 1848, upon hia Bosolntions. Eesolvtd, That to conquer Mexico and to hold it, either as a province ot to incorporate it in the Union, would be inconsistent with the avowed object for which the war has been prosecuted; a departure from the settled pohcy of the Government; in conflict with its character and genius; and in the end, subversive ot our tree aud popular institutions. - - Ecsolvfd, That no line of policy in the further prosecution ot the war should, be adopted which may lead to consequences so disastrous. Mr, Calhoun said: la offering, Senators, these resolutions for your consideration, I have beea governed by the reason whiCh induced me

10 oppose the war, and by the same considera

tions 1 nave been ever since guided. . In alluding to my opposition to the war, I do not intend to notice the reason which governed 'me on that occasion, further than is necessary to

explain my "motives upon the present. I opposed the war then, not only because I considered

it unnecessary and that it might have been easily avoided, not only because I thought the

President had no authonty.to order a portion of

the territory in dispute and in possession 01 the

Jrlt is said that the Postmaster General attends

very day in the House" of Representative?, and hears

all that is said about him, and his management of

the Department. It is an old saying that "listeners

never hear any good of themselves," We are satis

tied from reading the proceedings of Congress that Mr. Johnson's ears are seldom delighted with praise

of himself or bis management of the Department.

will cost as much to defend that frontier as the last campaign has cost? No, sir. I will hazard nothing in asserting that the very interest of the money spent in, the last campaign would have secured that line for an indefinite period; and that the men who have lost their lives -would have been more than sufficient to defend it. - So much for the past; we now come to the commencement of another campaign; and -the question is, what shall be done1? The same measure are proposed. It is still "a vigorous prosecution of the war." The measures are identically the same. It is not for conquest that is now as emphatically disavowed as it was in the first instance. The object is not to blot Mexico out of the list of nations, for the President is as emphatic in the expression of his desire to maintain the nationality of Mexco. He desires to see her an independent and flourishing community, and assigns strong and cogent reason for all that. Well, sir, the question is now, what ought to be done? We are now coming to the practical question. Shall we aim at carrying on another vigorous campaign under present circumstances? Mr. President, I have examined the question

with care, and 1 repeat, that I cannot support

Mexicans, to be occupied by our troops; notl tne recommendations of the President. There

Declines A.vswT.mxa. The resolution which pas

sed the House of Representatives on the 4th insti, by

the overwhelming vote Of 143 to 15, calling upon the

President for copies of all correspondence between thi:

government and our officers of the armp and navy, and with Santa Anna, in relation to his return to Mexico, in 1846, we thought would be sure to bring out the history of that matter; but it seems we were mistaken. .Mr. Polk, is not prepared to breaet the storm of denunciation and condemnation which .we have, from the first, thought would follow the publication ef that correspondence, and he now skulks behind the plea that it is "incompatible with the public interest," to give any information respecting the return of Santa Anna to Mexico, When the message was read in the House, Messrs, Adams, Schenck Toonibes, and others, severely censured the Piesident for his conduct! The matter is bound to see the light, notwithstanding Mr. Polk's opposition."

' &5It is said that the Committee on claims in Con gress are crowded with business; and among the scores of petitions already presented are thirty and more growing out of claims incident to the war with

Mexico. " Some of these are nearly one hundred thous

ink dollars in amount, and many of them are very

large.

One is for horses necessarily taken for the public

service by Col. Doniphan while on his march to Chi

huahua, and the claimant alleges that this seizure of

his horses was the cause of a still further loss of prop erty in goods which were also taken.

: Another claim is for the horses taken from the Encarnation prisoners, of which C, M. Clay and John P. Gaines were parties. These claims are but the beginning of the end. If there were many growing out of the Florida war, they will be a legion as the

consequence of the war with Mexico.

Y SSrTbe CUav.iT is satisfied that Senator Jhmes did vote for the adjournment and the mileage. The Gleaner publishes the vote. ; That's sufficient. .

. $3rA telegraphic announcement from Washington, dated, 13th, says the Ten . Regimont Bill will certainly pass the U.S. Senate. ' The court martial in the case of Lieut. Colonel Fremont has adjourned until the 24th inst., in order to give him a final hearing. This difficulty, which had its origin with the President, has already cost the Government seventy-five thousand dollars.

only bacause I believed the allegations upon

which it was sanctioned by Congress were un-1

toundedin truth, but jrora high considerations of reason and policy, because I believed it would Jead to great and serious evils to the country and greatly endanger its. free institu tions. .... . , But after the war was declared, and had received the sanction of the government, I acquienced in what I could not prevent, and w hich it was impossible for me to arrest; andl then felt it to be my duty to limit my course so as to givethatdirection to the conduct of the war as would as far as possible, prevent the

evil and danger with which, 111 my opinion, it threatened the country and its institutions.

For this purpose, at the last session, I suggest

ed to the Senate a defensive line, and for that purpose 1 now offer these resolutions. This,

and this only, is the motive which governs me

lam moved by no personal or party considerations. My object is neither to sustain, the

Executive nor to strengthen the opposition

but simply to discharge an important duty to

the country. But I shall express my opinion

upon all points with boldness and independ ence, such as becomes a Senator who has uoth

ing to ask, either from the government or from the people: and whose only aimis to dimin

ish, to the smallest possible amount, the evils

incident to this war. But, when I come to

notice those points in which I differ from

the President, I shall do it with all the cleco

rum which is due to the Chief Magistrate of

the Union. "

When Isuggested a defensive line, at the last

session, this country had m us possession

through the means of its arms, ample territory and stood in a condition to force indemnity

Before then, the successes of our arms had

gained all the contiguous portion of Mexico

and our army has ever since held all that it is

desirable to hold that portion whose popula

tion is sparse and on that account the more desirable to be held.. For I hold it in reference to this war a fundamental principle, that when

we receive territorial indemnity it shall be un occupied territory.

In offering a defensive line, I did it becausel

believed that in the first place it was the only

certain mode ot terminating the war success

fully. I did it also because I belieevd that it

would be a vast savingof the sacrifice of human life; but above all. 1 did so because I saw that

any other line of policy would expose us to

tremenduous evil, which these resolutions were

intended to guard against The President took a different view. He recommended a vigorous

prosecution of the war not for conquest that

was disavowed but for the purpose of con

quering peace, that is, to compel Mexico to

sign a treaty making a sufficient cession of ter

ritory to indemnify this Government both for

the claims of its citizens and for the expenses

ot the war. air, 1 opposed tins policy. I op

posed it among other reasons, because 1 believ

ed that if the war should be ever so successful

there was great hazard to us at least, that the

object intended to be effected by it would not

be accomplished. Congress though; diilerent

3"It is said there are upwards if fifty thousand free negroes iu the State of Virginia. Governor Smith we see, in his message to the Legislature of that State renews his recommendation for the removal of the whole free negro population from . the State. But where axe they to go? Neither the free nor the slave States will recuvetKem. Here is a chance for the Colonization Society. If these fifty thousand souls re ever to be raised from the ignorant and debased state m which-they now exist, they must be sent to Africa, where they will find ample room, a rich soil,

a climate well adanted to their constitutions, and a

government under which they can be free, independent, educated and respected. ;

. Gex. Tayxor. The New Orleans Picayune of the

Eth. says that Gen Taylor, accompanied by Major

Bliss and Capt. Garnett, arrived in that city from

Bates Rouge on the day previous, and took lodgings at the St. Charles Hotel. : He is in excellent health

and gc;id spirits." When he left the boat ho tried to get up to the hotel without attracting observation,

but the ptibs discovered him and he was the object

thereafter, of public attention and respect.

; &5"The shipments of specie from the port, of New York, during the month of December last to foreign

port?, amounted 'to $1,783,867. " "

The War. In the Senate a few daysegoMr.Crit

tenden, in reply to some remarks by Colonel Davis, of Mississippi, thus defended the action of Congress: - "I think that mv honorable friend from Missbippi.

isa little mistaken in supposing that any .of the disasters of this war are attributable to the tardy legis

lation on the part of Congress. I have been here the

whole time, and if any blame is to be attached to Con

gross for tardy legislation, of course I must come in

-tor my share 01 that blame. V hen was it that we

have been suiltv ot anv tardiness in zrantins anv sup

plies of men and money that were demanded by the Executive.' We began by authorizing the Executive to accept the services of 50,000 volunteers, and that force was never exhausted until the fall of last

year. There have been military resources opto.

all times to the President, which he miaht have exer

cised, and which he has exercised, by calling out men - , 1 rrL .L j t

10 serve uunng me war. 1 11 is is me reraarn 1 in tended to make. I am satisfied the Honorable Sena

tor meant no rebuke to the Senate, he has been more

meritoriously engaged, and ia evidently under a ruis-

-jprehen.-ion if he supposes that any such charge can

podoiuiy be made ujxn tongress.

WE3TER3 PROGRESS, -A writer in one of the Eastern

papers says : "Every thing is done in the West on

large scale. Formerly chickens were sent in coops to

theiVu OrUins market. Now they ship eggs Irom Cincinnati in barrels, set a hen on the bung-hole, and

xho chickens as fast as hatched are turned out into the

hold to pick up loose grain." ..

. Powes 9F V oxejj as to Wills. It has just been

decided ia the court of Appeals, New York, that mar

ried women cannot make wills devising personal

property.- . '

- 5Cr I he eatnedral ot baiismirry, has as many

windows as there are days in the year as many

3iiarble pillars a3 week?, and as many months.

doors as

JCrlt is stated by Cist's Advertiser that the number

of Catholics in Cincinnati is 24,000, or one fourth of

the whole population of the city, including the su

burbs sod vicinity there are JG.OOO catholics.

ample provisions in men anu money were

granted for carrying on the war, The cam

paign has terminated. It has been as success

nil as the executive 01 tne country could pos

siblv have calculated. V ictory alter victory

has followed in succession, without a single reverse. Santa Anna was repelled and defeated

with all forces Vera Cruz and the castle were

carried with it. Jalapa, Perote and Puebla

fell, and after two great triumphs of our army, the gates of Mexico opened to us. Well, sir,

ivhat has been accomplished! w nai nas Deen

done? Has the avowed object of the war been

attained? Have we conquered peace? Have.

we obtained a treaty? Have we obtained any indemnity? No, si.; not a single object con

templated has beeneffected, and what is worse our difficulties are greater now than they were

then, and the objects, lorsooth, more difficult to reach than they w ere before the compaign commenced. ... .

Now Senators have asked w hat has caused

this complete discomforture of the views of the Executive for which men and money were

granted? It is not to be charged to our troops;

they have done all that tkill and gallantry was

capable of effecting. Itmust becharged,butupon

the tact that the planot the campaign was erro

neous, that the object pursued was a mistake.

We aimed at indemnity in a wrong way. 11

we had aimed directly to it, we had the means

to accomplish it directly; they were in our hands. But, sir, we aimed at an indemnity

through a treaty.- We could not reach it by a treaty with Mexico-, and Mexico by refusing to

treat amply, could defeat the whole object

which we hact in view-. We put out ot our own

nowerand in hr hands, to say when tne war

1 m ' ' should terminate.

We have for all our vastexpenditure of money, for all the loss of blood, and tnn, we have nothing, butr the military glory which the campaign has furnished. We cannot, I presume, estimate the expen

ses of the campaign at les than 40,000,000 of

dollars. (I cannot compute the sum with any degree of precision, but I belie ve I may say about that sum,) and between the sword and disease, many thousands of lives, probably five, six, or seven thousand have been sacrificed;and all this for nothing at all. But it is said that the occupancy of a defensive line would have been as expensive as the

campaign itself. The President has assigned many reasons for that opinion, and the Secretary of War has done the same. I have examined these reasons wi'.h care. This is not the

proper occasion to discuss them; but I must

say, with all possible deference, they are to my mind utterly fallacious. I will put the question

in a general point of view, and satisfy the minds

01 senators mat sucu is tne case The line proposed by myself, extending from

the Pacific Ocean to the Paso del Norte, would have been covered by the Gulf of California,

and wilderness peopled by hostile tribes of In

dians; and for its defence; nothing wo ild have been needed beyond a few vessels of wa- stationed in the Gulf, and. a single reg.'menV.

From the Paso del Norte' to its. mouth, we can readily estimate the amount of force necessary for its defence. It wasa frontier between Tex

as and Mexico when Texas had not more than

150,000 of a popolation without any standing

armv whatever, and very few troops, let for

seven years Texas maintained that frontier line;

and that, too, when Mexico was far more consolidated than he is now, when her revolu

tions were not so frequent, her resources in money were much greater, and Texas her only opponent. Can any nun believe that Mexico, exhausted ashe now is prostrated as she has been defeated can any man believe that it

are many and powerful reasons, stronger than

those which existed at the' commencement of

the last campaign, to justify my opposition now.

The cost in money -will be vastly greater.

there is a bill lor ten additional regiments now

belore the benate, and another bill providing

tor twenty regiments of volunteers, has been

reported, making in all, Tiot less, I suppose

than twenty-five thousand troops, raising the

numDer 01 troops in tne service, as, t presume,

the Chairman of the Committee .on Military

Affairs can inform you, to not much less

than seventy thousand in the whole. Well,

sir, tne expense win oe mucn more ttian tnat of the last cam paign. It will cost not much

short ot sixty millions ot dollars.

Now, sir, what is the condition of the mon

ey market at present? Last year it was most

nourishing. An untortunate tarain& in Eu

rope created a great demand for our agricultu

ral products. The balance of trade was in our

favor. ' If money poured out at one end of the

sub-treasury, it poured in at the other. But

how stands the case now f We stand now with a drain both ways.The exchangesareinour favor, and therefore, instead of gold and silver,

dratts lounded on exports w ill be remitted.

The exchanges in Mexico must be met either

by remittances in gold and silver, or by drafts drawn in favor of British merchants, or other

capitalists there, which must be cashed here, and also trasnmitted abroad. Now, sir, what

will be the operations of this state of things? How long can this continue? What is the present price of treasury notes, and of stocks in the market? Are they above par? No, sir. I see them quoted below par. I understand treasury notesare sensibly below par, and stocks still lower. Now what is to be the. result? So long as treasury notes are below par so long as they are the cheaper medium the end

01 it will be, that treasury notes wilt go into

the treasury and specie come out of it. ; There is very great danger that at last your treasury will be drained to the bottom. ' ' 7 Now, sir, in this state of things, what can

possibly follow? A great commercial crisis

a great financial crisis even,possibly,a suspen

sion ot tne banks, l do not pretend to deal in

the language of panic. But there is danger of all this, of which there was not the slightest ap

prehension at the commencement ol last tes

sion. At present, there is great danger. The great difficulty in prosecuting your campaign will be to obtain money. Men you may raise, but money it be difficult to get. I lately con

versed witn a gentleman who ought to know these things better than myself; and he supposed that forty millions of dollars-would be re

quired either in the shape of treasury notes or

stocks, to carry on tne campaign. 1 asked at what price money could be had; and he reply

was, that it would be at the rate of ninety for

one nundred, wnich would be rather more than

seven per cent, I believe

But, sir, these are uot the only objections

tfrnndable as they are. lhe larther you pro

ceed, the difficulties will increase. 1 do not see the slightest chance that can tend to the realization of what it is avowed, the prosecution

of the war is intended to accomplish. The ob

ject ia to obtain a treaty. We no longer hear of

conquering a peace, but of obtaining an honor

able treaty; the "meaning of which, is neither more nor less, than that we are to obtain a

treaty from Mexico, giving usacession of land

equal to the whole indemnity already stated in

tne tormer part ot my remarks. Welt, sir, as

it strikes me, whether the war is successful or

unsuccessful, it must certainly end in the de

feat of the object, for the 'attainment of which

t is avowedly prosecuted. If the year be un

successful. I need not amue lhe point. If we

should be baffled in ourarms as I trust we will not be, and I think is not very likely to be the

case but if circumstances should prove unfor

tunate lor us, and we should not be able to ac

complish, in a military point of view, what is characteiised as a vigorous prosecution of the

war, then, certainly there will be no treaty. 1 take higher ground. . I insist upon it that the more successful this war is prosecuted, the more certain will be the defeat of the object designed to be accomplished, whilst the objects disavowed will be accomplished. How is a successful war to be carried on? What is the object of it? What is it intended to effect? 1 can see but one thing to be effected. It is to suppress all resistance in Mexico, to overpower and disperse her army; to overthrow her civil government, and to leave her without any farther power, of resistance. Well, Mr. President, if that be done, what is the result? How are

(lesuotisiri. might be established bv a con

queror. But hoyy afree and independent re

public can grow up unaer eucn circumstances,

is tome incomprehensible. 1 had always sup

posed that republican government was the spontaneous work of the people that it came from the people from the hearts of the people; that it was supported by the hearts of the people,

and that it required no support no protection

from any quarter whatever, - But, sir, it seems that these areantiquated notions obsolete ideas

and that we may now manutacture repubicsto order, by authority of a conquering gov

ernment. .., v ,

But suppose, sir, all these difficulties sur

mounted. Hew can you make a free government in Mexico? Where are your materials? It is to be, I presume, a confederated government like our own. . Where is the. intelligence

in Mexico adequate to the construction of such

ta government? That is what she has been aim

ing at lor twenty odd years, but so utterly incompetent are her geopje for the work, that it

nas ueen a complete iauure irom Deginning to end. The body of the intelligence and wealth

of Mexico concentered in the priesthood, who

are altogether disinclined to that lorm ot gov

ernment.' Then the owners of the haciendas

the large planters of the country, who comprise

almost all the remaining mass of intelligence,

are Without opportunities ot concert and

destitute of the means of forming such a

government. Sir, such a government would

be impossible and if put up, would tumble

down thg very next day after our protection was

withdrawn. " ' . It appears to me to be a far more plausible

plan if it is determined to have peace, to sustain the government that now exists in Mexico;

or rather to refrain from putting it down. Let it grow up and mature itself. I have conversed

with several of the officers of thearmy men of intelligence on this subject, and all agree in

the opinion that the mere shadow of a government which now remains at Queretaro, will have no authority whatever, and that if we were to make a peace in any degree con forma -toiy to our view of what a peace ought to be, the very moment we withdraw, it would

all be overthrown; and what then? The rery country assigned to us by the peace for an

indemnity, we mnst either hold defensively and be brought back ultimately to the defensive

line, which would be the end of the whole of

it; or, return and renew this war till it termin

ates in the conquest of the country.

l protest utterly against tms government undertaking to build up any government in Mex

ico with the pledge ot protection. lhe party

placed in power must beinevitaDlyovertnrown

and we will be under the

to

you to get an honorable peace? It takes but one party to make war two parlies to make peace. If all authority in Mexico be overthrown, if there be no legitimate power with whom to negotiate, how are you to accomplish

those objects which it is prolaimed this vigorous prosecution of the war is intended to effect.

Sir; you are defeated by your success. ' That will be the clear and inevitable result. But what do you .accomplish? The very object w hich you disavow! For if the war should be so prosecuted, where will be the nationality of Mexico? Where her seperate existence? Where this free republic wi'.h whom you desire to treat? Gone! ' We have blotted her out of the list of nations. She has bacome a mere mass of individuals without any political existence.and the sovereignty of the country, at least for the tim being, is transferred to us. Nov, Mr. President, this is not only a conclusion from reasoning upon this subject, but it is one to which, il l understand the President aright, he comes with a single exception, and that a mere contingency not likely to take place. The President has very much the same conception of the objects of a vigorous war as I have presented. He says that the great difficulty of getting peace, results from this, that the people of Mexico are divided under factious chieftains, and that the chieftain in power dare not give peace because his rival would then be able to turn him out; and that the only way to remedy this evil and to obtain a treaty, is to put down the whole of them. Well, what is to be done theu? Is the thing to slop here? .No We ara then to .build up.agkin and establish under our power and protection a republican form of government from the citizens who are well disposed, which, he says, are numerous and are prevented from obtaining it, only by fear of those military chiefs. And it is with this government, sir, which is to grow up under the encouragement and protection of our army to be established by their authority that it i3 proposed to treat in order to obtain peace. I must confess I am a little at a loss to' see how a free and independent republic ran grow up under the protection and authority of its conqueror. I do not see how such a government can be established under his authority. -. I can readily understand

how an aristocracy how a kingly government

solemn obligation to

turn and reinstate them in power, and that

would occur again and again, t;U : the country

would fall into our hands precisely as Hindos-

tan tell into the hands ot the r-ngush. lhis very conquest of Hindostan which we have been censuring for years, ever since I recollect, was the result of mistaken policy, leading on

trom step to step, each one deeper and deeper

scarcely any design of conquest being enter

tained, but ultimately conquest became una

voidable and it was necessary not only to

hold the country, but to conquer the adjacent

territory. . ' ' Well, sir, if this contingency follows if the

Executive fails in establishing another government there under our encouragement and pro

tection, and 11 tne government itselt shall refuse to make a treaty with us on such terms as we will accept in regard to indemnity, then the President himself agrees that he must take the very course which I have said would be the in

evitable consequence of a vigorous prosecution

of the war. lhe President says in substance,

after having attempted to build up such a gov

ernment alter having employed the best ef-

torts to secure peace upon the most liberal

terms: if all fall; I now give his own words

if all fail, we must hold on to the occupation of

the counrry, we must take the measure ot in

demnity into our hands, and enforce such

terms as the honor of the country demands.

Now, sir, what is this? Is it not an acknowledgement, that if this factitious government, which is aimed at, cannot be built up, we must make a conquest of the whole country and occupy it? can words be stronger? "Occupy the country," Take the full measure of indemnity; no defensive line no treaty; and en

force terms; terms on whom? on the govern

ment No no no. It is to enforce the terms

on the people individually; that is to say, to es

tablish a government over them in the form of

provinces.

Well, the President is right. If in the vig-

oreus prosecution ot the war, as the r resident proposes, the contingency should fdil, and the chances of its failure are many, there will be no

retreating. Every argument against calling

back the armv, as they designate it against

taKiii2 a defensive line, which is now advanced,

will have double force after you have spent six

ty millions ot dollars, ana have acquired possession of the whole of Mexico. The interests in

tavor ot keeping us there will be mucn more influential then than now. The army itselt

will be larger.' Those who live by the war-

large and powerful body the numerous contractors, the suttlers, the merchants, the speculators in the lands and mines of Mexico, and

all enaged every way, directly or indirectly in

the progressof the war, and absorbing the whole expenditures, will be all adverse to retiring, and will swell the cry in favor of continuing

and extending conquest. The President talks

sir, of taking indemnity into our hands, then;

but, why not take indemnity now.' We are much nearer indemnity now, than we will be

at the end ol the next campaign, when we

shall have sixty millions added to the expend!

ture of the last forty. What will you then

have to indemnify you? Nothing but a Mexi

can population, on whom you are to impose taxation in all forms and shapes; and amongst which you will have to maintain an army of at

least forty thousand men; according to the Sen

ator irom Mississippi,. (Mr. Davis.) not a

very large number, tor he savs, that the seven

ty-three thousand men now there are in danger. That there is no indemnity at all. You will never get enough in that way to meet your

expenditures. " It with all have to come out of

the pockets of the people of the United States

and after all, the talk of indemnity, of pushing on this war vigorously to success, at the end of

the next campaign, instead of indemnity, you will have a heavy ' pecuniary burden imposed upon the present and succeeding generation. Well, Mr. President, we have now come to the solemn question" proposed by these resolutions. I have shown where his line of policy will, in all probability; lead you- I may say, will inevitably lead you, unless some unexpected contingency should prevent. It will lead to the blotting out of the nationality of Mexico, and the throwing of eight or nine millions of people without a government on your hands. It will compell you, in all probability, to assume the government, for, I think, there will be very little prospect of your retiring. You must either hold the country as a province or incorporate it into our Union. Shall we do either? That's the question. Far from us be such an act, aud for the reasons contained in the resolutions. The first of these reasons is this: it would be inconsistent with the avowed object for which the war has been prosecuted. That needs no argument after what has been said. Since the commencement of the war till this moment, every man has disavowed the intention of conquest of extinguishing the existence of Mexico as a people. It has been constantly proclaimed that the only object was indemnity. And yet, sir, as events are moving on, what we disvow may be accomplished, and what we have avowed may be defeated. Sir, this result will be a dark and lasting imputation on either the sincerity or the intelligence of this country; on its sincerity because, so opposite to your own

avowals; on your intelligence, for the want of

a clear foresight in so plain a case as not

discern the consequences. ' :

Sir. we have heard how mucn gtory our coun

try has acquired in this war I acknowledge it

to thelull amount, Mr. President, so laras mm

tary glory is concerned. - The army has done nobly chivalrously they have conferred honor on the country, for which 1 sincerely thank

them. . . -' i :

1 Mr. President, I believe all our thanks will

be confined to our army. So far as I know in the civilized world, there is no approbation of the conduct of the civil portion of our . power. On the contrary, every where the declaration is

made, that we are an ambitious, unjust, hard people, more given to war . than any people of modern times, j Whether this be "true or not, it is not for me to inquire. I am speaking now merely of the reputation which we bear abroad. Every where, I believe, for as much as we' have gained in military reputation abroad, I regret, to perceive, we have lost in our political and civil reputation. Now, sir, as much as I regard military glory much as I rejoice to behold our people in possession of the indomitable energy

and courage which surmount all difficulties,and

which class them amongst the lirstmuitary peo

pie of the age, I would be very sorry indeed

that our government should lose any reputation for wisdom; moderation, discretion, justice, and those other high qualities which have distin-. guished us in the early stages of our history. The next reason which my resolutions asign, is, that it is without example or prececedent, either to hold Mexico as. a province, or to incorporate her into our Union. No example of such a line of policy can be found. We have conquered, many . of , the - neighboring tribes of -Indians, but we never thought of holding them in , subjection never of incorporating them into our Union. They have

either been left as an independent people

amongst us, or been driven into tne iorest

I know farther, sir, that we have never dreampt of incorporating into our Union any but the Caucassian race the free white race.

To incorporate Mexico, would be the very first instance of the kind of incorporating an Indian race, for more than half of the Mexicans are

Indians, and the other is composed, chiefly of

mixed tribes, I protest against such a union as that! Qur's, sir, is the government of the

white man. The greatest misfortunes of Span

ish America are to be traced to the fatal error of placing these colored races on an equality

with the white race, that error destroyed the

social arrangement which formed the basis of

society. The Portugese and ourselves have

escaped the Portugese at least to !-ome ex tent and we are the only people on the : con

tinent which have made revolutions without

being followed by au&rchy. And yet it is pro fessed and talked about to erect these Mexi

cans into a territorial government, and place

them on an equality with the people of th

United States. I protest utterly against such a project, , Sir, it is a remarkable fact, that in the whole

history of aian,as far as my knowledge extends

there is no instance whatever ol any civilized

colored races bing found equal to the estab

lishment ot tree popular government, although by far the largest portion of the human family is composed of these races. And even in the savage state we scarcely find them any where

with such government, except it be our noble

savages for noble I will call them. They for

the most part had free institutions, but they

are easily sustained amongst a savage people Are we to overlook this tact? Are we to as

sociate with ourselves as equals, companions

and fellow-citizens, the Indians and mixed

race of Mexico? Sir, 1 should consider such

a thing as fatal to our institutions.

1 he next two reasons vvnicn I assigned were

that it would be in conflict with the genius and

character of our institutions and subversive of

oUr free government. ' I take these two togeth

er as they are so intimately connected; and

now of the first toholdMexico in subjection

Mr. President, there are some propositions

too clear for argument; and before such a body

as the Senate, 1 should consider it a loss of time

to undertake to prove that to hold Mexico as a

subjected province would be hostiie.and in conflict with our free popular institutions, and in

the end subversive ot them. 2nr, he who knows the American Constitution well; he who has

duly studied its character; he who has looked

at history and knows what nas been tne eltect of conquest of free states invariably, will require no proof at my hands to show that it

would oe entirely nostue to tae lusmuuonsoi the country, to hold Mexico as a province.

There is not an example on record of any free

state even having attempted the conquest ot any territory approaching the extent of Mexico

without disastrous consequences, ine nation conquered have in time conquered the conquerors by destroying their liberty. That will be our case, sir. The conquest of Mexico would

add so vast an amount to the patronage of this

government, that it would absorb the whole power of the States in the Union. . This Union would become imperial, and .he States mere subordinated corporations. But the evil will not end there. The process will go on. The same process by which the, power would be transferred from the States to the Union, will transfer the whole from this department of the government(I speak of the legislature)to the Executive. Alt the added power and added pat

ronage which conquest will create, will pass to the Executive. In the end you put in the bands

of the Executive the power of conquering you:

You give to it, sir, such splendor, such ample

means, that with the principle of proscription which unfortunately prevails in our country,

that the struggle will be greater at every pres

idential election than our institutions can pos

sibly endure. The end of it will that that

branch of the government will become all pow

erfuland the result 13 inevitable anarchy and

despotism. . It is as certain as that ! am this

day addressing the Senate. Sir, let it not be said that Great Britain fur

nishes an example to the contrary that she

holds provinces of vast extent of population without materially impairing the liberty of the

citizen, or exposing her to anarchy, confusion

or corruption. It is so. .out what is tne ex planation? Of all governments that ever ex isted, affording any protection whatever to li

berty, the: English Government far transcends

them all in that respect. ' fche can bear more

patronage in proportion to her population and wealth than any government of that form that ever existed, nay, to go farther, than can des

potism in its most absolute lorm. l will not

go into the philosophy of this. , That Would take me farther from the track than I desire.But I will say in a very few words, it results from the fact that her Executive and the House

of Peers, the conservative branch of the govern

ment, are both hereditary. The. Roman government may have exceeded and did exceed the British government in its power for conquest;

but no people ever did exist, and, probably, never will exist, with such a capacity for conquest as that people. But the capacity of Rome to

hold subjected provinces, was as notfnng com

pared to that of Great Britain, and hence, as soon as the Roman power passed from Italy be

yond the Adriatic on one side, anil Alps on tne

Oiner, anu me ivieuiierraucau, uini uucuj iti mostrate the Roman people became a rabble-

corruption penetrated every where,and violence and anarchy ruled the day. . Now, we see Eng

land with dependent provinces ot vastly greater territorial extent, and probably not lees in

DODulation I have not examined we see her

going on without impairing personal liberty or exposing the government to violence or anarchy. Yet the English have not wholly escaped Although they have retaiued their libertv and have not fallen into anarchy and despo

tism, yet we behold the population of England crushed to the earth by the superincumbent

weight of debt. Reflectingon that government

I have often thought that there was only one

way in which it could come to an end that

the weight of the superstructure would crush

- v -

the foundation that the wealth accumulated in part by these very conquests by the higher classes would crush the laboing masses below. But has she obtained indemnity from all her subjected provinces? On the contrary, instead of

drawing the means 01 suppoting nerseitirom

flticst and taking indemnity into ourown hands, To 00 this depends on our own volition, and not on the fleeting consent of Mexico. Sir,if time had been allowed to the Senate when the message of the President recommending war was before them, if time had been allowed to the Senate, I would have announced the course of policy which I thought right, but time'

them, has she not been compelled to resort to ws not permitted. My opinion was, that we should.

1 cy, : ir.hnA ,v,pmrnavesrmpiyvotea layiorine means otaetenaing nun

the labor of her own popula

in subjection? And has she not thrown a burden upon them, which, with all their industry and skill with all their vast accumulation of capital and power of machinery, they are incapable of bearing without being reduced to poverty? Take even her earliest and nearest conquest the neighboring island of Ireland is it not, to this diy, a source of heavy expense, and a burthen to her, instead of a source of revenue? ".'.." But while the English government has such vast power of holding subjected provinces in subjection without imparingher liberty without the evils iDcident.to it, our government of all free governments that ever existed, has the least capacity to bear patronage proportioned to its wealfhand power. In thisrespect the genius of the two governments is precisely the opposite, however much alike in their exterior forms, and their laws and customs.. The. cause

of this difference I cannot undertake to explain on the present occasion, but must content myself by saying that it results. from -its federal character and the nature of its'conservative

principles. Shall we, then, with these certain

and inevitable consequenees in a government

better calculated to resist them than any other,

adopt such a ruinous policy,-and reject the les

sons ot experience f bo much then, Mr. Pres

ident, for holding Mexico as a province.

I come now to the proposition ot incorpora

ting her into our Union, Well, as far as law

is concerned, that is easy. You can establish a

territorial government lor every state in Mexi

co, aud there are some twenty of them. You

can appoint governors, judges and magistrates

Yon can give the people a subordinate govern

ment, allowing them to legislate lor themselves,

whilst you defray the cast,. So far as law goes

the thing is done, Ihere is no analogy be

tween this and our territorial governments.

Our territories are only an offset of our own

people, or loreigners Irom the same regionsirom

which we came. I, hey are small in number

They are incapable of forming a government.

it would be inconvenient lor them to sustain a government, if it were formed; and they are

very much obliged to the United States for undertaking the trouble, knowing that on the at

tain ment of their' majority when they come

to manhood at twenty one they will be introduced to an equality with all the other mem

bers of the Union. It is entirely different with Mexico. You have no need of armies to keep vour territories in subjection. But when you incorporate Mexico, you must have powerful armies to keep them in subjection. You may

call 1 annexation, but it is a lorced annexation

which is a contradiction in terms, according to

my conception. You will be involved, in one

word, in all the evils which I attribute to hol

ding Mexico as a prov ince. In fact, it will be but a provincial government, under the name of a territorial government. How long will that last? Hovvlongwill it be before Mexico will be capable of incorporation into our Union? Why, if we jndge from the examples before us, it will be a very long time. Ireland has been held in subjection by England for seven or eight hundred years, and yet still remains hostile, -although her people are of kindred race with the conquerors. A tew French Canadians

on this continent yet maintain the attituds of

a hostile people; and never will the time come, in my opinion, Mr. President, that these Mexicans will be heartily reconciled to your authority. They have'Castillian blood in .their veins the old Grothic, quite equal to the AngloSaxon in many respectss in some respects superior. ' Of all nations of the earth, they are the most pertinacious have the highest sense of nationality hold out longest, andoften even with the least prospect of effecting their object. On this subject also I have conversed with officers of the army, and they all entertained the same opinion; that these people are now hos

tile, and willcontinue so.

But. Mr. President, suppose all these difficulties re

moved. Suppose these people attached to our Union, and desirous of incorporating with us, ought we to bring them ial Are they fit to be connected with us?

Are they fit for self-government and lor governing

you? - Are you, any of you, willing that your btates should be governed by these twenty odd Mexican States, with a population of about only one million of your blood, and .two or three millions ot mixed

blood, better informed, all the rest pure Indians, a mixed blood equally ignorant and unlit ior liberty, impure races, not as good as the Cherokces or Chock-

tawsf We make a creat' mistake, sir. when we suppose

that all people r.re capable of self-government We

are anxious to torce tree government on an; anu 1 see that it has been urged in a yery respectable quarter, that it is the mission of tins country to spread civil and reliaious liberty over all the world, and especially

over this continent, it is a ereat mistake, rxone

but people advanced to a very high state of morai and intellectual improvement and incapable, in a civil

ized slate, of maintaining free government: and

among those wlio are so purified, very lew, maeeu.

nave had the good lortuna 01 lormmg a tyousiuuuun

capable of endurance. It is a remarkable fact in the

history Ot man, that scarcely ever nave tree popular institutions been tormed by wisdom alone that have endured. - ... '

It has been the work of fortunate circumstances or

a combination of circumstances, a succession ol fortunate incidents of some kind, which give to any people a free government. It is very difficult task to make a constitution to last, though it may be supposed by some that they can be made to order and furnished at the shortest notice. Sir, this admirable Constitution of our own,' was the result of a fortunate combination of circumstances. It was superior to

the wisdom of the men who made it. It was the torce ot circumstances which induced them to adopt most of its wise provisions. Well, sir, ol the few nations

who have the good tortnne to anopt seii-governmeni, few have had the good fortune long to preserve that government: for it is harder to preserve than to form it. Few people, after years ot prosperity, remember the tenure by which their liberty is held; and I fear, Senators; that is our own condition. I fear that we shall continue to involve ourselves until our own

system becomes a ruin. Sir, there is no solicitude

for liberty. Who talks of liberty when any great question comes up? Here is a question of the first magnitude as to the conduct of thi3 war; do you

hear any body talk about its effect upon our hberues

ISO sir. .mat was not

nnH nnr frpfi institutions?

the case formerly. In the early stages of our government the great anxiety was how to preserve liberty. The great anxiety now, is for the attainment of mere mihtarv slory. In the one we are forget

ting- the other. The maxim of former times was,that

power is always stealing from the many to the tew; the price of liberty was perpetual vigilance. They were constantly looking out and watching for danger. Then, when any great question came up, the hrst inquiry was, how it could affect our free institutions how it could affect our liberty. Not so now. Is it because thre has b33n any decay of tha s pint of liberty among the people? Not at all. I believe the love of liberty was never more ardent, but they have forgotten the tenure of liberty by which alone

Wj. think we inn now indulee in every thins with

impunity, as if we held our charter of liberty by f'right

divine." from heHven itself. Under these impres

sions we Dlunse into war, we contract heavy debtst

we increase the patronage of the Executive, and we

even talk of a crusade to force our institutions, oue

liberty, upon all people. There is no species of extrar

vagance which our people imagine win ennanger tneir liberty in any degre?. But it is a great and fatal mistake. The day of retribution will come. It will rorae as certainly as I am now addressing the Sen-

ate, and when it does come, awiui win ire mc oninor: hpnw the resuonsibilitv somewhere? . . .

Mr. President; with these impressions I cannot apnmcs if thp nnlic.v recommended bv the Executive"

.nor can I, with my present views, support it. 1 he

question is now, what shall oe aonet 11 is a greai and difficult question, and it is daily becoming more and more difficult.. What is to be done? Sir, that duestion ousrht not to be lor me to answer. I, who have

everv tf.irt in rav nower to prevent this war,

anil after its commencement have done every thing

in my power to diminish the evil to the smallest pos

sible amount. But I wilt not shrints trom any responsibility whether it properly belongs to me or not. After saying that 1 cannot support the course recommended by the Executive, I will proceed to state that which 1 would propose as the best to be pursued. Well, then, I will say that there is not the smallest chance ot our disentangling ourselves from this Mexican concern which direitens us so much there has not lieen in my opinion the smallest chance, trom the commencement ot the war until this tune but betaking a defensive iine, doin? that now which the t freb. deiit recommends should be done finally after the con-

sen. 1 nai ougni 10 nave oeen oorre.- 1 nere men snouia

have been a soleinn report from the? proper committee going into all the circumstances, showing that the

repuonc 01 lYiexico nau not yet recogmzea tnese nostilitipa rpinnimpn!ina m nrnvisinnal srmv t la tit

, " r-""J . 1 rvtAl trt 11 nrnnpr run n t. mvulff tinu f a th. Upiniiin -

Congress and Mexican people to have considered ... 1. TI .1 . .J " Tr - .1

wueiner mey wuuiu avow or uraavow tne auacKS. uDoniis; ana if no satisfaction were obtained.- not -to"

make war in this set form, but seize upon' the port

tions ot the country contiguous and most convenient

IV US, AUU UU,(? UiUlllCU iUw UblCJJOlVC AiilfT. ' These are my views, but, unfortunately, we were all :. acting here under an urgency without time to reflects w. . 1 a rvoj ic j . j

c noic uusucu un auu tuiu, Ji vuu uo uui aci lo-uutr ,

nothing can oe done. ... . -- . .

Well. now. sir. a& to where the defensive tin stimitil

he at thejiresent time, I do not presume to ofler an '. opinion. I suggested it line at the last session I am not prepared to say what would be the proper one a the present time, buf I do say that we must vacate the central parts ot Mexico.- We must fall back; if you choose to use that word, or take aline that shall cover ample territory for indemnity . - -

For my part, 1 am not for " charging Mexirn -with

"fhfi whnlp pirnpn.ie of thp wr? hut 1 wnM t.l-n am-

. w 1 - - ., . m. nuutia ,anc nil, -

pie territory and hold it subject to negotiation. Now,sic, I know it will be said that this will be as expen-

that that cannot be, that it will fall far short of it, but I will, not, repeat the argumen. But admitting- it should; admitting that by no means concludes thear-t.

gument; for the sacrihce of men would 'be infinitely . less, and what is more important, yotf will thereby

be enabled to disentangle yourselves.: This is theonly way bySvhich it can be done. You are tied, at , ' present, as it wererto a corpse. My object is to get -15

ria 01 it as soon as possible. , , .:, ...... : fT

I look not at Mexico, I look to our own country . -

and her institutions; I look to the liberty of this country and nothing else. Mr.PreMdent, it we but :

preserve our liberty by a proper course of moderation, acting justly towards our neighbor, and wisely iu regard to. ourselves if we. remain quiet,- resting in idle and masterly inactivity,, and let our destinies, ,

OTnrk nut their own resntta we shnU en mnrp fnr lib

erty, not only tor ourselves, but lor the example ot :

mankind, than can be done by a thousand victories.Sir, I find I am becoming old; I almost feel that I ' lire 8mong strangers If! have expressed anything!' that is uncongenial to the feelings of this body, put it down as preceding from the old associations of thirty or thirty-five years ago, which nre still clinging at I round me. Sir, this is not the first time that I have r taken my stand against war. When Gen. Jackson ' recommended letters of marque and reprisal agains-" f France, I arose alone in the Senate and remonstrated against such injustice. And, in point of fact, the " treaty which was sudsequently concluded with France : was ratified with the express understanding, which was known to our Government when the treaty was formed, that it would require a vote of the Chambera , on the part of France to sustain it, as it would require to sustain it on the part of this country ; and ' that they were no further responsible than to use their , best efforts to obtain that vote. And yet, though it was acknowledged that the Executive of France had done all in hia power to obtain the vote, we were nearly pushed into a war. Nothing hut the interpo-. sition ot Great Britain prevented it. As tor myself,. " standing on this 6ide of the Chamber, I raised my'1 voice singly against ......, ...... , . Mr. President, vet my opinion, all parties are inter--ested in civinsi this matter the only direction that can -

be given to it with, any prospect of a favorable result. Let me say ttv the friends ol. the Administration, if you go on and' some accident docs not meet -you it" ; you go on in: the prosecuticrrof this war from year to -year, you willfiiid that it will overthrow you.. Do" younot see that as faras the in'ernal afl'airs- of the ' government are concerned, you are reversing the pol-, icy of which you. haw heretofore professed to be advocates. What party has been opposed to the re-cre- ' ation of a great national debt?; ihe Democratic 01 Republican party t Welh. sir, this war is involving you in a greateT debt than the- opposite farty could ' nave done, perhaps, ia any eirciunttanees short. ot war. This very campaign, which you, look: apoo soslightly; -will be almost asgnjst a charge- upon' thecountry as the debt of the Keuolutumu What party has always been against the-extention of the patronage of the Executive? Well, sir, you. are doing more towards the extension ol tliat patronage, and above t all towards the continuation, ol that extension than has ever been done under otrr goenrr.nt.. Well; sir what party professes to be most in tavor of a- metallic currency? And do you not see that as your Treasury Notes and Stocks accumulate, you are in danger " of being plunged acain into the paper system. to the., utmost extent? What party has always been- m fa-' vor of Free Trade? Do you not see that by accumulating charges and burdens upon the people b the;, debts which have now been contracted, that you nev-' er will during your time have an opportHtiity Of making any considerable reduction in the Tariff. , ,,

, bir, 1 know what is at the bottom the course ot policy which is recommended to be pursued, It is that pride of opinion to which we are all subject. Noy doubt it was thought that that course of policy would lead to the consequences which were contended for but it has not. But, sir, the alternative is pressing. You will have but the choice between that and worse, in my opinion. It is magnanimons and honorable to retract when a course of polisv' which has been pursued turns out to be wrong. , tt1 would do great credit to the party in power to act now precisely as tliey would have acted if they had had all the lights of experience at the commencement, of this war which they now have; It would be do:, ing a high act of patriotism, to sacrifice their feelings of individual pride to the good of the country, . . Now let me say that in asserting that a defensive line was the only alternative to the plan recommended by the President, I have no t out of the question the course of which most of you advocate jaking no indemnity of territory; bemuse, 1 believe that the voice of the country has decided irrevocably against it; and that to keep it as the alternative would but

render more certain the adoption of the pohcy recommended by the Executive, and in consequence the conquest of the whole country. Let me say farther, to my friends on the other side of the Chamber, for I regard them as such (it is our good fortune to differ in politics here without permitting our personal feeliugstobe affected) that they have contributed by their course to give the public opinion that strong and fixed determination, not to terminate the war without some suitable indemnity. 1 do not allude to your vot

ing on the bill recognizing the existence ol war between the Republic ot Mexico and the United States,; No one knows better than myself, that you voted for the bill with the view of furnishing immediate relief to General Taylor and bis army and not in reference to the war that you even protested and remonstrated against that interpretation being put upon your1 vote. But after the bill passed, and the war was authorized, most of you have continued to vote appropriations to prosecute the war with the object expressed of acquiring territory as an indemnity. Now, .1 must say, I cannot 6eehowthe two can be reconcile how your wte to acquire territory can be justified and at the same time your opposition to the acquis-. tion of territory aa means of indemnity, when it lsaknowledged on all sides, that that is the only meas by which it can be acquired. The people will findit hard to believe that it was necessary to vote so muh money for the purpose of getting territory for indennity, which you intend to throw away when youjet it. But, whatever may be the causes which haveted to this state of public opinion, i: has, beyond all dcibt decided against any conclusion of this war that oes not involve territorial indemnity to some extert. Hence, I repeat,the alternative whether this warihall goon and consummate itself, is between takingidcfensive line and adopting the course pointed cit by the executive, and that the deorion must be made f- r . i j . 1 .1

now, ior ii u oe passtu over unu uuuuier sessiOl, US . end will be, I doubt not. the suljugation of the whole country, thereby involving us ii all the difficulty and dangers which must result frou it. Now, I have delivered my oinion with that candor and frankness which, I -hpe, become my position on this floor; I shall now propose nothing, but if I find that I can be support in these my views, I will undertake to raise a comiittee to deliberate, af ter consulting with those others who are now fortu-t nately in this city, upon the fest defensive line thai can be taken. ' K it should b fortunately . adopted, we may not get peace immeditely. The war may continue for some years, but He will accomplish that all important consideration, to extrication of ourselves and the country from tls entanglement with Mexico. . . .

Tight Lacixo and Red Noss. If a foolish girl,' by dint of busk and bones, andjqueezing and bracking, secures the conventional beuty of a wasp-waist, : she is tolerably certain to gain a addition she by no means bargained for, namely orei nose, which in numberless instances, is product by no other cause" than the.unnatural girth ob'strudng circulation, and causing stagnation of the bloodjn that prominent' and important feature. Often, i assemblages of the fair, have we sesn noses, faultleain form, but tinged with the abhorded hue, to whichvashes and cosmetics have been applied in wild d;pair; but ala3, in vain! If the lovely owners coul have known the cause, how speedily the effect wsld have vanished ; for, surely, the most perverse adirer of a distortedspine and compressed lungs, wod deem the acquirement of a dram-drinker's nose tc heavy a condition to be complied with. ' ' -