Evening Republican, Volume 19, Number 148, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 23 June 1915 — What Really Happened on FIST INDEPENDENCE DAY [ARTICLE+ILLUSTRATION]

What Really Happened on FIST INDEPENDENCE DAY

ROM much that historians have written about the Fourth of July, 1776, an erroneous idea of the happenings of that great day has become a common heritage of the people of our land. Many an American considers it a part of a patriotic duty to muse upon the

imaginative picture entitled “The First Fourth of July,’* which some historical writer has painted upon his vision. In fancy he sees Independence hall in Philadelphia and the Continental congress with its ruffled shirts, long cloth coats, knee pants, silk stockings and low shoes sitting with dignity, but listening spellbound to a wonderfully strange and entirely new document called “The Declaration of Independence.” In fancy he even hears the popular acclaim of “That is just what we all say!” and “It is well worded, Mr. Jefferson.” Then the mind pictures the various delegates to congress hastening forward, eager for the honor of fixing their signatures to a sheepskin document. The scene changes to the ringing of the great liberty bell, to the assembling of the people at Philadelphia who applauded the reading of this bill of rights and to the final closing of the day with every man, woman and child in Philadelphia happy because he is no longer a British subject, having become a free American in a single day. * t Such a vision pictures a heroic scene; but the true record of events does not affirm that these so-called happenings took place on that me-i morable day. By blotting out the imperfect details of the picture the Fourth of July is in no - way robbed of any of its glory. An authentic account of what transpired at that time changes the meaning of the Fourth of July from one day to about sixty in which the whole history of our national liberty is told and the heroic heart-throbs of the sorely tried colonists are keenly felt. The day itself properly' symbolizes the liberty for which the patriots of that time stood ready to sacrifice their lives in order to launch the United States as a national craft which should be anchored by no weight of foreign despotism. It was a time of danger when brother, friend and neighbor became estranged by reason of political opinion. Some colonists still loved the mother country with true English pride, while others were so embittered by the injustice of the sovereign across the seas that they Willingly gave their all to the cause of the people of the new land. During the latter part of 1774 George Washington himself wrote that no thinking man among the colonists wanted to separate from England, and Franklin ridiculed the Idea. During the early days of the revolution the bluecoats never dreamed of separating from the beloved land of their ancestors. In fact, such a course would have been condemned by Americans themselves as treason. Jefferson declared that prior to April 19, 1775, he had heard no whisper of the disposition of anyone to stand from under the governmental power of Great Britain. The Inevitable, however, came with the spring of 1776, when local assemblies began formal discussion regarding the liberty of colonists. These legislative bodies possessed but little power, but they did a great part in crystallizing the sentiment for independence in many quarters and forcing those opposed to the idea to declare their inimical attitude. The good work of these small legislative bodies was reflected and magnified as soon as the delegates were sent to the Continental congress. Then the spirit of liberty permeated the very atmosphere of the national assembly and many an individual received the courage to align himself with the new cause. If, June 7, 1776, there had been an “extra paper” to have informed the public of the latest political news one might have read the flaring headlines “Richard Henry Lee of Virginia the Man of the Bour,” for it was he who on that day started the Fourth of July. It was this southerner who introduced the first declaration of independence in congress declaring the American people free. Good judgment dictated the caution of omitting John Adams’ name from the minutes, as the second to that motion, yet the fact is known today, when there Is no army of redcoats waiting to seize patriots as rebels. Too much praise cannot be given to the Introduction of Lee’s resolution, yet it was to the credit of the Continental congress that action was not forced upon such an important measure at that time. It could not hare : succeeded until all objections had been silenced, all fears of England's success allayed, until all were conscientiously convinced that the cause of liberty was Just. It was imperative that all should look the Goddess of Liberty squarely in the face with a devotion to follow where she should lead. As no agreement could be reached on June 7 the resolution was laid over until the next day, when it was again postponed for consideration until July 1. In order that the cause of liberty should not J» retarded during this wait, congress at that

time appointed a committee of five to prepare a declaration of independence of the same purport as Lee’s resolution, in the hope that the new doctrine would be unanimously accepted when the matter should be again taken up in July. s Policy demanded that a southerner should be chosen to write the declaration in order to increase the probability of its unanimpus adoption. Logically, Jefferson was the man to carry this work through, for the masterly style of his pen was well known. With such coworkers, though, it cannot be supposed that he alone was the author of the resolution; for the responsibility, had been assigned to all five jointly, and the counsel and advice of all were necessary. However, the credit of the phraseology is given to Jefferson, /while John Adams is said to have given clgse attention to the revision and the amending of the resolution. The entire committee helped perfect the documents by making it the subject of critical analysis. In allowing the Declaration of Independence to be ready before its assembly on June 28 congress preceded its schedule. Satisfied that all were acquainted with its contents, the legislature then laid the bill on the table until it should come up for discussion by congress sitting as a committee of the whole. By trial vote July 1 only nine colonies voted as favorable to the resolution. Final legislative action was therefore deferred until the next day. That, July 2, was probably the most memorable of all dates of our national history. During the stormy debate at that time the declaration was both attacked and commended. When the vote of the day was taken it was v found that the declaration had been unanimously indorsed by all of the thirteen colonies. Tbe vote in favor of the declaration was not sufficient to make the adoption of the new resolution complete, for the next Aqr congress sat as a committee of the whole to consider the bill. At that time slight alterations were made, certain clauses censuring England were omitted and others regarding slave trade were left out. while other amendments were added. On July 4 congress assembled again and immediately resolved itself into a committee for the consideration of the Declaration of Independence. When John Hancock, as president of the congress, resumed the chair, Mr. Harrison, greatgrandfather of our former president of the United States, reported'that his committee had agreed to the declaration, which they desired him to report. What followed this announcement is largely a matter of surmise, despite the fact that the debate lasted all through the warm day, when Relegates either talked or listened swathed in heavy, close-fitting stocks. , - - -- If it; had not been for a seemingly trivial incident the debates of that day might probably have

lasted over until the pext, and so July 5 would have become the birthday instead of July 4. Toward evening the discomfort of the assembly was increased on account of the swarms of flies which came from a nearby livery stable into the hall of legislature. These pests were bo audacious in assaults upon the statesmen that Jefferson said their annoyance helped bring the matter to a conclusion, and Harrison reported the declaration to congress as accepted, though in the minutes of that day the declaration was at first left out on acount of the vengeance of EngToday Independence hall, in the old state house in Philadelphia, remains about as it was on that July 4, and so as far as the setting of the stage the drama is-eonlplete, but the drama itself is left for us to supply. All that we have left of the record of that memorable day Is the‘text of the Declaration of Independence, and as that represents what all brave American colonists were ready to lay down their lives for and what should be handed down to us and guarded as courageously as it had been won, the Fourth of July has amply served its purpose and deserved its one monument. “The Spirit of Liberty for All.” Whether or not the Declaration of Independence was signed on July 4, 1776, by any but Hancock, as president of the Continental congress and Thompson, as secretary, is a matter of doubt, for the journal entry records “signed by order of and in behalf of congress.” Jefferson himself made conflicting statements regarding this question. Some contend that the delegates met informally on the morning of July 5 and signed the document. Whether or not the signatures were affixed on July 4, congress’ act was official on that day that Jefferson’s Declaration of Independence was declared acceptable to every .colony. And so It resolved that copies should be sent throughout the new-formed republic. The general assemblies, conventions, councils, Committees of safety and the commanding officers of the Continental army had to be informed of the independence of the United States. These copies were signed by Hancock and Thompson. The Congressional Record of July 19 shows that a resolution was introduced In the national assembly to the effect that the declaration should be engrossed on parchment and presented for the signature of every member on August 2. This fact, therefore, servep as authority that the parchment copy signed on that day in August, after it had been compared with the fair copy and the latter destroyed, IS the copy of the Dec* laratlon of Independence which was considered for so many years the original draft of the great bill of rights of the American people. It is said that even this signing was entered into with “fear and trembling.” Satisfied that the signed parchment was a evidence of the birth of the new nation, congress took no further official action regarding the instruments itself until January, 1777. By that time the new republic began to feel its strength, and congress decided to promulgate the names of the signers of the Declaration of Independence by ordering that printed copies of the document should be made, with the names of the signers added. Mary Katharine Goddard, a woman who carried on the printing business on Broadside, Baltimore. probably never heard of woman’s rights, yet it so happened that it became her right to print these copies of the American bill of rights. From these copies numerous others were soon made, until before long every home boasted at least one copy of the original document which gave life te our repubßc. v"