Evening Republican, Volume 23, Number 220, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 11 September 1920 — Page 3

HARDING GLAD AMERICANS ARE A FREE PEOPLE

In Speech to Indiana Delegation Republican Nominee Declares for Security at Home. EUROPE HAS EVEN NOW QUIT WILSON’S LEAGUE Yet Democratic Party Leaders Would Have Ue Round by Original Pact With No American Safeguards.

-STEADY AMERICA!”

“Mindful of our splendid example and renewing every obligation of association in war, i want America ts be the rock of security at home, resolute In righteousness and unalterable In seourlty and supremacy of the law. -Lot us be done with wiggling and wobbling. “Steady America! Lot up assure good fortune to all/' —Senator Warren G. Harding in address before the Indiana delegation at Marlon.

Marlon, O. (Special,)—Senator Warren Q. Harding, Repnbiicrn nominee for President, In a speech delivered to a delegation from Indiana which called on him here to pledge the support of Indiana Republicans, declared that twice President Wilson had an opportunity to obtain ratification of the League of Nations covenant and that he put.' ratification aside because he would not accept reservations designed solely to safeguard American rights. Senator Harding said: “I greet you In a spirit of rejoicing; not a rejoicing in the narrow personal »r partisan sense, not la the gratifying prospects of party triumph; net in the contemplation of abundance in the harvest fields and ripening corn fields ind maturing orchards; not in the reinsuring approach of stability after a' period of wiggling and wobbling which Magnified our uncertainty—though all »f these are ample for our wide relolclng—but I rejoice that America is •till free and independent and to a poiltlon of self-reliance and-holds to the right of self-determination, which are priceless possessions In the , present turbulence of the world. "Let ns suppose the senate tad ratfled the peace treaty containing the eague covenant .as submitted to it by he president in July of last year, rhat would be the situation confrontng our common country -today ? To uy mind there is bat one answer. Before tills day we would have been called upon to fulfil the obligations Hrhlch we had assumed under Article 10 it the league covenant, to preserve the territorial integrity of Poland ‘as igains# external aggression.’ Sympathy for Poland. “I rfiaii not now attempt to. measure the boundless sympathy for the fast aspirations and restored Independence of Poland. Our present concern Ip the international situation which Poland ha« brought (o our attention. • “The council of the League of Nations would have reasoned, and reasoned correctly, that the United States could furnish the munitions and, if necessary, the men to withstand the hordes advancing from Russia far move easily than could the exhausted ngttnnn of Europe. Moreover, Inasmuch as this would be the first tsst of the scheme of world government which was formulated and demanded by the President, speaking for the United States, the fact of a special responsibility, resting upon v our shoulders, manifestly would have been undeniable. Undoubtedly the league council, in ‘advising upon the means’ by which the obligations to Poland, should be fulfilled, as provided in the covenant, would have so held, and probably the conscience of America, certainly the. opinion of, the world, would have sustained that Judgment : “The conclusion that oar country might now be confronted by such a Situation, if the senate had ratified me league covenant requires no Stretch of the.lmagination: None can dpny that it is possible. To many candid minds, as to my own, nA a distressing situation will seem highly probable. Let us assume that the ratification had taken place. Let us assume, further, that the performance of As alleted task required the waging of war upon the Russian people, of course, it would, what would result; what would4>f necessity have t» result? Nothing necessarily, we glibly Informed, since only the Obagress can declare war, and the Congress might reject the appeal of the executive. But would the "Congress ds that? Gould the Congress do that without staining Indelibly the honor of the nation? Answer la -Nstf* 1 answer *No,’ and I say It not on my own apthSßfty alone. Back of jay Upon that point there If first-hand Information. In the course o# the discussion which took place at the meeting of the President and the Sbnate Committee on- Foreign Relational raised tiie question by stating mS^SSAl^e^dSSedTsndthS i - -vi. T~ ' 1- V- ■'

pis If we should fail to conti Ihtos an armed force, if called upon to do m The President first replied, as I thought somewhat evasively, that we *would be ear own judges as to whether we were obliged In thfese circumstances to act in that way or not. Pressed further, however, In response to a query Incorporating the assumption that *the case provided tor and prescribe# had arisen’ and that ‘the extraneous attack did exist precisely as It does exist today in Poland,’ the President admitted specflcally that ‘we would be untrue if we did not keep our word.’ _ “Replying further to a question which perhaps I ought not to have considered necessary,. the President pronounced a moral obligation of course, superior to a legal obligation’ and of *a greater binding force.’ “What, then, becomes of the argument that Congress, not the President, In this instance at any rate, might ‘keep us out of war?’ Technically, of coarse, It could do so. Morally, with equal certajpty, ft could not do so nor would it ever do so. The American people would never permit a repudiation of a debt of honor. “Am I not right, my countrymen. In saying that we needed only the outbreak of war between Poland and Rnssta to make us realise at least one of the things which, In the words of Secretary Lansing, we would have been ‘let In'for/ but for the restraining hand of the senate, and to fetch heme to us the danger of committing our country in advance to causes that we know not of? Not Our Purpose. “One can have no quarrel with those who have convinced themselves that our underlying purpose In entering the great conflict was to create a Teague of nations. The fact remains, however, that no such Intent was officially acclaimed, no allusion, nor even a suggestion to that effect appeared In the Jolpt resolution of Congress which declared the existence es a state of war between this country and Germany. P» myself" I left no room for doubt of the motives which led me to cast my vote in favor es that resolution. It so happened that I made the concluding speech upon the war resolution, from my place In the senate, on the night es April 4, 1917. These were 'my own werds at that time: “‘I want It known to .Ae people of my state and to the nation that I am voting for war tonight for the maintenance es Jnst American rights, which la the first essential to the preservation es the soul of this republic, “T vote for this Joint resolution to make war, not a war thrust upon us, if I could choose the language of the resolution, bat a war declared in response te affronts; a war that will at least, put a soul Into our American life; a war not for the cause of the allies of Europe; a war not for France, beautiful as the sentiment may be In reviving at least our gratitude te the French people; fiet precisely a war for civilisation, werthy and Inspiring as that would be; but a war that speaks for the majesty of a people properly governed, who finally are brought ts the crucial test where they are resolved to get together and wage a conflict for .the maintenance es their ■ rights and the preservation es- the covenant inherited from their fathers. “We have given to the world the spectacle of a great nation that could make war without selfish Intent. We unsheathed the sword some eighteen years -ago for the first time in the history of the world, In the name of humanity r and we gave proof to the world at that time of an unselfish nation. Now, whether it la the fate, or fortune, or travail of destiny, it has come to us te unsheathe the sword again, not alone fer humanity’s sakethrough that splendid inspiration will be involved--but to unsheathe the sword against a great power In the maintenance of the rights of the republic, In the maintenance which will give to ns a new guaranty of nationality. That’s the great thing, and I want It known, Mr. President and senators, that tills Is the impelling thought with me for one, when I cast my vote.’ For Same Guaranty Today. “It is for that same ‘guaranty of nattonality’ that I stand today, and shall continue to stand Inflexibly, so .long aa I shall be permitted to live. The Independence of eur great republic is to me a priceless aqd sacred inheritance. Time was when an American did not hesitate to proclaim himself a patriot To do so now, I am well aware, Is sometimes to Invite the sneers es cynicism But why should any true American net be tree to say.: *1 am a patriot, wholly evoted to my country, which I hold to be God’s best inspiration to man for higher attainment and the promotion of the world’s best civilisation?’ “But I have a special reason fer mnHwf this reference today. I challenge the statement that the patriotism which bolds America first comprehends either narrownes or selfishness, or as-implying tacit suspicion and jealousy of other peoples. “To assert, as some have asserted heedlessly, that those of us who honestly believe that America can best serfs all mankind as America, free ■mi on trammeled, rather -than as one m a pitiable minority among atony states In merged world government, lack consciousness of the rightful demands of humanity, Is to utter a gross and unpardonable ÜbeL To attribute meanness to those at us who, in Ac performance es our public duty, re fused to participate* In what westocerely regarded as a betrayal of o® own country to trust For myself, I yield to no srez * thegreetST oeoctovSbto*3|p

THE EVENING RBPBftLtCAN, ItBNSSELAKB, PSP.

ance lb the SttlcfcSß peoples of Europe. I include BH' of them and speak-with a genuinely sympathetic heart, whether it ia to mention devastated France, or sorsiy-tried Italy, er nobly-struggling Poland, or distracted and misguided Russia, or gallant little Belgium, or pitiably deceived Austria, or the ruthless invader, Germany, which came to Ae supreme tragedy through s leadership which brought disaster to her misguided people “It was with Aat feeling of sympathy and desire to serve, Aat most reluctantly and wiA grave misgivings, as I announced at Ae time, I wiA reservations designed to preserve our essential liberty of action. The record is made and under the same conditions, confronted by Ae same alternative, I should vote now as I voted Aen. * Conditions . Have Changed. “But Ae conditions have changed. Experience has brought enlightenment We knew now that Ae league constituted at Versailles is utterly impotent as a preventive of w&rs. It is so obviously Impotent'that It has not even been tried. The original league, mistakenly conceived and unreasonably Insisted upon, has undoubtedly passed beyond Ae possibility of restoration The maturer judgment of Ae world will be Aat it deserved to pass for Ae very simple reason Aat, contrary to all of Ae tendencies developed by Ae civilizing processes of the world, It rested upon Ae power of might, not of right “The assertion la made frequently Aat through Ae surrender of our nationality we might have saved‘thfe life of the covenant —Aat is to say, that although twenty-eight nations could not make It function, one added to Ae twenty-eight would have achieved a glowing success, provided, always, that the one were America. “This pays *to America the tribute of exceptional influence, but 1 suggest Aat If Ae-world is dependent upon our action to bring about Ae supreme realization, Aen we enght to have Ae say about our own freedom in participating therein. But let us consider what is meant by this reliance upon America. What can It signify If not Aat it is to the United States, and to Ae United States alone, Aat Ae oAer twenty-eight nations look for the bone and sinew, Ae money, Ae munitions and the men to sustain Ae entire organization, not as an agency of peace, bat as an armed force? ' A-Telling Admission. “A few days ago a delegation of an organization which calls Itself a Society for Ae Prevention of War appealed to Ae premier of Great Britain to unite and use the powers of Ae world in defense of Poland, Armenia and the Dardanelles. The British premier replied, according to his remarks quoted by the newspapers, to the effect Aat; while Ae formation of ‘an international army’ would be ‘an Ideal solution,’ It could not be accomplished because Ae European nations coaid not furnish Ae troops and the United States had ‘wlAdrawn from co-opera-tion’ —a polite and diplomatic phrase and more erectly meaning, of ceurse, ''Aat Ae senate es A© United States had not completed the partial obligation assumed by Ae President to do Aat very thing—Aat is, te ‘furnish Ae troops.’ Oeuld a clearer indication of what would have been expected of this country as a member of the league be desired? Hardly. Some, too, Aink, or say Aey Aink, Aat Ais extraordinary service should be' rendered. I do not agree wiA Aem, but, assuming that they are right, I venture to note that nothing stands In Ae way of performance. The President has only to call upon Congress to declare war, and to .confer upon him specific auAorlty to raise armies fer Ae protection it the powers which, Aongb recently associated wiA, are still foreign to our own republic. “It .is reasonably safe to assume, however, Aat the President will not pursue this course. Fortunately, he Is under no *compelllng moral obligation’ under the league to .do so. His recent unhappy experience, moreover, in ■■king Congress to send v American beys to police Armenia would hardly encourage repetition es a request already courteously but quite firmly declined by Ae Congress. What then, in like circumstance's, would be Ae answer of Ae British premier himself? In his own. words, addressing a meeting of Ae Coalition Liberals on August 12 last, according to Ae press reports, he said: .“.‘When the terrible question of peace of war has to be decided, our first duty as a government in to A# peeple, who trust us not to commit their treasure to any unjustifiable adventure. Nothing but the most imperative call of national honor, national safety and national freedom can Justify war. Before Ais country is committed to it, even to the most limited form, ws must be satisfied that these are In peril/ “I quote these telling words, my countrymen, wiA the utmost satisfaction, because wiA one amendment Aey express to a nicety my own'position. I take for granted Aat Ae prime minister meant to Include to •treasure’ .Ae greatest treasure of all. but, for myself, I should leave nothing to be inferred. Foremost and above aB sloe to be safeguarded T»y those of us who bold the trust of the people, It gees without saying, but cannst b# too often repeated, is Ae manhood of the nations . Will Net Misuse Power. “Now, U ! 8© many things hayekeen «ne tuilto exp^^edm^

induce me to 4# that I cannot ova# attempt to recount'Aem. I may remark casually, however, that If I should be, as I fully expect to be, elected President es this Just end honorable . republic, I will not empower an assistant secretary of the navy to draft a * constitution for helpless neighbors to. the West Indies and Jam it down their throats at As point of bayonets borne by United States marines. We have a higher service for our gallant marines than Aat. Nor will I misuse the power of Ae executive to cover with a veil of secrecy repeated acts of unwarranted Interference in domestic affalrp of Ae little republics of Ae western hemisphere, such as in Ae past few years have not only made enemies of Aose who should be our friends, but have rightfully discredited our country as Aeir trusted neighbor. Will Bubmlt to No Wrong. “On Ae other hand, I will not or shall not, ps you prefer, submit to any wrong against any American citizen, with respect te elAer his life or his property, by any government. This statement Is made in all solemnity, wiA enmity for none and friendship for all. If It particularly applies to Mexico, Ae application has been directed by the robbery and murder of hundreds of our own people A that nnhappy country who were lawfully Aere and were entitled to protection. One must admit that Aese outrage*: upon Americans are largely Ae consequence# of Ae wiggling and wobbling, Ae supine-waiting of our own government, though Ae admission neither helps Ae Jmrt, nor gives the hope of security for Ae future while Ae present administration remains In power, or when one to ’complete accord’ succeeds It “This admonition is not directed exclusively toward our next door neighbor te whem we would gladly hold forth a helping hand, and whom .primarily, certainly In preference to far off peoples A Europe, AsA ahd Africa, It is enr manifest duty to serve wiA a whole heart and generous tolerance. It Is Intended for a plain notice to every government on Ae face of the earth Aat Ae entire resources of this nation are pledged te maintain Ae sacredness of American lives and the just protection es American properties. Line of Demarcation Plato. “The line of demarcation between our attitude and that of our political opponents 'A perfectly plain. The president has made his position clear by his acts no less Aan by hA words. Twice Aere came te him an opportunity to obtain ratification at Ae hasdff of the senate and twice he put Ae opportunity aside, because he would not accept reservations designed solely te safeguard American rights He still holds Article 10 to be Ae heart of the covenant. So dees the Democratic platform. So dees the Democratic nominee. Te assume Aat Ae nominee would accept tiens rejected by Ae President and denounced by Ae party platform A to impugcf his Integrity. Te insinuate, as those who to procAlming themselves fer Ae Democratic candidate and *the league wiA reservations’ do insinuate that he would pursue such a ceurse in seeking ratification A pot to pay him a compliment, but rather to challenge his sincerity. “For myself I do net question fer a moment Ae truth of what the Democratic nominee says on this subject He has flatly said he A ‘ln favor of going in’ on Ae basis announced by Ae President. lam not That A Ae whole difference between us, but it A a most vital one, because it involves Ae disparity between a world court of justice supplemented by a world association for conference, on Ae one hand, and Ae council of Ae league, on the oAer. The Difference. “The difference between a court of international justice and Ae council created by Ae leagne covenant A simple but profound. “The one A a judicial tribunal to be governed by fixed and definite principles of Aw administered wiAout passion or prejudice. JThe oAer is an association of diplomats and politicians whose determinations are* sure te be influenced by considerations of expediency and national selfishness. “I do net mean to say, nor do I m—n to permit any such construction, Aat I would decline to co-operate wiA oAer nations to an honest endeavor to prevent wars. Nobody livlpg would take Aat position. The only question A one of method or of practicability within Ae bounds prescribed by fundamental principles. “There are distinctly two types es International reAtionship. One A an offensive and defensive alliance es great powers, like "that created at Versailles, to impose Aeir will upon tire helpless peoples of the world. Frankly; I 4m opposed to each e scheme as that, and I speak knowingly when I sky that Ae assocAted . powers, wiA whom we fought the war, ware reluctant to accept such a proposition. - “I am opposed to Ae very thought of our republic becoming s party to so great an outrage upon other-peo-ples, whs have as good A right to seek Aeir political freedom as we bad In 17T6 and have Ae same right to developing eminence under Ae inspiration at nationality as we held for ourseives. " The Other Type. -The oAer type A a society of fires , —a—, or aa association of free nations, or a leagne of free nations, animated by considerations of right and jostles. Instead of might and selfinterest, and not merely an agency A pursuit of peace, but so'OTganlzed and *o participated In aa' to make Ae actual attainment es peace s ssffKrsrs

would make do fine* distinction as 'to whom credit is due. “This la proposing no new tiling. This country already a member of such a society—The Hague tribunal, which, enlike tbe league of Versailles, is still functioning, and within a few weeks will resume Its committee see* stons under the chairmanship of an American represents tire. “In that body wd hare the framework of a really effective Instrumentality of enduring peace. The fact that tbe tribunal did not prevent tbe great war is, of course, manifest, but the cause of the failure is no less apparent. Germany, already secretly determined upon a ruthless Invasion, was able to prevent the adoption of measures which might have proved effectual. The condition now is wholly different Not only Germany, bnt the entire world has profited to the extent of an awful object lession, the Impression of which cannot be erased from the human mind for generations to come. The horrors of war and the eagerness for peace have become universal. What once seemed at The Hague to be a mere academic discussion has become a positive, outstanding need of facing termying/actualities. This makes vastly easier the task of so strengthening The Hague tribunal as to render its Just decrees either acceptable or enforceable. It Is net uncommon fer the advocates of the league of Versailles to contrast unfavorably Tbe Hague tribunal upon the ground that the tribunal ‘lacks teeth. 1, • Let’s Install the Teeth. “Very well, -then, let’s put teeth Into It If, in the failed league of Versailles, there can be found machinery which the tribunal can use properly and advantageously, by all means let It be appropriated. I would even go further. I would take and combine all that Is good and excise all that la bad from both organisations. This statement la broad enough to Include the suggestion that If the league, which has heretofore riveted our considerations and apprehensions, has been so entwined and Interwoven Into the peace of Europe, that Its geed must be preserved In order to stabilise the peace of that continent, then it can be amended or revised so that we may still have a remnant of world aspirations in 1918 builded into tbe world’s hiigbest conception of helpful co-operation In tbe ultimate realisation. “I believe humanity would welcome the creation of an International association for conference. and a world court whose verdicts upon Justiciable questions, this country In common with all nations would be both willing and able to uphold. The decision of such a court or the recommendations of such a conference could be accepted without sacrificing on our part or asking any qther power to sacrifice one lota of its nationality. “The Democratic nominee has spoken about America abandoning her associates In war and deserting the allied nations in establishing the league of Versailles. I do not think it longer necessary to challenge that statement or pass further opinion upon the unfortunate league. It has already been abandoned by Europe, which had gone so for as to accept It by formal agreement In treaty. On this subject, we are fully informed at first hand. Only the other day the British premier said unresentfully that the e&entlal co-operation of America might involve ‘some change, at any rate, in the form of the covenant,’ and he added, with characteristic outspokenness, ‘it is quite passible tt might be a change for tbe better/ “listen, further, to the wise and forseeing, former British ambassador, who was not permitted to present hie credentials to our executive. On Our Own Terms. “ ’As long/ said Viscount Grey, hardly a month ago, ‘as long as the richest, moot powerful, the greatest, both for population and territory, of the civilised countries of the world stands outside the league, the league will J>e unable to fulfill its destiny. To put it in quite plain terms, the Americans must be fold that if they will only Join the league they can practically name their own terms.’ Undoubtedly that la tbe focL I ask: Is there any good reason why we should not avail ourselves of this privilege? I do not mean in any arrogant or selfish way, but simply as a matter of fairness and right to our own people. Surely It is becoming, and a duty as well, to safeguard our own people, since it Is we who are tbe main contributors, while yaking nothing for ourselves except to participate in a contribution to the promotion of world peace.’ A Valued Suggestion. “Viscount Grey continues: *Tho Americans should be intrusted with the of drafting a reconstruction scheme.’ Then he suggests further that ‘a committee of the senate—we most never forget the senate’s rights and duties in regard to foreign affairs being re-enforced by the members of the house of representatives, and also by nominees of the President, and Supremo Court—could draw up suggestions for tbe reconstruction of foe league, which would be consonant with tbe feeling not of one, but of all parties in America.’ “Frankly, I value that suggestion vqry highly, because tt Is proffered obviously In a helpful and friendly qpirjt and reveals an important Old World opinion on the necessity of amendment, revision or reeonstrucyp* n comprehends substantially what I would propose to dg If ftfqctcd pud* dent Ido no( «mrfprscfairty,tbat., tt or to attempt to vgm of'Smag into real conference the ablest and ■j.rf ~-j ; u

STRIKING PHRASES FROM HARDING'S PEACC LEAGUE ADDRESS.

. rejoloe that America Is still free and independent jpl In a position of self rellahoe and holds to the right of sets determination.” -7 ■ 7 “Time was when an Amerioan did net hesitate to proclaim himself a patriot. Te do so now, I am well aware, Is sometimes to Invite the sneers of oynfolsm.” “We needed only the outbreak of the war between Poland and Russia te make us realize at least one of the things whloh, In the words of decretory Lansing, we would have been ‘let In for/ but for the restraining hand of the senate.” “We knew now that the longue constituted at Versailles le utterly Impotent as a preventive of ware. It la so obviously Imp** tent that It has net even been tried. It could net survive a single test. The original league, mistakenly oonoeived andunreeaonably Insisted upon, hoe undoubtedly pasted beyond the possibility of restoration. The maturer Judgment of the world; will be that It deserved te pees.”’

may be derived and without party affiliation, to' formulate a dadnlte, practical plan along the llneq already indicated for the eenalderatlto' of the controlling foreign power*. “The objection, strongly uttered la some quarters, that this course would involve the reconvening of the entire convention may bo regarded as a vary alight one. The acceptance of ear proposals by tbe few principal natioas would undoubtedly be followed promptly by the acceptance on the part of the minor members of the alliance. “There woold bo no material delay. One can not disregard the leadership or have any doubt about the influence of the principal allied and associated powers. Insofar as I could dp so, without disregarding the proprieties, I should give very earnest and practlchlly undivided attention to this very, vital subject from the day of my election and I should ask others to do likewise as a matter of public and patriotic duty. Indeed, I should hope to have behind me, after the dodaten on the national referendum WO' are soon to have, a country wholly united In earnest endeavor to achieve a true solution of this problem upon which tiie future civilization so largely depends. 4 Already Announced. “I have already announced that' I shall urge prompt paasaga of the resolution, vetoed by the president, dodaring at an end the preposterous condition of technical war when wo erg actually at peace. Simultaneously, I shall naturally advise the resumption by the Congress of its exceptional powers, which have been vested by war legislation la the executive. I have no expectation whatever of finding ft necessary or advisable to negotiate a separate peace with Germeay. . “Ip view of the simple fort that the allied powers with whom we wore associated in the war have already formally concluded their peace, the poosage of the peace resolution tor congress would merely give formal recognition to an obvious fort. , Our Uneelflshnoao Emphasised. * “Lot us tojto stock for a moment of America In the world, aye, aad of America at home. The end of the war found our unselfishness toaphoslsod to all mankind, and the garlands of world leadership wore bestowed from every direction. We had only to follow the path of America, rejoicing is foe inheritance which led to our eminence, to rivet the gaze of all peoples upon our standards of national righteousness and our conception of international Justice. Moreover, the world was ready to give qa its confidence. It was the beckoning opportunity of the centuries, not* for the glorification of the naw world republic; but fer America to hold every outpost of advancing civilisation and Invite all nations to Join the further advance to heights dreamed of, bnt never approached before. Bat force of example w«g tarn aside for force qf armed alltopee. We neglected our readjustments and restorations at home, and: the craft pgrifice qf millions of-lives and bßtifl* of treasure toft us and the world groping la uncertalaty and anxiety iaatmfi of revealing os In the sunlight qf a new day, with lines formed, ready for the oh ward march of peace and aft its triumphs. . Letts Resume Our. Place. “Mindful of our spiemlid CTSSIgIO and renewing every obligation Of Msociatidn In w*r. I want Amecteatobe the rock °f security at^bome^rewwm IMWaln c - , w n d-A widmtll