Evansville Journal, Volume 10, Number 31, Evansville, Vanderburgh County, 11 July 1844 — Page 2

com, 1 have no doubt, when the manufacture of Cotton in the United States will exceed that of England. 1 do not desire to eee any market closed, domestic or foreign. , I think it our true interest to cherish and cultivate all. But I believe it to be our indispensib'e duty to afford proper and reasouable encouragement to our own. 4 But it must be borne in mind that, although Cotton is by far the moat important of our ajricuhura! products, it is not the only one. Where should we find a market lor our Indian corn it it were not tor the existence of our manulacturies? We should absolutely have none. My friend, Mr. Pettigrew, who sits before me, ea:i

find no market (or his corn in North Carolina, because his neighbors, like himself, are occupied in producing it. Nor can he find any in foreign countries. Uut he meets with a good, sure, and convenient market in Boston and Providence, aud eiher Northern capitals. Where should we seek a market for the flour, provisions and oilier raw agricultural proJuce uow consumed by our manufacturers ! If their present business were destroyed, they would be employed themselves iu producing eoiton, corn, provisions and other agricultural produce, thus

augmenting me quaintly auu ineytiauty icutiiug to a further decline . of prices. It has been contended that the effect of affording legal encouragement to domestic inaulactn ' res is, to eiibauee the price of commodities, and to impose a.tar upon thu consumer. This argument has. been a tnousand times refuted. It has been shown again and again, that the price fo almost every article, on which the system of encouragement has effectually operated, has beeu reduced to the consumer. And " this was the neccsary consequence of that law upply and demand, and that principle of competition to which 1 have before adverted. It was foretold long ago by myself and other trieuds

ol the policy. iiui ma in vain tnat we appeal to. facts that we take up article by article, and comparing present with former prices, show the ciual end gradual reduction. The Iree trader has mounted his hobby, and he his detrmiuud to spur and whip In id onvrougi tdiod, over. all facts, obstacles and impediments that lie iu his way. It was but the other day, 1 heard one of these fiee trade orators" adressing an audience, and

deiiiciintf. in the most plaintive and dolelu

terms, tne extreme, burdens ant oppressive

exactions arising out of the abomiuable Jantt. Why, says he, feitpui-cUizeiis, every one of you that wears a shirt, is compelled to pay six cents per yard more or it than you otherwise would do, in order to increase the enormous wealth ol Northern capitalists. At) old mau iu the crowd plainly drisied, with scarcely auy thiug but a shirt ou, stopped llio eloquent .orator and asked him how that could be? lor saxs he, I have a iood shir: on, that cost me only &k els. per y'd.

and I should like to know how , paid a duty vl 6 cents." These ingenious and indefatigable theorists not only bold ell facts and experience in eontempt, but they are utterly inconsitciit with themselves. At one time, they endeavor to raise the alarm that the tariff would put an end to all foreign commerce, ai;d thus drying up our principle Source of revenue iu tin pons, n would become nectssarv to resort to Uireet taxatiou. Iu pro

cess ol time, however, their predictions were falsified, and the system was iouud to produce 411 abundant revenue. Then, tiiey shitted tlitir ground; the Treasury, said they,isoverflowiug; tlie Tariti is the cause, and the system must be abandoned. If they had taken the trouble to enquire, they might huve ascertained that although E.igiand is tile greatest manufacturing liaiion iu the world, in amount, extent and vii ir, she nevertheless draws a vast revenue from customs. Allow tne to present to you, fellow-citizens, another view- of this interesting subject. The Government wishes to derive a certain amouut ol revenue from foreign imports. Let ue suppose the total amount ol imports to be $100,-

tlUU,WW, aud the total amount of revenue to be raised irotn it, lo be $-20,000,000. Is it at all material, whether that $-20,0OU,OOd be spread, iu i.ie lorin ol duties, equally over the whole 100,000,000 or that it be or awn from some 50,000,UU0 or more ol the imports, leaving the rest free ol duty? In point ot lact, such has been the esse lor several years. Is not a compensation tuuud, for the duty paid upon one article, by the exemption of duty trom'auother article? Take the wearing apparel of a single individual, and uppoee you have a duty of $Z to raise upon it;

is it ol any consequence to him whether jou levy the vt hole $2 upon all parts of his wearing apparel equally, or levy it exclusively upon his uat aud hisshiit, leaving the other articles free? And it, by such discriminations as I have described, without prejudice to the consumer, you tan raise up, cherish, aud sustain domestic mailuiBctures. increasing the wealth aud prosperity,

and encouraging the labor ot the nation, ought it not to be done? We are iuvited by ihe partizans of the doctrine of Iree trade, to imitate the liberal exampie of the great European powers. England, we are told, is abandoning her restrictive policy and adopting that ot free trade. Eng'.aud adopting the principles of Iree trade! Why, where

sire her corn laws? Those laws which exclude an article ol prime necessity the very bread w hich sustains humau lile in order to u fiord protection to Eugiisu agriculture. And, on the Single article ol American tobacco, England levies annually an amount ol revenue equal to the whvle amount ol duties, letied annually by the United States upon, all the article ol import from all the foreign nationsof the world, including England. That is her free trade! And as lor France, we h?ve lately aeen a Slate paper from one of herhigh functionaries, complaining in bitter lermsof the American Tariff of 1S43,&. ending with formally announcing to the world

that France steadily adhered to the system of protecting French industry! Bat, fellow-citizens, I have already detained you too Jong on this interesting topic, and yet I have scarcely touched it. Fo Bear 30yearsit has agitated the nation. The subject has been argued and debated a thousand times, in every conceivable form, it is lime that the policy of tb country should

become settled and fixed. Any stable adjustment of it, whatever it may be, will be far preferable to perpetual yascilJatiou. When once determined, labor, enterprise and commerce can accommodate themselves Accordingly. But iu finally settling it, the interests of the whole Union, as well as all its parts, should be duly considered, in a paternal End fraternal spirit. The Confederacy consists of twenty-six States, besides territories, embracing every variety of pur-

ties, restrictions and prohibitions applied to American products, io foreign powers, our rivals, jealous of our growth and - anxious to impede our onward progress. . Encouragement of domesttc iudustry is a concession to our fellow-citizens, to those, whose ancestors shared in common, with our ancestors, in

the toils and sufferings of our day; to those who have shared with us in" the toils aud sufferings of our day; to those whose posterity are destined to share with our posterity in the trials, in the triumphs and the glories that await them. It is a concession, to those who are bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh, and who in some other beneficial form do make and are ready to make equivalent concession to us. It is still more ; it is a concession by the whole to the whole; for every pirt of the couutry possesses a ca-

picity to manufacture and every part of the country more or less does manufacture. Some parts have advanced farther than others, but the progress of all is forward and

onward. Again, I ask what is to be done in this conflict of opinion between the two extremes which I have stated ! Each believes, with quite as much confidence as the other, that the policy which he espouses in the best for the country. Neither has a right todemand that his judgement shall exclusively prevail. What, agaiul I ask is it to be done? Is com

promise or reconciliation impossible? Is this glorious Union to be broken up and dissolved and" the hopes of the world which are concentrated in itsfate,tobe blasted and destroyed forever? No, fellow-citizens, no! The Union must be preserved. In the name of the people of this noble old State, the first to announce the independence of the United States by the memorable declaration of Mecklenberg, and which has ever since

been among the most devoted and faithful to the preservation of this Union; in

the mme of the people of my own gallant State; and in the name of the whole

whatever benefits might arise from such in-

sti tut ions. '

The same necessity that prompted, at that "period, the legislation of Virginia; would hereafter influence States having no bank?, but adjacent to those which had. It follows, therefore, that there are and ..probably always will be local banks. These local banks are often rivals, not only acting without con cert, hut in collision with each other, and having very imperfect knowledge of the general condition of the whole circulation ol the United States, or the state of our monetary relations with foreign Powers. The inevitable consequence must be, irregularity

iu theii movements, disorder and unsound

ness in the currency, and frequent explosions. The existence of local banks, under the authority and control of the . respective States, begets a necessity for a United States Bank, under the authority and control of the General Government. All that is

general and national, appertains to the federal government; all that is limited and lo

cal to the State governments. The States

ly break, to the injury and prejudice of the community. I am far from denying that

banks are attended with mischief and some inconvenience, but that this is the lot of all human institutions. The employment of steam is often attended with most disastrous consequences, of which we have had recent melanceolly examples. But does any body, on that account, think of proposing to discontinue the agency of steam power either on

tne land or the water l ine most that is

thought of is, that it becomes our duty to in

crease vigilance and multiply precautions, against the recurrence of accidents. As to banks, the true question is, whether the sum

oft he inconvenience of dispensing , with

them would not be greater than any amount

of which they are productive? And, in any

new charters that may be granted, we should

anxiously endeavor to provide all possible

restrictions, securities and guaranties against

their mismanagement, which reason or ex

perience may suggest.

Such are my views of the question of establishing a bank of the United States. They

cannot perform the duties of the genefalrhave been long, and honestly and sincerely

people of the United States, 1 feel authoriz

ed to say, that this Union will not, must not, shall not be dissolved. " How then can this unhappy conflict of opiuion be amicably adjusted and accommodated? Extremes,fellowcitizens, are ever wrong. Truth, aud justice, sound policy, and wisdom, always abide in the middle grouudj always are to be found" i.i 'uste milieu. Ultraism is - ever baneful,

ind, if followed, never fails to lead to fatal consequences. We must reject both the

doctrines of free and of high and exorbitant Tariff. The partizans of each must

make some sacrifices of their peculiar opin

ions. 1 hey must find some common ground,

on which both, can stand, and reflect that it

neither has obtained all it desires, it has

secured something, and what it does not re

retain has been gotten by its friends and countrymen. There are very4few whodis-

sent from the opiuion that, in time of peace,

the federal revenue ought to be drawn from

foreign imports, without resorting to internal

taxation." Here is a basis -for accommoda

lion, and mutual - satisfaction. Let the

amount which is requisite for an economical

administration of the government, when we

are not engaged in war, be raised exclusive

ly on foreign imports, and in adjusting a tar

iff for that purpose, let such" discrimination

be made as will loster and encourage our

own domestic industry. All patties ought

to be satisfied with a tariff for revenue and

discriminations for protection. In thus set

ilingthis great and disturbing question, in a

spirit of mutual concession and of amicable-

compromise, we but follow the noble exam

ple of our illustrious ancestors, in the forma

tion and adoption of our present happy con stitution. It was that benign spirit that pre

sided over all their deliberations, and it has

been in the same spirit that all the threatening crises, that have arisen during the pro

gress of the administration of the constitu

tion, have been happily quieted and accom

modaled.

Next, if not superior in importance to the

question of encouraging the national indus

try, is that of the national currency. I do notDurDose to discuss the point, whether a

paper representative of the precious metals.

in the form of bank uotes, or in- other forms,

convertible i'uto those metals, on demend, at the will of the holder, be or not desirable

and expedient. I believe it could be easily

shown, that in the actual state ol the com

mercial world, and considering the amount

and distribution ot the precious meiais

rhroughout the world, such a convertible pa

per is indispensably necessary. But-that is

not an open question. 'If it were desirable

ihatno such paper should exist, it is not in

the power of the General Government, un

der its present constitution, to put it . down

or prevent its creation and circulation. Such

a convertible paper has existed, does exist,

and probably will always exist in spite of the General Government. The

twenty-six States, which compose the Union,

claim the right and exercise the right, now

not to be controverted, to authorize and put

forth such a convertible paper, according to

their own sense of their respective interests.

If even a large majority ot the btates were

to resolve to discontinue the use ota paper

representative of specie, the paper would

nevertheless be created and circulated, un

less every State in the Union abandoned its

use; which nobody, believes is ever likely

to haDDen. If some of the States should

government, nor ought that to attempt to

perform, nor can it so well excute, the trusts

conhded to the State governments. We want a National Army, a National Navy, a

National Post Office establishment, Nation

al Laws regulating our foreign commerce

and our coasting trade, above . all, perhaps,

we want a National Currency. The duty ol

supplying these National means of afety", convenience and prosperity must be execut

ed by the general government, or it will re

main neglected and unfulfilled. The sever

al Stales cau no more supply a national currency than they can provides -armies, and

navies lor the national detence. ihe necessity for a national institution does not result merely fcom the existence of local

institutions, but it rises also out of the fact

that all the great commercial nations of the

world have their banks. England, France,

Austria, Russia, Holland, and all the great

powers of Europe have their national banks

It is said that money is power, and that to

embody and concentrate it in a bank, is to

create a great and dangerous power. But

we may search the records of history, and we

shall gud no instance, since the first inlro-! duction of banking institutions, of any one of them having sought to subvert the liber

ties of a couutry or to create confusion and

disorder. Their well being depends upon

the stability of laws and legitimate and reg

ular administration of government. ' If it were true that the creation of a bank is to embody a monied power, is not such a power in the hands of the general government necessary to protect the people against the

monied power in the form ot banking institutions in the several Stales, and in the hands

of Foreign Governments? Without it how

can the commerce of the United States

con? and compete with the commerce of

foreign powers having national banks? In

the commercial struggles, which are con

stantly in operation between nations, should

we not labor under great ana decided dis

advantage, if we had no bank and they had

their banks: We all recollect a- tew years ago, when it was alleged to be the policy ol

the bank of England to reduce the price of

our great Southern staple, in order to accom

p! s i that objects the policy was adopieJof

refusing to discount the notes and bills o

any English houses engaged in the Ameri

can trade. If a bank of the United Stares

had been in existence at that time, it could

have adopted some measure of counteraction ;

but there was none, and the bauk of Eng land effected its purpose.

It has been asked, what, will you have

banks, merely because the monarchies of

Europe have them? Why not also intro

duce their King, Lords and Commous

and their aristocracy? This is a very, shal

low moue ol reasoning. ! might ask, in

turn, why have armies, navies, laws regu

lating trade, or any other national institu

tions or laws, because the monarchies of the

old world have them? Why eat, or drink

clothe or house ourselves, because monarchs

perform these ope rations! I suppose myself

the course of true wisdom, and of common

sense, to be to draw from their arts, sciences and civilizaiion,and political institutions,whal-

evens good,aad avoid whatever is bad

Wheie, exclusive ot those who oppose

the establishment of a bank of the United

States upon constitutional ground, do we i find the greatest opposition to it? You are,

fellow citizen, perhaps not possessed of information, which I habpen to have acqulredThe greatest opposition to a bank of the

United States will be found to arise out ot a

foreigu influence, and mi be traced to" the

bankers and brokers ol Wall street in New

York, who are wielding-a foreign capital.

Foreign Powers and foreign capitalists see,

withsatisfaction,whatever retards the growth, checks the prosperily,or arrests the progress of this couniry. Those, who wield that foreign capital, fiud from exprience, that they can employ it to the best advantage, in a disordered stale of the currency, and when ex

changes are fluctuating and irregular. There are no sections of the Union which needed a uniform currency, sound and every where convertible into specie, on demand, so much

as you at the South and we in the West.

It is indispensable to our prosperity. And,

if our brethren at the North and the East,did

jEuit, every branch of human industry. There COutinue to employ and circulate such a pa- not feel the want of it themselves, since it

is no real, conflict between these diversified

interests. No one State, no one section, can reasonably expect or desire that the common government of the whole should

be administered, exclusively, according to its own peculiar opinion, or so as to advance pnly its particular interests without regard lo the opinion or interests of all other parts. In respect to the Tariff there are two schools holding opposite and extreme doctrines. According to one, perfect freedom in our foreign trade with no, or very low duties, ought to prevail. According to the other, the resirictive policy ought, on many articles, to be pushed,, by a high and exor

bitant Tariff, to the point of absolute prohib-

si i . 1 i ..

per, it wouiu now into, ana ue current iu

other States that miirht have refused to es

tablish Banks. And in the end, the States

which had them not, would find themselves, in self-defence, compelled to charter them.

I recollect, perhaps my friend near me, (Mr.

B. H. Leigh,) it he be old enough, may al

so recollect the introduction of Banks iu

our native State. Virginia adopted slowly

and reluctantly the Banking system. I re

collect, when a boy, to have been present

in 1792 or 1793, when a debate occurred

in the Virginia Legislature on a proposiliou,

t think it was, to renew the charter of a bank

in Alexandria the first that ever wasesiab-

I shed in that Jsiate, auu it was warmly op-

ition. Neither p'.rly can hold itself up as posed and carried with some difficulty. At-

eii unerrin" standard of right and wisdom.

Fallibility .Is the lot of ail men, and the wis estknowbow little they do know. The tloGttice tif free trade is a concession lo Foreign powers, wi!iouian equivalent, the prejudice of heme industry. Not only without Equivalent, but in the face of their high da-

terwardf. Virginia, finding herself surround

ed by Slates that had Batiks, aud that she

was subject to alj their jucooveniences,what-

ever they nrent be, resolved to establish

bauks upon a more extensive scale, and ac

cordingly did establish two principal Banks,

wub btanchmg powers, to secure to lierselt

will do them no prejudice, they ought, upon

principles ot sympathy and mutual accommo

dation, to concur in supplying what is so es

sential to the busiuess and industry of other

sections ot the Union. It is said that the cur

rency and exchanges have improved and are

improving, and so they have, and are. This

improvement js attributable to the salutary

operation of the tariff of 1842, which turned

the balance of trade in our favor. - But such

is the enterprise and buoyancy of our populatiou that we have no security for the continuation of this state of things. The bal

ance ot trade may take another direction,

new revolutions in trade may lake place, seasons of distress and embarrassment we

must expect. Does any body believe the

local banking syslein of the United Slates is

competent to meet and provide lor these ex igencies? It is the part of a wise govern

ment to anticipate and provide, as far as pos

sible, for all these contingencies. It

ed against banks that they are often badly

and dishonestly administered, and frequeui-

eutertained by me; but I do not seek to en

force them upon others. Above all, I do not desire any Bank of the United States, attempted or established, unless, and until, it is imperatively demanded, as I be

lieve demanded it will be, the opinion of the people. I should have been glad fellow-citizens, if I had time and strength, to make a full exposition of my views aud opinions upon all the great measures and questions that divide u, and agitate our couutry. I should have been happy to have been able to make a full examinaiton of the principles and measures of our opponents, if we could find out whal they are, and contrast them wilh our own. I mean them no disrespect; I would not use one word to wound the feelings of any one of them; but lam really and unaffectedly ignorant of the measures of public policy which i hey are desirous to promote aud establish. I know what they oppose. I know that they stand in direct opposition lo every measure

which the Whigs espouse; but what are their

substitutes? Ihe Whigs believe that the

xecutive power has, during the two last

and the present Administrations, been intolerably abused; that it has disturbed the bal

ances of the Constitution; and that, by Us

encroachments upon the co-ordinate branches of the Government, it has become alarm

ugand dangerous. The Whigs are there

fore desirous to restrain it within Constitutional and proper limits. But our opponents,

who assume to be emphatically the friends

of the people, sustain the Executive in all

its wildest and most extravagant excesses. They go for Vetoes, in all their varie'y: for Sub-Treasuries, standing armies, Treasury

circulars. Occupying a similar ground will

the Tories of England, they stand up for

power and prerogative against privilege and

popular rights. 1 he Democrats or Kepub licans of 179S '9, taught by the falal ex

amples of all history, were jealous and dis

trustful of Executive power. It was of that department that the'rfears were excited, aud

against that their vigilance was directed.

The Federalists of that day, imbibing the

opiuion from ihe founders of the Constitution

honestly believed that the Executive wai the

weakest branch ot the Government, and

hence they were disposed to support find

strengthen it. JJut experience has demon

strated their error, and the best part of tbem

have united with the Whigs. And the Whigs

are now in the exact position of the Repub

licans of 179S 9. Ihe residue and prob

ably the larger part of the Federalists joined

our opponents, aud they are now m the ex

act position of the lederahsts of 179S

with this difference lhat they have shut thei

eyes against all the lights of experience, and

pushed the k ederal doctrines ot that day ia

beyond the point to which they were ever

carried by their predecessors

But I am trespassing too long on your pa

tience, and must hasten to a close. I regrel that lam too much exhausted, and have not

time to' discuss other interesting subjects

that engage the public attention. I should be very glad to express to you my views ou

the public domain; but I have often on the

floor of the Senate and on other public occa

sions, fully exposed them. I consider it th

common property of the whole nation

believe it to be essential to its preservation

and the preservation of the funds which may

accrue from its sales that it should be with

drawn from the theatre of party politics, and

from the temptations aud abuses, incident to

it, whilst it remains there. I think that lun

ought lobe distributed, upon just and liber

al principles, among all the States, old, as

well as new. It that be not done, there is much ground to apprehend, at no very distant period, a total loss of the entire domain. Considering the other abundant and exhaust less resources of the General Government, I think that the proceeds of the sales of the Public Lands may be well spared to

the several States, to be applied by them to

beneficent local objects. In their hands,

judiciously managed, they will lighten the ! . i . i. - .t ir -r

burtnen ot internal taxation, tne omy iorin oi raising Revenue to which they can resort,and assist in the payment of their debts or hasten

the completion of importaut objects, in which the whole Union as well as themselves, are

inteiesled and will be benefitted.

On the subject of abolition, I am persua

ded it is not necessary to say one word to

this enlightened assemblage. My opinion

was fully expressed in the Senate of the

United States a few years ago, aud the ex

pression of it was one of the assigned causes

of my not receiving the nomination as a can

didate for the presidency in December Iajy.

But, if there be any one who doubts or de

sires to obtain further information about my

views,iu respect to that unfortunate questiou,

I refer him to Mr. Mendenhall, of Richmond

Indiana

I hope and believe, fellow-citizens, that

brighter days and and better times are ap

proaching. . All the exhibitions of popular

feeling all the manifestations of the public

wishes this spontaneous aud vast assemblage deceive us, if ihe scenes and the mem orable event of 1840 are not going to be re

newed aud re-enacted. Uur opponeuls

complain of the means which were employ ed lo biiug about -that event. They aitrib

play of bannersj the use of log cabins, the

Whig songs, and the exhibition of coons,

which preceded the event of '40. How

greatly do they deceive themselves! What'

little knowledge do they display of human nature! 'All these were the mere jokes of the campaign. The event itselt was produced, by a strong, deep, and general conviction pervading all classes, and impressed by a dear bought experience, lhat a change of both measures and men was indispensable to the welfare of the country. It was a great and irresistable movement of the people. Our opponents were unable to withstand, and were borne down,' by a; popular

current, for more powerful than that of the

mighty father of waters. The symbols and

insignia, of which they complain, no more created or impelled that current, than the ob

jects which float upou the bosom ol the

Mississippi give impetus to the stream.

Our opponents profess to be great friends of

the poor, and to take a great interest in

their welfare, but they do not like the log

cabins in which the poor dwell! They dislike their beverage of hard cider. They prefer sparkling champaign, and perhaps their taste is correct, but they ought to reflect that it is not within the poor man's reach. They have a mortal hatred to our

unoffending coons, and would prefer any other quadruped. And, as for our Whig soDgs,

to their ears they appear grating and full of

discord, although chanted by the loveliest daughters, aud most melodious voices of the

land! We are very sorry to disoblige our

Democratic friends, but I am afraid they will

have to recoucile themselves, as well as they

can, to our log cabins, hard cider, ana whig songs. Popul-tr excitement, demonstrating

lively interest in the administration of

public affairs, is far preferable to a state of

'.illness, of sullen gloom, and silent acqui

esence, wnicti denotes tne existence ot aes

potisin, or a stale of preparation for its intro

duction. And we need not be disturbed, if

that excitement should sometimes manifest itself, in ludicrous, but in innocent, forms.

But our opponents seem to have short me

mories. Who commenced that species of

display and exhibition ot which they now so

bitterly complain? Have they already for-

"otteii the circumstances attendant on the

campaigns of 1823 and 1S32? have they-for-

gottenthe use whKiitbey made ot the hog

the whole hog, bristles aud all? Ha3 the

scene escaped ihcir recollection, of bursting

the heads out of barrels, not of hard cider,but

of beer, pouring their couteuls into ditches, and then drinking the dirty liquid ? Do they cease to remember the use winch they made

of the hickory, of hickory poles, and hickory

boughs? On more occasions than one, when it was previously known that 1 was to pass oil a particular road,have I found the way obstructed by hickory boughs, strewed along

it. And 1 will not take up you time by narrating tfe uumerous instances of meau, low aud vulgar indignity to which I have beeu personally exposed. Our opponents had

better exercise a little philosopuy on the occasion. They. have been our masters, in

employing symbols and devices to operate

upon the passions of the people. And, if

they would reflect and philosophize a little,

they would arrive at the conclusion, that,

whenever auarmy or a political parly achieves a victory over and adveisary, by means of any

new instrument or stratagem, that adversary will be sure, sooner or later, to employ the

same means.

I am truly glad to see our opponents re

turning to a sense ot order aud decency. I should be still happier, if I did not fear that

it was produced by the mortification of a past

deieat, and the apprehension of one that a-

waits them ahead, rather than auy thorough reformation of manners. Most certainly, 1

do not approve of appeals lo ihe passions of

the people, or of the use ol disgustiug or un

worthy means lo operate on their senses or

their understanding. Altho' 1 can look and laugh, at the employment of hogs aud coons, to mflueuce the exercise of the elective franchise, 1 should be glad to see them entirely dispensed with. 1 should greatly prefer to see every free citizen of the United States deliberately considering and determining how he can best promote the honor and prosperity of his country, by the exercise of his

inestimable privilege, aud comiug to the polls

ed, the noble inheritance, which is our birthright, and sealed to us with the blood of our

fathers. i . '

One word more, fellow-citizens, and I am

done. I ropeat that I had anticioated much

gratification from my visit to your State. I had long anxiously wished t visit it, to tread ' the soil on which American Independence was first proclaimed ; to mingle with the descendants of those who were the first to question the divine right of Kings, and who, themselves, are surpassed ly none in devotion to the cause of human liberty, and to the Constitution and the Union, its best securities. Only one circumstance Las hapened to diminish ihe satisfaction of my journey. When I left my residence in December, I anticipated the happiness of meeting, among others, your Gastox, ; then 'living; I had known him long and well, having served with him more than a quarter' of a "century ago in ihe House of Representatives. , He united all the qualities which command esteem and admiration bland, pure, patriotic, eloquent, learned and pious, was beloved by all who knew him. Whilst we bow in dutiful submission to the will of Divine Providence, who, during the progress of my journey, has called him from his family and from his country, we cannot but feel and deplore the great loss which we have all sustained.' 1 share it largely with you, fellow-citizens, and it ia shared by the whole Union. To his bereay- ' ed family and to you, I offer assurances of my sincere sympathy and condolence. We are about, my Fellow-citizens, finally to separate. Never again shall I behold this assembled multitu Je. No more shall I prob

ably ever see th beautiful City of the Oaks. Never mote shall I mingle in the delightful ' circles of its hospitable and accomplished inhabitants. But you will never be forgotten iu this heart of mine. My visit to your State is an epoch iu my life. I shall carry with mo every where, and carry back to m own patriotic Sfate a grateful recollection of the kindness, friendship aud hospitality which I have experienced so generously at your hands. And whatever miy be my future lot or destiny, in retirement or public station, in health or sickness, in adversity or prosperity, you may count upon me, as an humble but zealous co-operator with you, in all honorable struggles to replace the Government of

our Country, once more, upon a solid, pure and patriotic basis. I leave wilh you all that it is in my power to offer, my fervent prayers that' one and all of you may be crowned with the choicest blessings o!" Heaven, that your days mny be lengthened out to the utmost period of human existence, lhat they may be unclouded, happy and prosperous, and that, when this mortal career shall

terminate, you may be translated to a better and a brighter world.

Farewell, Fellow-citizens, ladies and gentlemen an affectionate" farewell lo all of you! , '

unaffected by all sinister exettious, and there

independently depositing his sulirage. 1 should infinitely prefer lo see calumny, falsehood and detraction totally abandoned, and truth, sincerity, honor and good faith alone practiced in all our discussions; and I think

1 may venture to assure our opponents that whenever they are prepared. to conduct our

public discussions and popular elections, iu the manner and upon ihe principles which 1

have indicated, the Whig Party will be as prompt in following their good example, as

they were slow ana reiuctaut to intimate

their bad one. '1 he man does not breathe

who would be more happy than I should be to see all parties united, aa a band of brothers, to restore our beloved country to what it

ever should be,tne grauu mouei oi sen govern-

ment,the boast of eulightened and liberal men

throughout the world, and, by the justice, wisdom and beneficence of its operation, the terror and the dread of all tyrants. I know

and deplore, deeply deplore, the demoraliz

ation which has so extensively prevailed in our country, during a few past years. It should bo to every man who has an Ameri can heart, a source of the deepest mortification, and mostptinful regret. Falsehood and ;reachery, in high places, peculation and fraud among public servants, distress, embarrassment and ruin, among the people, distracted and disheartened at home, and treated with contempt and obloquy abroad, compose the sad features, during the period to which r.have adverted,of our unfortunate natioual picture. I shou Id rejoice to see this great couutry once more itself again, and the history of the past fifteen years shrouded, in a dark and impenetrable veil. And why should we not see it? We hare only to will it, to revive and cultivate the spirit which won for us, and bequeathed to us, the noble heritage which we enjoy ; we have only

to rally around the institutions and interests

of our beloved country, regardless of every other consideration, to break, . if necessary, the chains of parly, and rise, in the majesty

of treeineu,and stand out and stand up,tirm-

New Orle.vxs Election Wins Victory! The New Orleans papers, of Tuesday, contain but partial returns of the election, which took place in that city on the 1st insUItappeacsiroin. a table -given in the Bee, that 7 W'higs-and 3 Locos haTO been elected to ihe Legislature, and G whigs aud 4 locos to the convention for amending the State constitution. The -loco Senatorial candidate for the convention is elected by a few votes. The Bee says: ; Although incomplete, the Whigs of New Orleans have triumphed handsomely. But for the outrages the vote yesterday would " have been overwhelming. The Whigs would have elected every member of their ticket by tremendous majorities. Had the elections proceeded legally in any one of the

wards in which it was disturbed, every Whig would have been teturned. As it is, a majority of our legislative ticket is elected and nearly the wholeofthe convention candidates. Be of good cheer, Whigs of the Union, Louisiana will do hcrduty in November. '. ' The Whig judges of the elections, without exception, determined to reject the votes predicated upon the fraudulent naturaliza

tion tickets, issued by judge Elliott,who was

impeached and turned out ot oftice tor nis corruption in making them. Because these

foreigners were retused a vote tor good -

causes, the Locofoco judges in several of the Whig wards closed the polls, or absolutely refused to permit old citizens, known to the whole community as legal voters and ad

mitted by the judges themselves to be so,

to exercise tue privilege of freemen.

In the second ward of the iirst munici

pality, not oue vote was taken. One of the

oldest and most respectable citizens of New

Orleans presented himself to the judges, ana his vote was refused,by the Locofoco judge,

ou the ground that the W7hig judge in

tended to reject ihe fraudulent Elliott certi

ficates this, too, before a single Elliott vol-" er presented himself.

But for these miserable artifices and posi

tive outrages, the Whigs would have obtained a triumph such as would rejoice the heart of every good Whig throughout the Union.

As it is, we have elected nearly tne whole ot bot.i of our tickets an achievement which may be considered a great victory under the

circumstauces. As indicative ot tne vote at

the Presidential election, it pressages a complete and glorious triumph of Henry Clay. Our friends in oilier States will doubt the fidelity of Lousiana no longer. She will be found steadfast when most needed, and will swell the tide of victory as it rolls in sublimity over the Union.

The New Orleans 1 ropic says: Of one thing the Whigs of the Union may

be assured. New Orleans is "right side up,"

and that the isatiimore nominations uave met a noble response.

ute tneir loss oi tne ptiDiic confidence to tne resolved to dare all and do all, to preserve

popular meetings aud processions, to the dis-; jn unsullied purity, and perpetuate uuimpair-

C7Jsdge Bekreiw, the able and-distinguished chairman of the Judiciary Committee of the Senate, has made masterly report, in tnswer to the memorial of the Native American Associations, ss we learn from the proecding3 of the Senate, fie goes decidedly and unequivocally igauut any alteration of the Naturalization Laws. Judge Berrien isone of the leading Whigs of the Union.