Evansville Journal, Volume 10, Number 24, Evansville, Vanderburgh County, 23 May 1844 — Page 2

THE JOURNAL. N ot Cccsar's weal, but tliat f Rome.' OAdvsktisrks, vearly and . all others, are referred to our first pa2e fur terms,' &.c, from which no deviation will be made io any aee

FRIDAY, MAY 21, 1811 FOR PRESIDENT, HENRY CLAY, OF KENTUCKY. , - - FOR VICE PRESIDENT THEODORE FRELINGIIUYSEN, OF NEW JERSEY. STATE ELECTORS. Henry S. Lane, ef Montgomery; Joseph G. Marshall, ol Jefferson. DISTRICT ELECTORS. 1. John A. Braekearidge, of Warrick; 2. James Collius, of Floyd: 3. John A M&tson, of Franklin; 4. Samuel W. Parker, of Fayette; 5. Hugh O'Xeal, of Marion ; C. George G. Dann, of Lawrence; T B-AV. Thompson, of Vigo; 8. AVilliam Homes, of Carroll ; ' . O. John P. Biddle, of Casa; 10. Lewis S. Thompson, of Allen. MR. CLAY AND J. C. INGERSOLL.. Extract from the Washington cofrespon. dent of the Philadelphia United States Gazette. - " You will observe that Mr. J. C. Ingersoll has felt himself authorized to charge Mr. Clay with running a race of repudiation of protection to home industry with Mrv Van Buren. This in a serious charge to be made by one in Mr. Ingersoll's position. - Mr. Clay was in the House "of Represent tatives yesterday when Mr. Ingersoll coming up and addressing him, Mr, C. said, "Mr. Ingersoll, by what authority do you say that I have repudiated or abandoned the principle of protection?" Mr. I. replied; upon the authority of a gentleman of integrity, a personal friend of yours and a high rarifl man, who informed me that he bad seen a letter written by you about the time of the pas sage of the compromise act, in which you iigieed to give up the principle of protection. Mr. Clay : It is a falsehood. My speeches at the time, my speeches aud letters since, prove the contrary. - v " Mr. I. The gentleman who informed me did not sue the letter, but received iiis information ioit one who had seen the letter, and is a worthy friend of yours. Mr. C Jew or Geniile,-Turk or Christian, present my compliments lo him, and say that the charge is utterly untrue, and tell him to produce ihe letter' - . " The above is the substance, and as near as can be recollected, the very words of the'eonvercation. Mr. Ingersoll has made the charge, he must produce the proof or retract, as I doubt uot he will. You will observe that he re- ' lies on hearsay and second-hand evidence, and even that will fail him, A VOICE FROM THE CAPITAL OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK. A great Whig meeting has been held in Albany, N. York, to respond to the doings of the Baltimore Convention. The following resolution among others was adopted with enthusiasm: ' Resolced, That we do respond cordially, heartily, and joyfully to the nominations of IIEJNk.1 CLAY and TllEODOKE FKLLLNGIIUYSEN, and that in the approach ing contest we will exert our best faculties, . and devote our whole energies to repair the wrongs of Ihe past, by securing to the peo ple for the' future, the blessings of a sound, enlightened and uncorruptible Whig nation al administration. The Albany Journal says The venerable Judge Spencer, who spoke with great pow er and effect for three quarters of ah hour, in explanation of the proceedings and ac lion of the National Convention, "and in vin dication of Whig measures and lug principles, was listened to with profound attention. It was truly gratifying to see this Patriot and Sage who, though four score years old, is in the full enjoyment ol his physical powers and mental faculties, speaking with all the fervor and entusiasm of youth, to the eons and grandsons of his departed cotempofaries. His eloquent remarks upon ihe character and public, services of Henry Cx-av, and the glow jug elogium which he pronounced upon Theodore FRELrxGiiUY sen, that most worthy son of New Jersey, elicited frequent and enthnsiastic applause fiom the meeting; whilst his closing appeal to the Whigs of Albany to do their duly and their whole duly in the approaching contest called out an emphatic and significant res ponse. - The course which our candidate for the Presi dency has marked out for himself (in his late teller io the Editors of the National I niellijience r) is discreel and judicious. There is no public man living whose political opinions and whose views of public affairs have been more lully and t...!.Mv avowed, or better known and understood ili.n tlioee of Mr. Clav. This belli;! l he case, we sincerely hope and trust that his follow-citi-.,-.. .ill forbear troubling him with invitations io appear before them, or with inquisitorial let-i-ra in reanl to his opinions upon political malleis. Ue ehould be left, as he says he desires to be, to attend lohis private affaire, and to abide ,...;.iiv ihi rennltoLthe pendiiiu election. If it should be ihe will of Providence to allow him so much of life, iiis (our next years will he devoted .ril Lia-countrv. The brief interval vhidi precedes tbi he siiould be allowed lo nana in the tranquil retiretiieiU of his domestic circle. Dustuji Atlas. A letter from Washington says Mr. Tappaa avowed in the Executive session of the Senate that he had sent the Texas trealy to the New York Evening Post. It is uuder stood that ho made an apology, and that the Senate also passed a severe resolution of

THE PHILADELPHIA RIOTS. From the Cincinnati Gazette. ' . The Mobs Mob Srinrr. The late occurrences in Philadelphia, when men are cool enough to reason about them, jnust shock eyery sober, reflecting, mind. - m The origin of this mob is 'well understood. Iloweyer otlicr questions may have mingled in and influenced, the immediate cause of it arose from a wanton and ruthless attack upon an assembly of "Native Americans by a party of Irishmen. We are loth, at ?my time or under any circumstances., to palliate violence; we know of Cothing which could induce us to defend a mob. Yet if ever men were justified, in the first instance, in resenting and resisting to the uttermost, the Native Americans were. They stood on their own soil. They met together peaceably," in the open

face of day, and under" the protection of their hws. While thus acting, brute force was exerted to route them; that failing friends and brothers were shot dead; and their flag, the flag of the country, torn be fore their eyes by alien and murderous hands. This if the best accounts are to be relied on is a true statement, and who does not feel, if he had been present, and had witnessed these outrages that, stoutly and promptly, he would have resented and resisted them. For our parts, we do not hesitate to say, that we should repelsuch assailants as we would the invading foe who trod our shores! So far, the "Native Americans1' have our full and entire sympathy. Much as we may regret the necessity under which they acted, we cannot condemn their action on the first day of the assault. But on Tuesday and Wednesday, a wilder and fiercer purpose controlled them and the city of Philadelphia, and the picture of those days presents a bloody, revengeful, revolutionary spirit, the remembrance of which fills us with horror, and brings to our lips words only of the bit terest condemnation. Among the most savage wars of Europe between civilized nations, in these latter days, woman, the temples of God, Libraries and the School-house have escaped the wrath of the conquering foe. Whatever else fell beucath him, they were protected: and he who should have insulted the former, or defaced or fired the latter, would have been disgraced. Here, if any where, this should be the unwritten law in the hearts of our whole people. And we grieve once again in our lives, to record another instance in this country where Aiuicans have been so utterly beside themselves -so brutal as to vent their vengeance i against defenceless women, School-houses, Temperance shops, and Temples devoted to the worship of God. . On Wednesday, the 8th, in Philadelphia, these things were done. Churches were burned to the ground; the nuns compelled to leave their places of abode; libraries made bonfires of; schoolhouses destroyed; private houses gutted; and human lives, as well as human property, sacrificed. Against this inhuman conduct, we most . solemnly protest. Against this fiery spirit of lawless revenge, we would bid our countrymen lift up their loftiest and sternest voice of indignation, as alike fatal to our fair name, and the safety and permanency of our institutions! . . ' - We have stated, what we believe lo have been ihe immediate origin of the Philadel phia mob. The true cause lies deeper; and we must look it full in the face and master it, or it will master us. We may shirk it for a time; we may trim, and by a resort to ex pedients check its effects; but they will break out, and 'lelugc our country with mis rule, if not destroy our government, unless we root out from among us that cause itself. Whence is it that foreigners are so often ed into these affrays ? Why are they insoenf, or lawless, or revolutionary in spirit? They do not, as a. general rule, bring the disposition with them. In their old homes. the majority of them had no vote; they knew uot there what their government did, and never, if they were thus informed, thought of interfering with or questioning its action. low comes it, then, that all of a sudden, they are thus changed, and filled with an ar bitrary, mobbish, and sanguinary temper? The reason is this that the demagogues of the country, Native Americans too, not ca rina a fi for their substantial good, but wishing simply their votes, fawn upon and flatter them in every way, until they are taught to think that they have a full right to say and do as they please. Nor have they stopped here. Who puts it into the heads of aliens to. obtain by fraud a right to vote ? Who arouses their hate against one portion of our people? Who, by falsehood, and trick, and downright political knavery, makes them believe that, while one "party is their protector, another party is seeking to rob them of every personal right they enjoy, and to degrade them as serfs in this free land? American demagogues do all this; and if the bolt of public indignation could be made to fall, as it ought, in.the right quarter, it would fall, red hot and with rending effect, upon them. They are the source of these ) evils. From them alone, they spring. The!

f naturalization Jaws may he defective ; but

were it not for these demagogues, and the hateful, reckless, partizan feeling which they create, in order that,' like scum, they may rise to the top, amid a prevailing" agitation, we should not feel those defects, nor the alarm we do at the increase of the foreign O vote. The alien has no baser foe the country no direr :urse. -s t Nor is this all. Though the evil of their action is felt just now more vividly in this secondary cause, yet it is by no means confined to the aliens among us.. Our breath is rank with the foul poison of a lawless partizan spirit the very spirit on which demagoguism breathes and lives. For what is tire condition of the public feeling, in, consequence, at this time? Why, for the last twelve years this partizan spirit has been growing and swelling, until how it has spread in every state, and fills the halls of Congress and the State Legislatures, converting our Government into a mere ma chine to uphold and advance the interests, not of the country, but of a particular set of men or of a party I This is the effect of it. Laws are made or set aside measures passed or rejected the tariff, the currency, slavery, anything and everything tampered with just as they may promise to advance some partizan end. The 7 real business of the State or of the nation is not cared for. Business men at home and abroad do not feel that there is safety, or stability, or' practical w'sdom in our legislation. Nay, so far has this spirit been carried, .that the present House of Representatives of Congress, a fit educator of mobs, has dared to violate a law which every sane reasonermust regard as constitutional, and the present Executive to sell the patronage of Government lo the highest bidder, and solemnly propose to the Senate the violation of a treaty, the sacredness of which no honest man can dispute I Here is lawlessness and corruption at the fountain head. That it should be spread wide and deep need surprise none. Yet men's countenances are filled with horror at the story of the Philadelphia mob only one symptom of wide spread disease as narrated, and lip forth their denunciations as if behind that at the heart of our nation itselfthe excess of party spirit the ktjle of demagogtjism was not the source of that evil, and of all the evils, moral and political, which Have beset and borne us down for the last twelve years. - We speak that which every man knows. The, root of our Stale and national difficulties of repudiation, of mobs, of reckless legislation, of the want of honest business men in our legislative halls, of the growing immorrality which so shocks parents and patriot lies in the extreme partizan temper ot our people. Moral essays, preaching,'prctests, advice will do no good, unless the people themselves have sense enough and honesty enough to look, as they do in all priv ate matters, to the character of the individ ual voted for to spurn the . miserable spawn who flatters them, and promises them largely, to get fat offices, and high place, and to brook no set of men who seek to blow up their prejudices and passions in order that they may ride them booted and spurred when and where they please. Were they thus resolule, was this their temper, '. could we have party legislation? Were this their spir it could the Executive, or Congress, or the State Legislatures make playthings of the business of the country? Could there be, in such a condition of the public mind,mobs, lawlessness, or inability in legislation, or such wide-spread immorality? The remedy then, is with ihe voters of the country.. Let them elect honest, capable men, and we shall have good laws, a good public system, a good administration of the affairs of the State and the Nation, a good . spirit among the people and progress as well as permanency. This is what we want, and all that we do want, to make all classes in this land smile with conlent,-and alien alike and na tive know our Government only through its protection and its blessings. THE TEXAS TREATY. In the Senate of the United States, April 22, 1814. Read the first and second times, referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and ordered to be printed in confidence for the use of the Senate. A TREATY OF ANNEXATION. Concluded between the United Stales of America and the Republic of Texas, at Washington, the V4Ui day of April, 1814 The people of Texas bavin", at the time of adopting their Constitution, expressed by an almost unanimous vote their desire to be incorporated into the Uuion of the United Stales, and being still desirous of the same with equal unanimity, in .order to provide more cnectually lor their security and prosperity; and the United States, actuated solely by the desire to add to their own securi ty and prosperty, and to meet the wishes of the Government and people of Texas, have determined to accomplish by treaty objects j so important to their mutual and permanent welfare. For that purpose the President of the U Slates, has given full powers to John C. Calhoun, Secretary, of State of the U. State?, and the President of the Republic of Texas has appointed, with like powers, Isaae Van

Zanttand J. Pjqckney Henderson, citizens of tie Baid Republic, and the said Plenipotentaries, " after exchanging their full powers,have agreed on and concluded the follow ng articles: - AxU L The Republic of Texas, acting in corformity with the wishes of the people and every department of its Government, cedes to die United States all its territories, to be held by them in full property and sovereignty, aid to be annexed to the said U. States, as oie of .their territories, subject -to the same' constitutional provisions with their other territories. This cession includes all publit lots and squares, vacant lands, mines, rninesds, salt lakes and springs, public edifices, fortifications, barracks, ports and harbors,navy and navy yards, docks, magazines, arms and armament and acquirements, archives and public documents.public funds,

debts, taxes and dues unpaid at the time of the exchange ot the ratifications of this treaty r Alt. 2. The citizens of Texas shall be incoiporated into the Union of the United States, maintained and protected in the free enjojment of their liberty and property, and admitted, as soon as may be consistent with the principles ot the Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, privileges and immunities of citizens of the United States. Art. 3. All titles and claim3 to real estate which are valid under the laws of Texas, shaU be held to be so by the United States, and measures shall be adopted for the spee dy adjudication of all unsettled cla.ms to land, and patents shall be. granted to those found to be valid. Art." 4. The public lands hereby ceded shaU be subject to the laws regulating the public lands in the other territories ot the United States, so far as they may be applica ble; subject, however, to such alterations and changes, as Congress may think proper to make. Jt is understood between the par ties, that if, in consequence of the mode in which lands have been surveyed in Texas, or from previous grants or loca.ions, the sixteenth section cannot be applied lor the purpose of education, Congress shall, make equal provision by grant ot land elsewhere. Aiid it is also farther understood, that, here after, the books, papers, and documents of the General Land Office of Texas shall also be deposited and kept at such place in Texas as the Congress of the U. States shall direct. Art. 5. The United States assume and agree to pay the public debt &. liabilities of Texas, however created, for which the faith or credit of her Government may be bound at the time of the exchange of the ratifica tions of this treaty; which debts and liabilities are estimated not to exceed, ia the wnole, ten millions of dollars, to be ascer tained and paid in the manirer hereinafter stated. !The payment of the sum of three hun dred and fifty thousand dollars shall be made at the Treasury of the United Stale3, with in ninety days after the exchange of the mifications oi this treaty, as loiiows:;two hundred and fifty thousand dollars to 1 rederick Dawson, of Baltimore, or his executors, on the delivery of that amount of ten per cent, bonds of Texas; one hundred thousand dollars, if so much be required, iu the redemption of the exchequer bills winch may be in circulation at the time of the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty. For the payment of the remainder of the debts and liabilities of Texas, which, together with the amount already specified, shall not eiceed ten million of dollars, the public lands herein ceded, and the nett revenue from the same, are hereby pledged. Art. 6. In order to ascertain the full amount of debts and liabilities herein assumed, and the legality and validity thereof, four commissioners shall be appointed by the President of the United States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, who shall meet at Washington, Texas, -within the period of six months after the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, and may coitinue iu session not exceeding twelve mouths, unless the Congress of the United States should prolong the time. They shall take an oath for the faithful discharge ot their duties, and that they are not directly or indirectly interested in said claims at the time, and will not be during their continuance in office; and the same outh shall be recorded with their proceedings. In case of the death or sickness, or resig nation ol any of thy commissioners, his or their place or places may be supplied by the appointment as aforesaid, or by the President of the United States during the recess of the Senate. They, or a majority of them, shall be authorized, under such regulations as the Congress of thn United States may prescribe, to hear, examine and decide on all questions touching the legality and validi ty of said claims, and shall, wheu a claim is allowed, issue a certificate to the claimant staling the amount, distinguishing principal from interest. The certificates so issued shall be numbered, and entry made of the number, the name of the person to whom issued, and the amount, in a book to be kept for that purpose. They shall transmit the record ot their proceed i njjs, and the books in which the certificates are entered, with the voucners and documents produced before them, relative to the claims allowed or rejected, to the Department of the United States, to be deposited therein; and the Secretary of the Treasury shall, as soon as practicable after the receipt of ihe same, ascertain the aggregate amount of debts and liabilities allowed; and if the same when added to the amount to be paid to Frederick Dawson, and the the sum which may be paid in the -redemption of the exchequer bills, shall not exceed the estimated sum of ten millions of dollars, he shall on the presentation of a certificate of the commissioners, issue, at the option of the holder, a new certificate for the amount, distinguishing principal from interest, and payable to hiin or order, out of the nett proceeds of the public lands hei tby ceded, or stock of the United States, for the amount allowed, including principal and interest, and bearing an interest of three percent, per annum, from the date thereof; which stock, in addition to being made payable out of the nett proceeds of the public lands thereby

ceded, shall also be receivable in payment of the same. .' . -

In case the amount of the debts and lia bilities allowed, with the sums aforesaid to be paid to Frederick Dawson, and which may be paid in the redemption of the exchequer bills, shall exceed the said sum of ten mil lions of dollars, the said Secretary, before issuing a hew certificate, or stock, as the case may be, shall make in each case such proportionable and rateable reduction on its amount as to reduce the aggregate to the said sum of ten millions of dollars, and he shall have power to make all needful rules and regulations necessary to carry into efteet the powers whereby vested in him. Art. 7. Until farther provision shall be made, the laws of Texas, as now existing, shall remain in force, and all executive, and judicial officers of Texas, except the Presi dent, Vice rresident and heads or tlepartments, shall retain their offices, with all power and authority appertaining thereto, and the courts of justice shall remain in all respects as now established and organized. ; Art. 7. Immediately after the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty, the President of the U. States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint a Commissioner, who shall proceed to Texas and receive the transfer of the territory thereof, and air the archives and public property' and other things herein conveyed, in the name of the United States. He shall exercise all executive authority in said territory necessary to the proper execution of the laws, until otherwise provided. Art. 9. The present treaty shall be ratified by the contracting parties, and the ratifications exchanged at the City of Washington, in six months from the date thereof, or sooner if possible In witness whereof, we, the undersigned, plenipotentiaries of the United States of America and of the Republic of lexas, have signed, by virtue of our powers, the present treaty of annexation, and have hereunto affixed our seals, respectively. : Done at Washington, the twelfth day o April, eighteen hundred and forty-four. J. C. CALHOUN, Seal. ISAAC VAN ZANDT, Seal. J. P. HENDERSON, Seal. Washington correspondence of the Bait. Tat. THE' " BRITISH TARIFF BILL" DEFEATED. Washington, May 10,' 1844. This has been' a day of unusual interest in the House, owing to the circumstance that the fate of the " British Tariff Bill" was decided on. I have the satisfaction lo announce to you that that abominable bill, so fraught with evil to the country, and so es sentially British in its character, has gone to the tomb of the Capulets is defunct. After the transaction of some miscellane ous business, which you will see noticed in the repoit, Mr. McKay, who was entitled to the floor, yielded to Mr. Barnaed, who pro ceeded to address the House in a. sound and argumentative speech against the bill. He coufined himself to a view of it in the light of a revenue measure, and contended that it would prove wholly inadequate to the purpose of bringing into the treasury a suffi ciency of revenue to meet the wauts ot the Government. After he concluded, Mr. McKay, the chairman of the committee of Ways and Means, who is regarded as the author of the bill, addressed the House in its defence. His speech fell far short ot what we had a right to expect from one oc cupving the responsible station he fills. say it without prejudice and because I am convinced 1 do not ao nun injustice, mat ins effort was an utter failure, as coming from the chairman of the Committee -of Ways and Means of the House of Representatives of the United States. When he took his seat, Mr. Ccxlam got the floor, and without discussing the bill, moved the previous question. Instead, however, of briuging the House to a direct vote 'upon the bill, as the Whigs were most anxiou3 should be done, Mr. Elmeu, of New Jersey, a Loco Foco, moved to lay it on the table. The object of this movement was lo relieve the Loco Foco party of the odium of a positive rejection ot it. The motion to lay on the table was carried by a vote of 105 to 99, and is a virtual rejection of the bill. In order to seal the matter, and to leave the bill iu a condition that would preclude its being resuscitated during the present session, Mr. Ikvin, of Pennsylvania, 'a Whig, moved a reconsideration of the vote by which it was laid on the table. Hereupon, a good deal of shuffling took place among the Loco Focos, in order to get rid of the motion to re-consider, and although it was only about two o'clock, they tried hard to get an adjournment. Several motions of that kind were made, but the Whigs always brought the yeas and nays to bear upon them, and their object was defeated. Their design in wishing to adjourn no doubi was to hold a caucus, and to try and whip in the New York and other Loco Focos, who voted for laying the bill on the table. The question on the motion to reconsider was at last taken and decided in the negative by nearly the same vote by which the bill had been laid on the table. After these proceedings had ended, and when the finishing stroke had been given Mr. Stewart, of Pa., rose and remarked that as a death had just occurred, he would mote that the House conform to the usages iu such cases by adjourning." He made a motion to this effect, and the House ad journed. It was not surprising that Mr, S. did not carry out the idea by pronouncing the eulogy of the defunct bill, and moving that the House go into mourning on the occasion. ' This is generally done by the friends of the deceased, and certainly no one would expect such a service from him in regard to this bill. . The fate of this measure cannot fail to make a deep impression upon ihe people of this country. There is no question in regard to which party lines are more distinctly drawn than this. The. Whigs hold jt as one of their cardinal principles, that in imposing duties for revenue, it is proper to make discriminations for the purpose of protecting the industry of our own citizens against the competition of foreign pauper labor. Our opponents, on the other hand, as aparty, are against protection, and contend that in ad-

justing our Tariff, regard should be. had alone to revenue. Protection, they say, should be left out of view altogether. According to this principle, was theJ'ill which has just been rejected in the House, framed. Having been hus brought forward embody

ing, as it am, me great cardinal principle ot the Loco Foco party on this subject, what has beenjts fate ? Why, in a House, at this time, numbering about 220 members nearly two to one of which are Loco Focos, the bill has been defeated by a majority of six vvies. uai uoes mis argHe i. way," clearly, that our opponents are afraid, when brought to the test, to practice what they preach that the people to whom the Rep resentatives are responsible for their actv and who will sanction no measure that is in jurious to their interests, are in favor of the Whig- doctrine, the American doctrine, of fostering our own manufactures, our own la1 1 .1 . - 1 Tk oo r ana matin ine approacning rresiaential Election, they will take care to bestow their suffrages upon an individual who has spent a life-time, nearly, in upholding this " The Senate have been nearly all day in I Executive session, and-ita-very. likely they, have still had under -consideration the case. oi iur. i apt an, wno, you are aware, is me person, who suffered a copy of the treaty to - goout of his Jiands and to reach the office -of the New York Evening Post, where it wa3 published, whilst the injunction of secresy : was resting upon the . proceedings ' of the oenate on mat sumcct. rne investigation of the matter has been going on for some time, and I believe it is still undecided .what . steps the Senate will take in the matter. 1 he indisposition which I stated a few days ago Mr. Ciay was then laboring under, proved to be trivial, and he has, tor a day or two past, been moving about apparently entirely recovered. He will leave here in a uay ui twu lor ms nouie ui 2snianu. thousand blessings, and among them those of. good health and animated vigor of mind and body, go with him! : R. J . c, !. l 1 -LI J a .. For the Journal. , HOOSIER SONG. - u Tvne Old Dan. Tucker. ' Don't you see the people rising L" n . it. ; 1 Ti 1" l i ror iienry viay anu x renuyuuyseu : oue ; luuy wine lium uvcij uauci, Some by land and some by water. " - Hurrah for Clay and the Constitution f .Tariff, Bank, and Distribution! "" See their banners! hear their them siuging!With patriot shouts the welkin ringing; Their cause is just they rise to conquer, And every day they're growing stronger. Hurrah for Clay, &c. Send a doctor on before us, ' : . To give the Locos pills soporus; . - '.; ', ; Or all the arts of hocus-pocus W. . -t T T7 . -'I-"" " o i .i r ,-. , oannoi save ine juoco x ocos, . . . ' ' Hurrah for Clay, &.C ; If you give him time to dose 'em, ; . i ..- They'll grin and take it like a ''possum ? But if too soon they're overtaken, , , . . .. . A peck of pills won't save their bacon. , . Hurrah for Clay, &c. . A coon-skin flag with Whig inscriptions,, -Will give a Loco blind conniptions; The atmosphere of a cabin chokes him, Cider makes him sick and pukes him. " Hurrah for Clay, &c A rhyme with Clay or Frelinghuysen Affects a Loco just like poison ' oweus mm up, uis iace turns yeuuw, And looks as blank as a cake of tallow. Hurrah for Clay and Frelinghuysen, As noble a pair as you e'er laid eyes on. His bead hung up with the mouth wide open, You'd think was a gourd to keep soft soap inj His hair erect, his eyes wide straddled, ? Arms spi'Crtd, eyes sot, brain all addled. ; Hurrah for Clay, &c. , They've got a dose that will work per se From Main across to Tennessee. - . Like Cain when cursed for AbePa murder, They look aghast and quail and shudder. Hurrah for Clay, &c. Take them in and treat them kind! v. . C Do not let them die so blindly; - ' -' At first, if you think they can't stand more, Pronounce, quite softly, " Theodore." Hurrah for Clay and the Constitution,' Tariff, Bank, and Distribution. "'. If that don't hurt, say Frelinghuysen;" Then take a coon-skin, dressed with sizing,' Rub it on them, make them feel it, But take good care that they don't steal it. Hurrah for Clay, &c. - If they will not stand the rubbing, Turn them out and give them a drubbing Their case is hopeless, past all curing, . They never will desert Van Buren. ... Hurrah for Clay, &c. If they stand the rubbing process Place the skins beneath their noses: If the smell don't set them pouting, They're cured, and soon will all be shoutiug . Hurrah for Clay, &c. Hurrah for Clay and Domestic Labor, Before the British help your neighbor; Give us a Bank and a good Whig Tariff, ' And we'll have no use for Court or Sheriff! Hurrah for Clay and the Constitution, Tariff, Bank,' and Distribuiion. i

peusure.