Evening Republican, Volume 15, Number 290, Rensselaer, Jasper County, 9 December 1911 — The DIMG and the MAN WITH SOME INCIDENTAL RELATION TO THE WOMAN [ARTICLE+ILLUSTRATION]

The DIMG and the MAN WITH SOME INCIDENTAL RELATION TO THE WOMAN

By CYRUS TOWNSEND BRADY

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SYNOPSIS. A foolish young tenderfoot becomes fascinated with the bold, artful wife of a drunken prospector in a western mining town.- They prepare to elope in a blffid-,-lng blizzard ibut are confronted by the , maudlin husband. He is shot by the j wife, but the chivalrous boy pins a ? note to the body taking the crime tifron himself. In their- flight to the railroad station the womtfh’s horse falls exhausted; th# youth puts her on his own and follows hanging to the stirrup strap. Seeing he *IS an impediment, the woman thrusts her escort into a snow drift and rides on. Half-frozen ha stumbles into the railroad station just as the train bears the woman away. Ywenty-flve years later, this man, George Gbrmly, is a multi-millionaire in New York. He meets Eleanor Haldane, a beautiful and wealthy settlement worker, and co-operates with her in her work. Gormly becomes owner of a steamship line and fipds himself frustrated in pier and track extension plans by grafting aidermen, -backed by tne Gotham Traction Company. An automobile accident brings the Haldanes to his country home. Gormly announces that he will be mayor of New York and redeem the city from corruption. Mr. Haldane in a long desired interview with Gonnly. makes an Indirect proposition to compromise the fight; which the latter has- been .waging in the newspapers against the Gotham Traction company, and which Haldane is suspected of being the head. Gormly boldly announces his plan of campaign to Haldane.

book iiz— The battle for FREEDOM. CHAPTER V»l. The Outs Would Fain Take a Hand. The political declaration of Gormly was the sensation of the hour; the sensation of many Ipurs, in fact. It came at exactly the right time. The non-church going section of New York, from which the larger part of politics was unfortunately recruited •-the truly good Christian being a man who leaves the doing of such duties to his ungodly neighbor as a rule! —had abundant leisure to redd the papers on Christmas morning, and every paper in the city contained that same announcement which Miss Haldane and the party at the cottage had read in The Planet •» Every paper contained also editorial comment then and thereafter. The administration papers' ridiculed the proposition, • endeavored to laugh it out of court Other men possibly as high in character had announced thfemselves from time to time with ■lmUarXplatforms. Their announcements had created mild sensations, their campaigns had sometimes cremated more sensations; but the results had invariably been defeat Sb the administration papers sought to whistle the new candidate down the wind of their disdain. Nevertheless, since George Gormly’s money was as good as anybody, else’s' in New York,-, they kept on printing his communications, inr which his advertisements were alternated with his political manifestos. The anti-administration papers, and those which strove so far as newspapers could to take a, dispassionate view of the situation, were unanimous in their approval of Gormly’s candidacy. They decided that his election would be the best thing that could happen for New York; they were also practically unanimous in their hopelessness oi his success. < Gormly had carefully studied the situation. He was not disappointed in the least degree—and he realized that while such a proclamation as he had made would inevitably cause a tremendous discussion, it would have to be followed up by work, if it was to be more effective than a slash in the pan. He had learned that organization was the keynote of success, as overorganization was its death knell. He knew that the arrangement which secured all general principles, leaving the utmost liberty in details, was the one which was in the end bound to succeed, provided the factory upon whom dependence was to be placed were in any degree worthy of their responsibilities. * He was also aware that the native intelligence of' the community, even allowing for the vast number of Ignorant foreigners who, were allowed without let or hindrance to fill the city, was very high. The first requisite • for successful campaigning, therefore, he decided to be Hducatlbn. Knowledge, as of old, is strtl power. The ideal method of enlightening the people to the seriousness of the situation and of convincing them of their ability to amend it was by word of mouth.’ Gormly had never been a public speaker. Fortunately he had plenty of self confidence, and he was quite capable of presentins a situation in a simple, businesslike, way, BO clearly that even the ignorant could comprehend it A. few months only would elapse before the spring elections that would determine the Issue. No matter how assiduously he campaigned, be could reach only a Krtiou of the vast conglomeration it made up political New York. It would be necessary for him, therefore, to keep telling the same story in the different papers of the city to reach those who did not hear bls voice, and to drive home In the minds of those who had heard what they had listened Sb 'f, 4 He was prepared to spend his, money as well as himself for this end. I Watson, one of the assistant general managers of his groat InsUtu-

tion, a tyro like Gormly in politics, but a man of great ability gnd acumen, he made manager of his campaign. The party out of power through its leaders declared that it intended to make him its candidate; other smaller parties proposed to fall in line. It was pointed out by those interested that indorsement by these organizations would provide Gormly with an organization and, He of immense benefit in taking off his hands the details and minutiae of political campaigning, about which he was supposed to know nothing; that it would at once provide him with a respectable following, and, as they claimed, lend dignity to his position. The purpose of this political party, whose influence was considerable and. whose ramifications were many, whose leaders were men of experience, was of course thoroughly well-known. The conference between these leaders and Gormly was short, sharp, and decisive. It took place in his own ‘business office. The deputation was made up of a banker named Poole, who had a certain prominence in municipal affairs through his connection with the national committee of the party to which he belonged, who was a brilliant financier, a liberal giver, and a valuable, member of the opposition; Benson the real leader of the party, the political boss so far as the outs had anything to boss; and Fitchett, an attorney as bright as he was unprincipled, who aspired to political preferment himeself. The trio met Gormly in his business office. Poole was the natural spokesman. “We are,” began Poole Impressively,

"a committee. 1 might say a deputation, from the board of management of our political organisation, who have been appointed to—ab-—lnter-view you about the mayoralty situation." "We have,” continued Poole with lofty dignity, "of course observed your announcement of your candidacy in the daily papers.” Gormly bowed. "We have been struck with your peculiar availability for the office. Your large business interests, the fact that you are so well known to the people of New York, your undoubted probity, the evidence of good management and ability which we see around us, and or- ■—” “And in short, we have come here to proffer you our support, and to say to you that our convention which is to be held next week will undoubtedly make you our candidate, and Indorse your platform. And In fine we want you to lead us.” “Your convention is composed of deputies from all the voting precincts of the city, is it not, who are elected at regularly called primaries?* “Certainly," was the-answer. "Well, how can- you three gentlemen, or your central committee—which has how many members?" "A hundred," replied Fitchett. "Exactly, a hundred. How then can you three gentlemen, or even the whole hundred of you, forecast the action of your convention which has not yet assembled?” 7 /

“It’s easy to we,Mr. Gormly,” said Benson half pityingly, “:that you don’t know anything about practical politics. The committee of a hundred will carry out the will of the party because the will of the party will be the will of the committee of a hundred; and the committee of a hundred win carry out the wfll of this committee visiting you, because the will of this committee Is the will of the committee of a hundred. If I say—l mean if we sa^— -that our party wants you for mayor, you can bet your last dollar that you’re the man It wants. Seer “I see,” said Gormly. “In that case why have any convention at all! Why have any committee of a hundred? Why have anybody but you, Mr. Benson,” he stopped long enough to make the pause appreciable, “and your coadjutors? Why have any people, as a matter of fact? Why don’t you and Mr. Liffey, who I believe holds a somewhat analogous position to yours in the other party, get together with two able coadjutors like those you have brought and settle the question what the people are going to have?” “Well, Mr. Gormly, since you put It that way,” said Benson coolly, “if I was a- little stronger than 1 am. If this city wasn’t so hopelessly in Charley Liffey’s grasp, that’s about what we’d do. Now, we think that you’ve got certain elements of strength with the people that’ll sort of balance things. I don’t know whether you can be elected or not I’m speakin*' frankly now, gentlemen, and as a practical politician; but I believe you’re more apt to be elected than anybody else, if we can get a fair count or count the ballots ourselves, which is more or less doubtful with Liffey in power, and therefore we want you for our candidate, because we think we can win. “Liffey has been in power so long that he ain’t even decent He ain’t willing to take a fair, respectable graft; he wants everything. But when it comes down to talkin’ business with the candidate in his private office, the best thing is thd whole truth. Certainly it’s important from one point of view that we should win this year. It may give us more power in the national convention next year. If we can deliver the goods in New

York city, why, our voice is goln* to mean something, our Influence is goln’ to be worth something, and that accounts for Mr. Poole’s presence here. As for Mr. Fitchett, he’s one of the brightest young lawyers we’ve got He knows which side his bread’s buttered on. He wants to be district attorney and run with you, and you couldn’t get a better campaigner to stand by your side. As for me, all the power we’ve got which I admit ain’t as much as we’d ought to have, I control. I put it at your disposal. Now what do you say.” / "I protest” .began Poole angrily; while Fitchett bit his lip, but managed to control himself better than the banker. “Gentlemen,” said Gormly, “it will hardly be necessary for you to continue the Interview further on these lines.” “What do you meant* exclaimed Benson. “I mean that while I am. of course deeply touched by your hearty and spontaneous promises of support in this coming campaign, and while I appreciate highly the honor that you propose to me of making me your candidate, I regret to say that I must decline your proposition.” “What!” roared Benson. "You ain’t goln' to run then?” “I haven’t said anything to that effect, have IT" f;.;. “But,” Interposed Poole, “you can’t expect to succeed without any. organ-

izatlon back of you. Why. mao. the ring that’s against you, the influences that are opposed to you, both financial and • political, is something that you can’t imagine! “It requires much more than a candidate and a majority of votes to win an election." .“The ballots have got to be counted," said Benson, “and the money’s got to be spent In common with all the rest of us, I read those accounts you’re publishing from week to week, and it makes me sick to see so much good money goln’ to Waste. Not but what it’s doin’ some good; but a practical man like myself could administer it so much better. > You could buy a voting precinct with what you spend on a single ad. Wastin’ good money on the press! It’s men you want to buy, hot newspapers. That’s the reason Liffey always gets the best of me. He’s got more money than I can get, consequently he’s got the men. But with your own contributions and the chances for success that you’ll give us, there’s lots of other rich men that’d be willing to.take on our gettln’ in power.” > > ■ • > “I iam not one of these men, Mr. Benson. I’ll take no chances whatever on your getting in power.’’ “Well, it’s got to be Liffey’s crowd or ours, and your flghtln’ Liffey’s crowd from beginning to end. Therefore logically you belong to us.” “I cannot see the force of your reasoning,” said Gormly, “and I tell you here and now that while I shall be very glad to have the votes of any or every man in New York, yet I will be beholden to no political party in the city, I have entered this campaign as an Independent If the people wish to elect me, they can do soif not not” “Why, I told you,” said Benson pityingly, “that you might get elected; but you’ve got to be counted in.” “If I am elected,” said Gorbly, “you need not fear that I shall be counted out” “You have to be a regular nominee,” said Poole. “I shall be nominated by petition, gentlemen.” said Gormly coolly. He pointed to his desk. “Look at that pile yonder. They are coming in every day.” 7 “Signed by women and children and cranks, I suppose!” sneered Benson. “I have a corps of young men,” answered Gormly, “who personally visit every petitioner, find out it he is a voter and if he really means what he says when he asks me to run. Every name is verified and registered.” “Well, I’ll be damned!” cried Benson in great amazement. “I am afraid If you continue in politics with your present views that you will be,” said Gormly coolly. “As for organization, I have an organization of my own. We are discussing the issues and preparing to hold meetings and send out speakers - gll over the city.” “Who’s managing the game?” ■ “One of my assistant managers in the store, Mr. Watson.” “What’s he know about politics?” “His experience compared with your own has been little, but on different lines. He is learning rapidly, however, and I think before you' get through, you will find him worthy of even your own steel, Mr. Benson.” . “That’s all very well,” said the boss, greatly taken aback over the situation. “It does seem as if somebody's got a head on his shoulders amnnd here.” “It might be concluded thflt I had myself," said Gormly genially; “but we’ll pass that by." “But in spite of all these things, you’ll be beaten as sure as fate. I tell you, you’ve got to fight the devil with fire. Of course, while I agree with these gentlemen here that purity in politics, which has been called an iridescent dream, * whatever that means, is to be desired, and if we could win without money and without resortin' to the dodges that have made the party in power infamous, we’d bo glad of it. "But as it Is, ft can’t be done. Now, every man is supposed to be in politics for what there Is In IL What you’re In It for, we don’t quite know, but admitting that you're more or, less disinterested, so are we. Ain’t that, so, gentlemen?" “Certainly, certainly, to bj sure." “And therefore we offer you our assistance.” "I accept your offer, as I cannot permit myself to be allied with any political party, or to be known specifically as the nominee of that party.” "Mr. Gormly,” said Benson after a long pause, “what’s to prevent us from nominatin’ you anyway, and makln* you the nominee of our party.” ‘'Nothing that I know of can pre-' vent your doing shch a thing; but nothing can force me to accept your nomination. "But Mr. Gormly ’’ began the banker.

Poole Was the Natural Spokesman.