Evansville Journal, Volume 10, Number 32, Evansville, Vanderburgh County, 18 July 1844 — Page 2

all kinds, 10 per cent, (oa worsted and wolieu hosiery, gloves, netts, bindings, and stockinets, 10 percent.; ou all other cloths, merino shawls, baizes and cassiiners, carpetjngs and rug3 of all kinds, 20 per cent.; on clothing ready made, all descriptions, 20 per cent. j on all cotton goods, 20 per cent, except nankins, from India, on which Mr. Polk's duty was 15 per cent ; and cotton hosiery, gloves, mitts, and stockinets, on which his duty was 10 per cent; as well as npon cotton twist, yarn and thread; on all manufacturers of flax and hemp, or sail duck and cotton-bagging, 15 per cent; on all manufactures of tin japanwng, gilt, plated, brass, copper and pewter, and on saddlery, plated, brass, and polished steel; 20 per cent, pn common saddlery, 10 per cent.j on earthen and stoneware, 20 per cent; on all side and fire arms, and muskets, 20 per cent; ou bridle-bits and glass ware, 20 per cent; on manufacturers of iron and steel generally, a duty of 30 per cent;ou salt and coal, 5. per cent; on every thing produced by -the farmer in the rniddle and northern' States. Mr. Polk, who 13 a cotton-grower, recommended, in this biij,one unvarying standard of only 15 per cent. 15 per cent, on potatoes; 15 per ceat.on oats; 15 per cent ou wheat, and rheit flour, butter, bacon, beef and pork. Such was the character of that bill, from lhe passage V. which Henry Clay saved the "country bytLe adoption of the compromise. Had a tornado passed oyer all the manu-

facturingeslamisnmenis oi mo wu; t'r.i tinT it would scarcely have proved a rr'ormrsG than that measure, which had the earnest support of Mr, James K.Polk, of Tennessee. J3y reducing the quty on tyooi t-. ir Tfr cpnt. it oat the knife to the throat of everv sheep in the country. . By a duty of 20 per cent on ready made, clothing of .all descriptions, it struck down a whole class of the most industrious and useful mechanics of JLe nation. If it had been a bUl purposeafy designed to set fire to most of .he mechanic shorn in the couutrv, it would hardly have had a worse eflfect upon the laboring classes. U would have fed us on potatoes from Ire - land; and at those periods, when the farmers of the Middle aud Northen Stales were suffering most from the presure of the times, our bread sttfffs would have been grown on the borders of the gallic and Black Sea, instead of .on our ova soil. Let the farmers, mechanics, and manufacturers of the country now answer what they think of ihe new candidate for the Presidency James K.Polk, of Tennessee? .". r But 1 have not yet done with Mr. James K. Polk, of Tennessee, and bis bitter hostility to the protective policy. Search the records of Congress, ard you will find that, in v0r instance where the American system r mucked, while he was iu Congress be was its assailant, its constant and .uncompromUm le. On the 23d of June, 1832, he voted'Vor the motion of Mr." McDuffie, of South Carolina, to reduce Abe duty on cot ton roods. cost'ui not . exceeding 15 cents the suuare yard, to 124 per cent, ad valorem On the same dav he voted for Mr. Mc Duffle's motion innholish tiie duiv ofS30 per ton on ?o reduce the duty? nisalt to 5 cents per 561bs and voted against the duties on . boots aud bootees, oncabinet wares, hats and caps, whips, bridles, saddles, carriages, and parts of carriages, blank books, earthen and stone wares, and manufactures of marble; and al 1X11 I V i II ULli i - f J .,!.-.. l imn - ( ii ibfi nrp.vifi(l9 uar uo fuica so against the duty on wool. With this exhibition of the friendship of James K, Polk for the Ifcboriag freemen of all classes in this country,! might, leave him in their hands. .1 have not referred to published speeches on ihe Tariff, which always breathed the most settled hostility to the whole policy. Politi cians sometimes speak one way, and vote another. Mr. Van Bureu always spoke against the Tariff, bat generally voted for itThere were several politicians of this school in Congress at the passage of the last Tariff. But James C. Polk was neverofthat school He was. indeed as well as in word, on al occasions, an enemy to protection for the laborer. 1 mean to try him by his acts and his votes, and, without going further, I might leavn those acts and votes, which I hvae thus exnosed. to the indiguant cornmenta ries of tle laboring men ot all classes with their friends and employers. - But 1 purpose to do full justice to Mr. Polk, on this subject. The people shall not misunderstand the extent of bis hostility to ihe domestic industry of his country. On the 23ih day of February, 183-1, within one yearafter (he passage of, the compromise, Mr. Hail,. ot North Carolina, in the - House of Representatives of the United Slates, introduced a resolution, the object of which was to orocu: fum the Committee of Way and Means, a report of a plan, accompanied -by a bill, lo repeal the protection guarantiee by the Compromise, under the pretext of im mediately reductna the revenue lo toe ne cessarv expenses of the government; and "James K. Polk, of Tennessee, who was, at that time, the ; chairman of that - very Committee of Ways and Means, voted f'or that resolution, and 115 nays against it. In vot ing for this resolution, the .deliberate design ;' which was to violate all the pledges given in the compromise, Mr. Polk was backed by lhe yot.es ptsix V: the nine members of that same Committee, and by all the. Nullifies and ultra antl-iarlff men in the House. This movement shows the dissatisfaction with the Compromise cherished at an early period by the enemies of protection. They were sensible that Mr, Clay had triumphed, by -the salvation of his.favnritc , policy; and the strength of the vote against the resolution - shows how preat that triumph was. But one year previous to the introduction of Mr. Hall's lesolution. it would have passed the. House hs an ' oreiwbelmins majority. The votes on Mr. Verplank's bill, at that lime, proved that conclusively. - But the fact is, that the evil spirit of the stormthe spirit-of disunion which had been raised by Nullification, - had been subdued by that masterspirit,whtcb, for thirty yeais, had exercised so great an influence "in our public councils. That ; same "masterspirit had quelled the same demon, at the great crisis of the Missouri C6tn- - ptotriiae. Oa both occasions, Henry Clay - : saved the Union aud, iu the judgement ol many, in eacu or 'c I . I - I, X .nr.l hA I 1 f 1 I sill ...(pnfJames K. Polk and his allies "m the war oa Democratic Industry - -

was not the, first exhibition of their SDleen

and hostility to the Compromise. Within six weeks after the passage of the act, the Executive of the United States began to violate its true spirit and its legitimate construction, for the purpose of breaking down our American policy. On the 20th of April, 1833, the secretary of Treasury under President Jackson issued his famous Treasury Circular to all the officers of the customs in the United. States. That circular contained an Executive decree abrogating all the specific duties and thewhole system ofminimums in the existing tariff laws,', Under a pretext as foreign from the views of all men : with whom I acted in the passage of that law, as any thing most remote, this arbitrary edict declared, without one one sylable in the act to support it, that it was our intention, in passing it, to repeal jthese -specific duties and minimums. . It is scarcely possible that any Human Joeing could have been so ignorant as not to know that a specific duty could, at any time, be 33 well ascertained as an ad valorem duly, and that these duties were convertible. By the Compromise, we simply provided that all - existing duties (whether specific or advalorem) should be reduced according to a fixed ratio. .This out rage on the law, which, because the Executive, whose province it was to collect the duties, had perpetrated it, was utterly without remedy, proved of great injury to all those manufactures which depended for protection upon the nunuiiurns and specific duties. The injury inflicted on ihe manufacturing interest did not admit of leal redress, for the friends ot protection could not by any possibility brim the question before any iu dicial tribunal, while the executive officers refused to sue for or collect the duties in pursuance oftheir instructions. Nothing re mained for us to do but to submit in silence, until the returning sense of justice to the country should induce the people to drive ie enemies of Domestic Industry from the igli places of the Republic. And here let me pause, for the purpose of entreating every ft 'end ot Home Labour. who has ever thought of voting for James K. oik, as president of these Untied States, to take warning by the example which I have now set before them. If there be such a man, et htm not lay the flattering unction to his soul tat he can saye his favorite policy ,while the Executive of the United States, with' the officers of the Customs appointed by him, is hostile to that policy. They have the colectiou of the duties for the protection, -and he whowould commit ;h3 lamb to tb.3 custody of ie wolf, will justly suffer for his owu folly. Before I have done with this subject, 1 ought to mention, in this connexion, what I think is another strong evidence of the hosiiity of James K.Polk and his political as sociates to the protective policy, aud. other true principles of the Compromise Act. Although they contiuued in power from the lassage of that law until the year 1841,they never attempted in a single instance, to pro vide either by protective legislation or by any Executive regulation.for any mode of assessing duties on Home Valuation ; nor aiamey attempt to pass a law raising the duties, prospectively, after the 30th of June, 1842, to the real wants of the government jalthough they knew, as well through the whole ses sion of Congress of 1840 J, : as we know now, one or both of these measures ought to be prospectively adopted,tosave the govern ment from the danger of bankruptcy. The principle of the Home Valuation was a sine qua non, at the time of the passage of the act, wiMi many of those who, like myself voted for it for the purpose avowed by me at the time, of saving the Protective policy. We considered that a vote for the duties fix ed by the act, to be assessed on this princi ple, was essentially to all intents and pur poses a vote for Protection; and we deter mined, therefore,to compel Mr. Calhoun and his peculiar friends in the Senate to record the r votes in the most unequivocal form, on the journal in favor of that principle. And here I cannot help complaining of the con duct oi Mr. Calhoun, after the passage of this law, and especially after the period when most of us friendly to the protective policy, who had voted with. him fur its passage, had left the Senate of the United Slates. How well his conduct comported with that feel ing which became a man who had received at our hands a shelter from the storm which threatened to annihilate him. I leave for hirn and othets who are in the same catego ry to determine. , To explain his conduct I must refer to a few facts. . While the motion was pending to amend the bill by directing the assessment ,of the duties on the home value, a debate sprung up, in the course of which Mr. Calhoun repeatedly argued that the amendment was unconstitutional, and -declared that it was impossible for him to vote for it. A number of Tariff Senators, friendly to the compromise Act, with whom' I was acting in concert, including, among others, Samuel Bell, of New Hampshire, A. Naudain, of Delaware, Samuel Foote, of Connecticut, and John Holmes, of Maine, had resolved lo com pel all the anti-protectionists 111 the Senate 10 vote for that amendment, in every staue of its passage, or to defeat the bill by laying t ou the table. , We foresaw all tne objec tions which have since beeu made to the adoplion of that mode of preventing evasions of the laws and ttauds on the revenue, and we knew that the amendment necessarily, carried with it protection to American in dustry. It was an unpleasant prescription for Mr. Calhoun; but it was not ill adapted to the peculiar disease under which he la boured. After he had frequently announc ed h's unalterable determination to vote against the amendment, which he as often said i'. would be a violation of the; constitu tion, and against his conscience, to support a motion was made and by himself to lay the whole bill on the table; and oil the part of my friends, I avowed my determination not lo suffer it to be called up again during the session. At the request of a Nullifying Senator, I withdrew that motion, to give h m self and hjs friend time to reflect further but, at the ?auie lime, they were distinctly u'tveuto understand, that, uuless they agreed lo vote for the . amendment, at every stage of its passage, the motion should be renew ed.and the bill nailed to the table; in which event, they must fight it out with the Gen

eral Government. " Those who are curious

enough to consult the debates in Congress at that day, will see, by recurring to them, .1.. . . ..... mat, on the next day, when the bill was taken up again, every man . among them, every enemy of the tariff in the Senate, including the Hon. John C. Calhoun, of South Caroli na, voted for the amendment: His vote for the Home Valuation stands recorded on the journals of the Senate, at every stage of the passage ol the bill, and he contented himself at the time, as he declared, during the passage of the Tariff of 1842, (when" this vote was invoked in judgement against him by a Tariff Senator) by saying he voted for it UNDER AN ORAL PROTEST. It is true, that promises made under the fear of death, are not binding in law; but it would be utterly inadmissible to suppose that Mr. Calhoun acted under duress; and it 1 j -1 n - , . 1 woulu oe equally inaamissioie to sup pose that bis vote was given with a view to procure the votes of others, then necessary for his own safety, because such a vote would have been palpable fraud upon them, if, at the lime, he meditated an evasion of the pledge given in the amendment. Two days after the passage of this bill Con gress adjourned; and, in less -than three months, we learned, to our perfect astonishment, from the public prints, that Mr. Calhoun was in South Carolina, exulting among his lollowers on account of what he called his triumph over HENRY CLAY! In the session of 1839 he even went so far as to tell Mr. Clay, on the floor of the Senate,that, at the passage of the Compromise, he was his matter! It is true, that Mr. Clay reproved the folly of his arrogance, and even told him '-that he would not own him for a slave." But those who forced him into the position I have described, had then left the Senate; and the swiggering of Mr. Calhoun was not rebuked by them. 1 finish this sketch by simply Plating the fact, that Mr. Calhoun is now understood to be a friend to the elec tion of James K. Polk, the peculiar friend of Gen. Jackson, who in 1833, threatened to hang him as high as Haman, and that Mr. C. is also the uncompromising enemy of Hen ry Clay ! It may be thought due to the occasion,that as 1 have touched upon the principles of al the candidates, I should devote a few mo ments to the consideration of the principles of Mr. Dallas. If the modern Democrats are satisfied with his votes in the Senate, I do not see why we should complain ot them He was the father of the bill to re-charter the Uank ot the United Slates, which lell by r resident Jackson's veto. He voted for the bill to distribute the proceeds of the sales of the Public 1 lands among the State?, on al occasions within my knowledge. And he professed lo be so strong a friend to Protec tion and the Tariff policy, that he made a speech against the compromise, because Tt reduced duties, and . voted against IL on its passage, for the avowed reason that there was not enough protection in it for him. He stood alone by the side of a distinguished tariff Senator in the debate against the Com: promise, thus apuearin? not willing to vield any thing to save " the peace of the country. One Southern Democratic Senator spoke against the bill, and was burnt in effigy by some ot Ins constituents tor so doing, al though he actually voted for it. I hope Mr, Dallas may now share a better late among his Democratic constituents in the same re gion, it is due turn to say, that we now un derstand that he has changed his principles on all these great measures; and that some of his friends insist that he is as hostile to protection in every shape as James K. Polk himself. But Henry Clay has never changed; and his exertions in the public councils, aided by his instructive eloquence-, have done more for the cause of the laboring classes in thi nation, and have made more proselytes to the doctrines of the protective policy than all the efforts of any other man in the country. At the time he commenced his labors in Congress lo build up the American System, most of the young men of the nation were educated in the Free Trade doctrines of Adam Smith and the visionary theories of others like him, whose knowledge of Political Economy was obtained in the closet, in-.--i r".! -- 11 1 sieaa 01 me council cnamoer. x was one of those who had imbibed these opinions; & if, for the last twenty years, I have been the steady friend of protecting American interests against foreign competition, it has been mainly owing lo the conviction produced on my mind by the perusal of those masterly specimeus of argument and eloquence,wilh which he sustained his favorite policy in the halls of the capitol of our country. ' I have trespassed too long, fellow-citizens upon your patience; out auow me, in conclusion, by every consideration of what is due to the honor and interest of your coun try, by every feeling which ought to warm & animate your hearts as American citizens, anxious tor the protection of your own indus try and the; welfare of all laboring classes among us, to entreat you not to overlook the issue, to be decided, 111 INovember next, between Henry Clay of Kentucky, and James IV. folk ot iennessee. Jt is not a question between men merely ;-it is not a question ol honors ana otnees aud the rewards of parti san service;. it is not a quslion about the paymem ui mc uiaic ucuis, or uie acquisition 01 a foreign territory: it is, as . I have said al ready, eniphetically a question of BREAD a questiou whether we shall sink the mass of the laboring freemen ofhiscouutry.who now gam ineir oread by tne sweat ot their brows,to the level of the Europeans paupers,who labor for sixpence a day and find themselves. It is an axiom of eternal truth in politics, that a nation completely impoverished will soon be a nation completely enslaved. If by the abandonment of protection to borne labor,we reduce half a million of voters at an elec tion to a condition of as servile dependance and as abject poverty as our southern slaves, how long can we rationally expect to remain a nation ol freemen? More than one hundred and forty years ago the treaty of Methuen, which was one of the principle causes of the.beggery and want of Portugal, reduced her to the couditionofa dependency on Eng land, struck down her national spirit aud enslaved her people. By the treaty she abandoned all right to piotect her owu industry, and agreed to' admit British woollen gooas 01 au. ninus without duty or restric

tion. ' . ,. : ,

Nineteen hundred years ago, when Rome bad conquered the principle part of the world and freely admitted supplys from Syria and kgypt into Italy, the industry of her own cit izens were paralyzed by the withdrawal of that protection to which it was fairly entitled poverty ana want reigned where plenty had prevailed, and a race of men the bravest and freest that ever lived, we re speedily converted into the subjects of a despot. And so graveiy aia iacitus, one of the gravest and most philosophical of her historians, feel the degradation of supplying her legions from the industry ol foreign countries, that he has announced with an oath of vexation and disgust, that deplorable change in her con dition Let us takewaming from the ex amples of other nations. Let us guard and protect the real, not merely the nominal in dependence of the country. The ever lerveut aspirations from every true American heart will be for the preservation of that in dependence. "Estopertetia." MAY IT BE E V LRL AST! N G. From the Savannah Republican. Mr. Polk's Biography. The missi Chapter. Ths following communication on Revolutionary idcidents,,, we copy from the Chronicle &, Sentinel. The editor of that sterling Whig paper says it is "based up on the authority of one who knows, who is a native of Mecklenburg, who speaks from personal knowledge of the incidents referr ed to, and whose reputation for veracity is not only unquestioned, but above suspicion." Agreeing as we do with the writer, that as a general thing, the character of a man's ancestry has nothing to do with his personal claims to public favor, we would hot give publicity to such 'reminiscences" but for the fact that so much has been claimed fo Mr. Polk on account of the revolutionary services of- his grand-uncle". If Mr. Polk s immediate ancestry had been entitled -to commendation, it is not at all probable that his Democratic biographer would have gone out of his way to base his claims upon the opinions and acts of a collateral branch, of the family. The . publication, therefore, is not an idle matter, but being made on -the authority "of one who knows," is entitled lo lull confidence, unless it can be refuted by a greater weight of authorty: "Revolutionary incidents. If, in relating the following anecdote, it should appear that I have designedly exposed the virtues of the Polk stocky the zealous biographers of Mr, James K. Polk must share the responsibili ty. v Moreover, Mr. Polk is now the candi date of a party whose unscrupulous assaults upon Mr. Clay have no limits but ; the ex Tnausnofl" Ot tnerr uwu tciiuui aml-nraWtw lence who had encouraged Amos Ken dall, that prutrid representative of the polit ical lazar house, the emission of his filth , by parading it in their columns, and exhibiting it from the house-tops whose objects of at" traction are the "blackleg," the "drunkard,"" the "bargain," and the "bloody hand!" "In the absence of existing circumstances I should think it unkind, If not unwarrant able, to allude lo the direct line of the an cestry of Mr. Polk; but his biographers have, lately published, for political effect," a short history of his Revolutionary progenitors, and have thus invited public scruntiuy. This is done somewhat vauntingly, with a due con sciousness, no doubt, of the necessity of bolstering up a man by the deeds of his ancestors who have achieved none of his own. '- "It is boasted that Thomas Polk was a signer ot the Mecklenburg ' county (N. C.) declaration of independence, and that he was a distinguished actor in the stirring scenes of that neighborhood and period. This is true. Thomas Polk, as well as Wil liam, his brother, were both loyal hearted Whigs. But neither of these begat Samuel Polk, the man who was lucky enough to beget a candidate for the presidency. ' Ezekiel Polk was the father of Samuel, and the trraudsire of James K. Polk. ; Ezekiel is said to have been the wealthiest of the three brothers, owning immediately after the Revo lution some forty or fifty negroes, while his brothers were in comparative indigence. Ezekiel, however distinguished and wealthy, seems to have been overlooked, (perhaps un intentionally !) by " the , biographers of the Presidential nominee. Why -is tbis? . Per haps the following facts may furnish a satis factory answer to this question, while it may afford that class of men who believe in the 'blood' of animals, another item in support ot their theory. I shall succintly state the facts, as 1 have derived them fiom a contempora ry of those times in the immediate neigh borbood where the jenuiue Polk ; stock look its root, and leave it for those who contend that the 'blood will tell,' to expatiate upon the nature of the old Tory Ezekiel, and to draw an inferential connexion .therefrom with the non-belligerent principles of lhe aforesaid James K. when he was outraged and insulted by Henry A Wise- , , Wbile Lord Cornwallis was . encamped al Charlotte, the said Ezekiel remained in the British camp,,during which time, (as a mark of respect to his country's invaders,) he wore the insignia of royahty, a red coat. After the retirement of Cornwallis, Ezekiel returned to his home, situated on Sugar creek, about seven miles from Charlotte. The Whigs in that vicinity, unwilling to tol

erate his neighborhood, resolved upon his

death. The foremost of the party who had taken upon themselnes the summary execu tion of his sentence, was a Mr. Taylor, who, upon finding the Tory levelled his gun to kill him; but Exekiel fell upon his knees and imploring his life, was," after some con sultation, permitted to live, upon condition that he should forthwith quit the county of Mecklenburgh. This condition he pro mptly complied with, and did not return until after peace had been, established. It is well known that the nieghborhood . of Charlotte, North Carolina,' where these incidents transpired, was a hornet's nest of angry revolu tionary Whigs. WhilcCornwallis remained there he was suffered to know no moment of repose his uneasy head rested upon thorns, and his troubled dreams, it may be fairly presumed, were often visited by pre sentments of his fut ure defeat while inhia waking and reflecting moments he must have only exclaimed, 'this is an 'unconquerable people in them I may behold the germ of untold g.eatness!' la his own lan guage, he was glad to get out of the 'd d rebel hole,' (as he passionately exclaimed,) I cannot even get a mess of chickens but they must be paid for by the blood of" some of my men!' - "If any inaccuracies in relation to Ezekiel Polk are detected in the above, let those who can, correct them. - , - : . ALEXANDER." MOST SHOCKING TRAGEDY. The N. Orleans papers are full of details of a mosf shocking tragedy, enacted in that city on the 4tb inst. A mailed man,named Ed ward Bond, who was, however, on bad terms with his wife, had conceived a passion for a girl named Catharine O'Brien, who had been sewing for his- family, and had made her at several different times, dishonorable propo sals, which she rejected, Subsequently,he heard she was going to be marrtedj ' and the day before the ceremony was to take place, succeeded in getting her & a trifling woman named Mrs Lennsn to ride out to- the Lake with him. On their return on the shell road he pulled out a revolving pistol from his pock et, and discharged the contents of two bar rels in the breast of Catherine O'Brien, caus ing her instant death. .Mrs. Lennen, in her fright, jumped from the carriage and escap ed. He presented a pistol at the driver, who also 'made tracks.' He then escaped from the carriage himself, and ran into the swamp from whece the report of thedischarge of a pistol was soon heard". He had shot himsell through the head, and his dead body was found early next morning. Catherine is said to have been a beautiful, interesting and virtuous girl, only seventeen j ears of age. LETTER FROM S. S. PRENTISS. ' The followinff letter is from Mr. S. S. a - - Prentiss: . , , . . . ,.s '- . . . To the Editor of the Ticksturg Whig: Dear Sir: I have heard with surprise, and with mortification seen if reported in several public prints, that I had withdrawn from lhe support of Mr. Clay, on account of his bourse in relation to the annexation of Texas.' It is not with a view of obtruding my humble opinion upon the public, noi for the fashionable purpose of defining my po sition on the Texas question, that I ask - the favor of a very small space in your columns but for the purpose of relieving myself from the obloquy of the report alluded to, -and of asserting that it is unfounded and untrue in every particular. ' ' . . - I look upon the Whig cause as far more important than the Texas question, and would rather see that cause triumphant, and Mr. Clay elected, than to witness the annexation of the United States of all the territory between here and Patagonia. I believe the question of annexation, as now presented, to be a mere party question,brought forward expressly to operate upon the Presidential election, and that it ought not to have the slightest influence upon the course or action of any member of the Whig party. Indeed the ground taken upon it in this quarter, that those who support Mr. Clay are unfavorable to the Southern institutions and opposed to Southern interests, is as insulting as it" is false, and should arouse an honest indignation in the breast of every true Whig. I am proud of the Whig party and its noble leader, they are worthy of each other,arid of the glorious triumph that awaits them both. I would rather vote for Henry Clay for the Presidency than any man now living, and most assuredly shall do so in November 0 next,' unless in the meantime Jie turns Locofoco, and but for the pressure, of my private business, I would not hesitate to devote the time between now and the election in persuading others to do likewise. I have not deserted the Whig cause in the times of its adversity, and certainly shall not do so upon the eve of victory; ' " v In conclusion,! will say if ever I join the Mormons, I shall attach myself to Joe Smith, the founder of the sect, and not to one of his rival disciples. - And should I ever turn! locofoco on the question of the : immediate annexation of Texas, I will support John Tyler, and not James K. Polk. S. S. PRENTISS.

OrWe copy from the Louisville Couriers

of Monday, the following interesting account of the greaf" procession which took place in that city on last Saturday. , It was a moat magnificent affair. ' " The Whig procession of Satuhdaitnigh'T was the richest and most magnificent display ' ever witnessed west of the mountains, and we feel ourselves altogether inadequate t describe it, as it deserves to be described.-" Even piir . friend Prentice of the Journal,with. all his fire and force, cannot possibly do it justice. To those' who, with us, were wit nesses of its splendors, our account will doubtless be insipid, tame and spiritless ;and we should forego the attempt at a descrip- .- .1 : j . . 1. l : r.t. . .t . iiuu, uiu uui luo victims ut iuo3c ai a uisiancv and who were not so fortunate as tobe-iwitk 1 ..1 - . 1 . . At half pas seven o'clock, the signal gnu from the several ward head quarters,annooncV ed the gathering of the people. At 8 o'clock dense masses began to March to the corner of 5th and Jefferson street the point desig-. nated for the forming of the processionv They moved Up Jefferson street, the first ward taking the lead, followed by the other - - " " wawws ItlliuuilkV places were assigned the - delegations from i JNew AIbanyl J enersonville, Portland, Buitill a I To fTV rcAn tAiinftac oil f nlnK mm fifth UUV V WUNlWLA VUUUIIIjOj Ull vi W41lU tered quite strongly. It was found impossible to much two abre3t,as was first intendj 1 .1 t . exceedingly irregular, as they marched four. six, anJ in some places eight abresf.'- It was men on horseback, each with a hemp sralk, - brought up the rear -The number in the , mm. Mnn. k .. - - I.I I. - .11. J .11 - uiui;cssiuu, 11 wuuiu oe juiuosioie lO leil BCr 1 1 rn t P 1 V " VV nrtnrrrt a norenn -.DenAr-taltw tvs v-vuui luwii, emu aiiuuugu uc uiu yuum them at more points than one, yet we 3o not believe he or any one else could have come within nnp tliniiQAnrl rvf f)tt rirrlifr numlr Counts have been reported to us varying from ' 3500 to 5000. . Our own candid opinion is, . that there were between 4 and 5000 presona ' in the procession. . The banners, transparencies and torches were so numerous, that it would have been impossible to have counted even them accurately.. The banners and transparences were of all possible shapes and designs, with ; innumerable inscriptions and devices on them ' A description of them would fill our paper There were also three "big balls" in the pro-1 cession; a complete blacksmith shop, wiili iPtpra! men h.ird at woik :aud a lanre ship. " linwards nf sivlv fppt in lonrrtlt rfimu1iMf!ir -r -, """V. " . "o'"j"-"r""j and beautifully rigged out, with hundreds ofsmall flags attached to the rigging. She was : completely manned, and Jim Porter acted as captain. Hundreds of houses, and yards, and trees, were most magnificently illumina-' ted. : A great many houses had splendid bers had them in one or two. The proces-1 sion was cheered throughout its entire march by beautiful ladies, waving flags handker chiefs, and "occasionally singing Whig songs. A splendid banner and transparency extended across Main Street, from the store : of Kennedy, Smith &. ' Co. The procession broke up shortly after ten o'clock, and adjourned to the Whig Pavilion, to listen to a speech from Gov. Metcalfe.,-. It was truly a grand pageant, a glorious and glittering spectacle, the fike of which was never before witnessed in the West. AVe do not believe we overstep the mark when we .state that r oe . - ai nrtA . "J"" j ? limit iu uuiww. iciuuijo yeic cugageu iu and lookers on the display. " It seemed as if all the adjacent country bad come to town. and were in the streets at the same lime. We never before saw such a concourse :of people bh Main street.' r-' ' v 'i Saranoah Republican, in ; Bpeaking of the Locofoco meeting recently. held in South ' Carolina, at which 'Texa or a diaolutioa of tha Union" was openly avowed, says that the fir has spread beyond the Palmetto State, It has even appeared in Georgia.-.A, gentleman thus writes us from Putnam county, under date of Eatonion, June 18: v-;-r-. 'The annexationists had another meeting to-' day, which resulted in eur benefit: The sentiment was proclaimed that they would have Texor dissolve the Union, and it was received w'lh, enthusuistic applause! The restless spirts denounced Mr. Van Curen as they had no use for him, and woutd kick kirn off. There is much excitement here, bat it is all the workefCaU bounites, and truly believe that they are preparing the public mind for -disunion. It is now th part of patriotism to oppose these men., A Southern Confederscy, with Calhoirn at ita head, it what they desire.'? , - ADMINISTRATOR'S NOTICE. , . . TvijOTICE is hereby given that the undersignlSi cd has taken out letters of administration, upon the estate of James Ring late of Vanderburgh County,' deceased. All 'persons having claims against said estate will please present them duly authenticated for sett loment. : The estate is suppored to be solvent.' July 18 3t. ELIZABETH RING, Adm'x. . j ; ADMINISTRATORS SALE. a "p&TOTICE is hereby given that the undersign X l ed will sell at public vendue oa the 17 day of August next, at the late residence of Jamea Ring, deceased, the porsonal property belonging to said decased cor stating ol Hogs, Cattle, Carpenter tools, household and kitchen furniture, &c. &c. . - , ; A credit of six' months will be given on all sums exceeding three dollars purchasers waiving sppraisment laws three dollars, all sums under three dollars cash in hand. July 18, 3u EL1ZAEBETH RING, Admx.