Evening Republican, Volume 21, Number 36, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 13 February 1917 — Page 2

GEORGE WASHINGTON'S TROUBLES 1

The father of our country has told in personal letters what heavy burdens he had to carry during ... the war for independence

4Z-- - ~v~s ECAUSE George Washington be- ' Ileved “sincerely In the inborn inalienable right of men born on this I soi1 ’ or tn,l,sferr( * f Y to B. •spiritually ly as well as physically, to the S' > fruits of freedom and independX I ' ence; because he believed that this > fC nation was to be held by them £ jv * free of all oppression, whether in /(4[) the form of unjust taxation or any other infringement of the interests, welfare and principles of the inhabitants, he receives today the homage of the millions who enjoy the heritage of the free America for which he fought and which he helped establish. This, according ttf an article in the New York Herald, which goes on to say:

In this he was at one with other great men bred in the new, free spirit, and atmosphere of the colonies. He did not seek to set himself over them, but to work with them, contributing as his part in the struggle his military genius and experience and his carefully trained executive ability. His ideal was the common good. For that he gave his time and strength unstintedly, risked his all and withdrew only when government was so well established that it would not suffer from his retirement. Throughout his career the one reward he sought was that he might partake, “in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart.” Washington, although possessing wealth and position. although observant of forms apd ceremonies, was in the best sense a democrat, a man who sought the same privileges and opportunities for everyone of his fellow citizens which he enjoyed and who devoted his gifts and energies to that end. That they might have them he not only expended freely his energies of mind and body, but he constantly exhorted his fellow countrymen to prepare themselves for the high destiny that he foresaw for this country, first, by" raising iFhd equi ppi ng an adequate’army, a task that frequently hung leaden on his hands, and, second, by properly safeguarding their rights after they had been won. George Washington received less education —in school —than most lads of poor parentage do today. He left school before he was sixteen years old, ami except in mathematics, in which he had advanced through geometry and trigonometry, his edu£ation_ did not extend beyond that which boys usually get tn the grammar grades of the public schools. What he studied he knew, however, as his carefully kept notebooks attest. He manifested a special aptitude for surveying and for military affairs. This taste led to his having a royal middy’s warrant, obtained for him when he was fourteen years old, and only because of his mother’s reluctance to have him go to England he was spared to fight Tor the colonies instead of becoming an officer in his majesty’s service.- ..,— He had been out of school only a few months when he got his first job—as a surveyoiv_lt_was a good one, too. for Ixtrd-Fairfax; having noted the lad’s mental equipment and his intrepidity, gave ■ htm a commission to survey his wild acres in theShenandoah valley. So well did Washington accomplish the arduous ItWk that he was made a I>OTF He surveyor. Almost coincident with his entrance upon a private career younjg Washington identified himself with public interests. Fond of athletics and sports as well as of military affairs, he joined the local militia and when nineteen years old was -made a ma jor. When he was still in his twenties he won his first colonelcy in his gallant but disastrous first campaign against the French. It was there that he first tasted the bitter'fruits of unpreparedness. When Washington went to Philadelphia as a member of the Second Continental congress he wore his provincial uniform, an instructive expression of his feeling in regard to the crisis that was to come —in Its way a fulfillment of prophecy—for during the session he was put at the head of the irregular army near Boston. He found that army not only without discipline and equipment, but without powder. Men who had enlisted only for a few months ran away.- Washington ardently appealed to the Continental and Provincial gresses to provide for longer enlistments and an adequate system of recruitment. Conservative and aristocrat as he was classed. Washington now favored the radicals, who-sougbt to break with the home government and set up their own. “I have never entertained the idea of an accommodation,” he said, “since I heard of the measures which were adopted in <“onse<iuence of the Bunker Hill fight.” ■ — His stanch attitude was mai nt alned in the midst of disheartening experiences, not only with the enemy In the field, but with troublemakers in his own camp. “I know the unhappy predicament in which I stand,” lie wrote ; “I know that much is expected of me; I know that, without men, without arms,Without ammunition, without anything fit for the accommodation of a soldier, little is to be done; tind, what is mortifying, I know that I cannot stand justified tp the world without exposing my own weakness and injuring the cause by decTwrfngWyWanfs. Mv situation has been such that I have had to use art to conceal it even from my officers.” ' Jealousies hampered hlm&o sorely that he sternly proclaimed: “The general most earnestly entreats the officers and soldiers to consider consequences; that we can no way assist our enemies more than by making divisions among ourselves; that the honor and success of.the army and the safety of our bleeding country depend upon harmony and good agreement with each other; that the provinces are all united to oppose the common enemy and all distinctions jn the name of,

America. To uiuae this name, honorable and to preserve the liberty of our country ought to tab -our only emulation, and he will be the best soldier and tin best patriot who contributes. iHQSt to tbis glorious work , wliat ever his station or froth whatever part of the country he may come. Let all distinction of nations, countries and provinces thereof be lost in the generous contest who shall behave with

the most courage toward the enemy and the most kindness and good liumor ta each-other. “fi'l-iny be so lost to virtue and love of country as to continue in such practice after this order they will be severely punished and discharged from the service in disgrace.” After the disastrous battle of Long Island Wash- , Tngfon“once mor etook the liberty, of mentioning to congress that no dependence could be put in militia or other troops than those enlisted and embodied for a longer period than our regulations have heretofore prescribed. “Our liberties must of necessity be greatly hazarded, if not entirely lost, if their defense is left to any but a permanent standing army. I? mean one to exist during war. Men who have been free and subjected to no cbfitfol'cannot be reduced to order in an instant. . . 7"" “There is no situation on earth less enviable or more distressing.” continues Washington, “than that person who is at the head of troops regardless of order and discipline and unprovided with almost every necessity. The difficulties that have surkept my mind Constantly upon the stretch; the wounds which my feelings as an officer have received by a thousand things that hate happened contrary to my expectations and wishes; the effect of my own conduct and present appearance of things sb little pleasing to myself as to render it a matter of no surprise to me if I stand capitally censured by congress ... Induce a thorough conviction in my mind that it will qe impossible, unless there is a thorough change in dur military system, fbr me to conduct-matters -t» give satisfaction to the public, which is all the recompense I aim at or everwish for.” - ■ ' ' ' Tills 1 unhappy state of ffungsw-as almosf~whoTiy~ due to the feeling manifested in several sections of the country, persisted in to the hampering of Washington’s campaign and to the detriment of the cause. Congress was finally prevailed upon by Washington's representations and the tardily dawning consciousness that war was enevitable and that, being so. unpreparedness jnea_nt_calainity. On December 20. 1776, he wrote to the president of congress: “Short enlistments and a mistaken dependence upon our militia have been the origin of all our misfortune and the great acchmulation of our debt. ... I beg leave to give it as my humble opinion that eighty-eight battalions are by no means equal to the opposition you are to make, and that not a moment’s time is to be lost in raising a greater .number, not less, in my opinion and that of my officers, than one hundred and ten. . . . In my judgment this is not a time to stand upon expense; our funds are not the only object of consideration. . . . It may be thought that I am going a good deal out of my line of duty to advise thus freely. A character to lose, an estate to fort ell, the inestimable blessings of liberty at stake and a life devoted must be my excuse.” Far from holding himself aloof and wanting to keep all power in his own hands, Washington welcomed co-operation. After ho had l>een invested with powers necessif ated by tfie emergoncy of public affalrs, the Council of Safety of New York apologized for certain measures they had taken In regard to New York troops which were later discovered to have beenTUCinfringment of his authority. Washington replied: “I should be unhappy in the ‘belief that any part of my letter to you could be construed into the slightest hint that you wish to > interfere in the military line. Heaven knows that I greatly want the aid of every good man, and that there are not such enviable pleasures attending my situation as to make me too jealous of its prerogatives. Rather than complain of your efforts in the 'military way, you deserve the thanks of us all, and I feel myself happy in this opportunity of returning you mine in the greatest truth and sincerity.” At Valley Forge, where Washington’s troops wore almost najeed, had few blankets and scanty food, he was moved to resentment against “the gentlemen, without knowing whether the army was.really going into winter quarters or not, reprobating the measure as much as if they thought the soldiers were made of stocks end stones and equally insensible of frost and snow, and, moreover, as if they conceived it easily practicable for an inferior army under the disadvantages I haye described . ourk to be to confine a superior one. ln all respects Well appointed, Within the city of Philadelphia and to cover front waste the states of .Pennsylvania and New Jersey. ... I can as-

THE EVENING REPUBLICAN. RENSSELAER. IND.

sure these gentlemen that It is a much easier and less distressing thing to draw up remonstrances in a comfortable room by a good fireside than to occupy a cold, bleak hill and sleep under frost and snow without clothes or blankets. However, although they seem to have little feeling for the aad= distressed soldiersrv-t -feel superabundantly for them, and from my soul I pity those miseries which it is neither in iny power to relieve norprevenL’*- .. ——- Washington made persistent efforts to get a guaranty of half pay for his officers after the war, himself having no personal interest in the measure; he had declared’from the first that he would never profit by It to the amount of a single penny. He deprecated constantly the jealousy of the military part of the government by the civil department. “If we would pursue a right system of policy," he wrote tQ a member of congress, “in my opinion, there would be none of these distinctions. We should all, congress and army, be considered as one people, embarked in one cause, in one interest, -aeting-onthe same principleand -te-the-same end,” . “That I have not been able to make bows to the taste of poor Colonel B. (who, by the way, I believe never saw one of them) is to be regretted,” he wrote In a. letter to David Stuart, “especially as upon these occasions they were indiscriminately bestowed, and the best I was master-of. Would it not have been better to throw the veil of charity over them, ascribing their stiffness to the effects of age or to the unskillfulness of my teacher rather than to pride and dignity of office, which, God “.howsTTffisriicFcharins for me? For I certainly say I had rather be at Mount Vernon with a friend or two about me than to be attended at the seat of government by the officers of state and the representatives of every power in Europe.” Washington explained that hehad reception hours every Tuesday from three to four o clock, when gentlemen came anti went, chatted with eal’li other and acted as they pleased. “At their first entrance they salute me, and I them and talk with as many as I can. What pomp there is in all this I am unable to discover. Perhaps it consists in not sitting. To this two reasons are offered: It is unusual; a more substantial one, I have no room large enough to contain a third of the chairs which would -be sufficient to admit it. If it is supposed that ostentation or the fashion of courts could give rise to this custom I will boldly affirm that no supposition was ever more erroneous, for if I were to’give indulgence to my inclinations every moment that I could withdraw from the fatigue of my station would be spent in retirement. That it is not proceeds from the sense I entertain of the propriety of giving to everyone as free access as consists with that respect which is due to the chair of government, and that respect I conceive is neither to be preserved bttt by observing a just medium between much state and too great familiarity.” In 1793 Washington, In his second term as president, wrote to congress that while he sought peace rfnd wged a faithful discharge of every duty toward others, he recommended prompt measures not’only for defense, but for inforcing just claims. “There-is a rank due the, United .States among other nations which will be withheld, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If we desire to avoid insult we must be able to repel it; if we desire to secure peace, ohe of the most powerful Instruments our prosperity, it must be known that we are at all times, ready for war,” he wrote. As he wished to avoid war, so he also wishes to avoid alliances which might jeopardize th/ peace of the nation. / “Against the insidious wiles of foreUjnj4nftuence the jealousy of a free people ought to beconstantly awake,” he said warnlngly. , ‘•The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is in extending our .commercial relations to have as little political connection as possible. ... “If we remain one people under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may deny material injury from external annoyance; when we may take,such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we mayrat any time Ire resolved upon to be scrupulously respected ; when belligerents, un-der-the impossibility of tanking neqdisitidhs uponus, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation ; when we may choose peace of war, as our interests, guided by justice; shall counsel.”

TRAINING TODAY’S BOYS AND GIRLS

Shall You Let Your Children! “Play Soldier?” ARE DRAMATIC BY INSTINCT t ' — ■ Impersonating Pirate* and Robbers Not Necessarily Harmful and AntiMilitarizm Is Not Encouraged by Forbidding Military Toys.

By SIDONIE M. GRUENBERG. IN TIMES of peace many of us can visualize the horrors of war clearly enough to make us oppose everything that encourages militarism. But with half of the civilized world bleeding, the horrors are before the minds of all of us constantly, and we are moved to do something more effective than shutting our eyes. We realize the importance of inculcating in the young a type of patriotism that is free from aggressiveness or jingoism. Confident of our patriotism, we turn our attention to a crusade against “military” toys and the playing of soldiers by the children. There Is, of course, no use in overstimulating children in these plays. Nothing is to be gained by urging a more lively interest in details of military campaigns or in making the children more familiar with the instruments of destruction. But neither is it wise to forbid to boys the playing of soldier. - When boys plays soldier it is in response to two facts which cannot be entirely" removed. The child, at a pertain age, will not only imitate what he sees going on around him, but he will dramatize all the activities of which he learns. This Instinct is there if the child is normal, and any outside regulation, to be effective, must consist not of rules regarding what may or what may not be played/ but it must take the form of selecting all the ideas that are to enter the child’s mind. This is obviously an impossible task. With all his devices and resources, the father of the Buddha failed in his efforts to keep from the child all knowledge of suffering and death. Nor can we hope to keep our children long in ignorance of suffering and death, or war and murder, or robbery and other crimes. And whatever they learn they win Incorporate in their plays just as certainly as they have an opportunity to play at all. Forbidding certain types of play will not modify the natural Impulses to imitate and to dramatize. Neither will it destroy the child’s-natural interest in the unusual and in the “dramatic.” On the contrary, forbidding is one of the surest ways of arousing interest, one of the surest ways of -tempting -to action. But even if we could prevent the children’s participation in these mimic paradiAgs and warrings, it is very doubtful whether it would be worth while to do so. The injury that may come from playing soldier has been exaggerated. The fact is that children doall their paying, at least during the years before adolescence, entirely without prejudice. They are alternately Indians and Puritan Pilgrims; they impersonate the parish priest or Captain Cook with equal sincerity and abandon. When they. enact a stage robbery there is no moral implication in the assignment of roles, and as they view the drama of life from the unsophisticated level of three to four

“I Am One of the Early Sea People.”

feet, every character has -hi* proper place and is worthy of h fair presentation. The perfect naivete of the child in adopting the character which he Ts, for the time being, impersonating is shown by the answer that little Francis gave when his prim Aunt Sabrina discovered him dancing about the nursery without a scrap of clothing on. “Whatever are you doing in this state, child?” asked the aunt in a tone that was meant to express reproach as well as disapproval. “Don’t you see ?’ r returned Francis, pointing to his ankles, which were ornamented with bits of colored worsted. “I am one of the Early Sea People.” Francis., had hot invented the character; he had merely adopted him from the bqok they had been reading in school. The question of the moral effect of impersonating the soldier is very much like the older question of what happens to the acjor whg takes the part of the villain In tfie'play. Should the children’s play-hfe ; quite without Its. villain's orbad fairies? Then it lii incomplete and not sufficiently true to life to be interesting, to be satisfying. On the other hand, if the evil spirit la

to appear, will it harm your child or mine to play his roleT Experience shows that children may play robber and pirate with great gusto, and yet grow up to be upright and honored citizens, and even judges; In the same way it is quite possible for children to play soldier, and then become advocates of “peace at any price.” The literary editor of a well-known woman's magazine, the editor of an educational magazine, and a prominent minister, all told me that they had ambitions toward a military career — not during childhood, but during late adolescence. The editors both made strenuous but futile efforts to get into the West Point Military academy, and the minister actually Joined the army. All three are now spending a considerable portion of their time combating militarism. And thousands of similar cases can no doubt be found in all parts of our population. When there is so much constructive work that may be done in the developing of the child’s character, the worry about playing soldier seems a pitiful waste of energy. It is a pity to snatch

May Play Robber and Pirate, Yet Grow Up an Upright Citizen.

from Bobby his tin soldiers, or to look daggers at him when he admires a toy gun; let the child have his play and he will be a better man for it. What is needed is not the hiding of drums and muskets, but the positive cultivation of ideals of peace and humanity. Moreover, at each stage of interest the play of the child affords an opportunity to formulate standards and ideals of gonduct that should be seized and utilized. It is when he is playing soldier that the child can learn the meaning of loyalty and devotion and self-sacrifice and. fortitude, and these may remain when the drum and tinsel are discarded for another character.

TURNING LIGHT ON THE SUN

Scientific Explanation That at First Seems a Little Paradoxical to the Average Layman. Some of the scientists connected wjth__the_. Smithsonian institution Jn Washington have been throwing light on the sun. Paradoxical as this may seem, it is not more paradoxical than their discovery that the sun is not a burning ball because it is too hot to burn! They explain it in this way: At 6,000 decrees centigrade, almost all chemical compounds can neither exist nor form. Without chemical compounds you cannot have combustion. Thus, wood ia a chemical compound. When it burns, the combustion is merely the process of oxygen flrtll other air elements uniting with the elements in the wood, which in turn are rearranging themselves into new compounds. At ”6,000 degrees of heat, matter can exist ohly in its basic elements; such as carhop, potassium and the like, nor will the intense heat permit these elements to unite to form combustible compounds. Therefore, the scientists argue, the sun is too hot to burn. What then, they ask, causes its heat? Here the wise men fall to quarreling, some asserting that radioactivity is the secret of the sun’s warmth, while others maintain that the heat results from pressure brought about by the contraction of the sun’s mass about its own center of gravity. The latter theory boasts of the more adherents, but it is by no means established as a fact. Indeed, when submitted to the test of mathematics, there seems to be a fatal objection, for, by a long and complex calculation the contractionists estimate the sun’s age at 17,000,000 years; but as geology tells us the earth is older than this, the sun would then be younger than the earth, an obvious impossibility.—Robert F. Wilson, in St. Nicholas.

“Mona Lisa.”

The celebrated painting, “Mona Lisa,” has two names, both of which Indicate to some extent Its origin: First, “Mona Lisa,” Mona being Italian for Madonna means My Lady. Lisa, who was the wife of Francesco del Giocondo, a friend of the artist. Besides this .name, . the famous picture id sometimes called, “La Gioconda,” which is the feminine of Giocondo and means wife of Giocondo, Both names indicate the origin of the picture which is teally a portrait of Madame Lisa Gioconda. In other words, it was painted from life. Its fame rests on the rare beauty of the face, its wonderful technique or workmanship, the, fact that it is only existing example of Da Vinci’s work tn portraiture and perhaps more than all upon the indefinable expression which the artist gave to the face, apd especially to fi pair of sparkling eyesand a mysterious half-born punile Which hav< puzzled the world for centuries to !•* terpret.—Detroit JournsL