Evansville Journal, Volume 18, Evansville, Vanderburgh County, 28 August 1867 — Page 2

THE EVANSVILLE DAILY JOURNAL-WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 28,1867.

,"desperate""Bt'and'Tbr"rexibauc; " and power upon that question. They will appeal to the. barest passion. of the people, to their cupidity, to their el-S-hnes, to the satanic teiii't:fi"U of exemption from texa3, to f hi poor againet the rich", and to labor asrai list eapital. They have profound iaith in the passions and viced of the people, but none in their, patriotism and virtues. Thevbelievin utter depravity,

i and upon that found their last hope for life and nower. made throughout the war. They believed that the fanner to save his taxes, the capitalist his income, the wife her husband, and the father his son, would resist the revenue officers, the draft law, abandon the war, and resign the government to dissolution. But in all this they were gloriously mistaken. The estimate they had formed of humun nature, weak as it is, was entirely too low. The trial to which the peoplewere subjected developed their noblest qualities, aud they gave not only their treasure, but their blood to save the country; and would have given more, nay, all. Aud wheu, hereafter, they shall be invited upon the basest considerations, to bring dishonor upon themselves, and eternal reproach upon the nation, not to save their blood, but only their money;, tho'will spurn the invitation with infinite scorn, and drive the tempters fr m their presence as Christ did the moneychangers from the temple. One of the latest forms in which repudiation ' has shown its horrid front, is the proposition to pay off the whole national debtin "greenbacks." Said a very prominent Democratic speaker the other day, " We must pay the national debt.evpry dollar of it, but we must pay it in greenbacks. " I will not stop to discuss the breach of faith. I will notstop to consider wmit would be the effect upon the currency and business of the country to issue a thousand millions of greenbacks. If the greenbacks are to be redeemed, then the body of the debt is not paid -only another form of obligation given for it. If the "greenbacks" are not to be redeemed, theu the whole debt is repudiated. It is very absurd to talk about paying a debt by giving another obligation for it which is not to be paid. And I notice this proposition as a weak tie vie of the ' enemy by which they approach direct repudiation. Let me urge upon the repudiators, however, that their efforts to repudiate be made against the bonds directly, and not through the medium of irredeemable greenbacks. It is true, to repudiate the bonds would det-troy the national honor, and place the government before the world as the mightiest swindler in his-tory; it is true that no American would then dare to show his face in Europe, and it would be regarded as indecent to peak the name of our country in society. But the money loss, in that ease, would fall chiefly on the bondholders at first. Whereas if the debt is paid off in irredeemable greebacks, the loss to the bondholders would be the smallest part. The whole currency would become worthless; the business of the country destroyed, and the laboring classes and the poor would be by far the greatest sufferers. A party is utterly lost to shame which deliberately proposes the nation's dishoi or, and has but one duty to perform which is to die. UNION SOLIIERS TOBE DISHONORED. A result that would inevitably flow from the succesof the sc -vailed Demo'cracy would be the degradation of the Union soldier, and the elevation to honor and power of the rebel soldier The Democracy of the North and the rfthela nf thft South rt n :iflili:tA into upon that condition. Not only would Southern rebels impose this as a condition upon their Northern allies, but it would be cheerfully accepted as consonant with their sympathies and consistent with their eourse. The Democracy of Ohio are in full accord with the Democracy in Kentucky, and the news of the late Kentucky eleej. - : J ti .1-1 . i . r uua was receiveu as giau uuiugs 01 great joy," as a " rich morsel of victory,' and rejoiced over in gushing adjectives and flaming head lines by by every Democratic orator and newspaper in the State. In that election, except in a few localities, rebel soldiers and svinna-

thizers were chosen to every important office, and the fact that a candidate had been in the Union army, or sympathized with the Union cause, J?as the, sure harbinger of defeat. :The Democratic candidates were pub-licly-supported upon the ground that they had served in the rebel army or sustained the rebel cause. And not only do the Democracy of Kentucky exclude the Union soldier from office, but they exclude him from society; proscribe him in his business, inflict on him a thousand annoyances, and many of them proclaim that he 'shall leave the State, that they will make it too hot to hold him. And as the Democracy of. Kentucky treat the Union soldier, so will the Democracy of Ohio, should they get the power. It is the war cry of that party, that it is not sectional. th8t it is everywhere the same; as in Kentucky, so in Ohio. It is true that there are some men in Ohio who were good soldiers during the war, who are now acting with that party. But their position is one of humiliation , tof - themselves, and commisseration and'sorrow'with' their friends. In the Democratic ' party they are tolerated only; nt loved or forgiven. When put forward for office, they are not standard bearers, but "decoy ducks" to allure faithful soldiers into rebel camps; and when they eannot longer be profitably used, i

wilr-be"L,e9i side -a-dihftttOiaJahiv things; for the fact of haying borne arms against the rebellion is the mortal sin for which there '.is no Democratic forgivenessl . ft 7 In Ohio, where (,the Democracy have no power, they .'o rue times nominate soldier lor oflxce,' but . in Kentucky,where - they .have the power, they would not nominate one' for ' the humble office' oif4. fence, viewer:" Let the Union soldier therefore take heed that he be pot deluded .by .false pretenses, and delivered over by; s1iameful stratagem into ,iheV hands 'of his" adversariesi Let him ever, remember that the;rebels.(apd ; their allies will never love him, never' forgive him, and will only tolerate him where they must.; ,., , , ;-' . ' ' IMPARTIAL BtirPRAQE THE, NORTH ; MfSTiBE CONSISTENT.:, ! The question of impartial ; suffrage is now submitted , to the; people of Ohio. It. is .proposed to allow the colored man' to, vote upon: like' terms and conditions with :the white man. After, the- great.!, events, which have transpired, the great changes that have taken .place, this. can hardly be regarded a3 an open question. The people of the North, ; through ! Congresshave conferred upon the colored men of the South the right. of

suffrage, who but yesterday were slavs, the most of whom are wholly i mat' i iiv uiwr I uueilucated, . w ' in States whi who have grown up lere it was a felony to icach them to read, and made them politically equal to the whites. And shall they now refuse to do equal justice to the small number of colored people in their midst who are better educated, far more intelligent, far better qualified every way to exercise political-rights? Can you with selfrespect, with a decent regard to the opinions of mankind, ref use to execute in this great State those immortal principles of equal rights-and equal justice which you have asserted and enforced in other States? You who have squared your faith by the Declaration of Independence, who have proclaimed to the world the equal rights of men, will not, -I am sure, stultify yourselves by refusing to the colored men of Ohio that impartial suffrage to which, by the example of youractiou in the south, they are so fully entitled. i If you shall refuse, you will then stand naked before your enemies. 1 It will then be hissed scornfully in your faces, that your . immortal principle of equal rights" is only for Southern consumption; and that the radicalism of Ohio is but a cheat and a sham. But let us . consider this subject briefly, independent of all quest ons of consistency or policy. We admit that God has created all .men equal. We do not mean equal in physical and mental powers equal in stature, color or appearance but equal in their rights. Now, where two races are living together in the same State, and the right to choose all public officers to make the laws and execute them, is confided to one race exclusively, will you tell me that all are equal? And will you tell me by what right one race exercises absolute government over the other. We admit that God has endowed men with certain inalienable rights; that among these is the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. We "call these divine. . or, if you please, natural rights. If we have thewc rights, have we not a divine or natural right to protect ourselves in their enjoymentr Can there be a right which we have not the right to protect? The right of self-defense is said to be the first law of nature, and it may be exercised by your hands or by a weapon, by yourself -or by your friend. ' The law of nature does not point ont ' how it shall be done, whether by the'hands or by a weapon, but certainly embraces the use of the adequate means whatever they may be. It would be "very absurd to say that self-preservation is the first law of nature, but that the law . docs not give the use of the means of preservation. It ia not jeos absurd to say that men have a divine right to life and liberty, but have no divine right to protect themselves in their enjoyment. Can you conceive of a right whic.h another man has a RIGI1T to take away, and which you have no right to defend? If it be admitted that men have a divine or natural right to life and liberty, then must it not be admitted that they have a divine or natural right to protect themselves in their enjoyment? And if it be admitted that men have a natural right to protect themselves in the enjoyment of life and liberty, that right must carry with it the use of the necessary or adequate means. And now what are the necessary or adequate means? If your liberty is invaded by violence or war, you may repel force by force. But if it is trampled upon by unjust constitutions or unequal laws, by what means can you be protected in its enjoyments? I answer, by the right of suffrage only, or the right of revolution. In this country, the only means by which a man can protect himself against the enactment of unequal or oppressive laws is to have a voice in making them; or can secure the protection of the laws is to have a voice in the - selection of the officers by whom they are to be executed. It is true that if . a man is disfranchised,, the' justice or magnanimity of his neighbors, or of another race, may protect him in his rights, but that is a precarious security, and furnishes no reason for depriving him of fower to protect himself. And now ask you what power the colored people of Ohio have to protect them

selves to theiL-fiyes Jiberty ;and property? - They have no voice1 in making the lawsi ?r ehoosingthe officers by whom they are to . be executed. Those in authority may make oppressive statutes, against them,-or deny to them the protection of tho-e already made, as in Kentucky; and they, have no means of redress. Their natural rights may all be struck down, and, in themselves, they have no power to prevent it, except by force of arms, for which they would be punished as criminals." In ' a' republican - form of government, the ballot is the. only means short of revolution by which rights can be asserted, abuses corrected, .or protection secured, and whoever is deprived of it is at the mercy of his neighbors. J r ' "'''Mr. i'end'eton lately said that the white people of" Ohio would protect the colored men in the enjoyment of all their rights." But that is the old argument in favor of slavery, when it was urged that the good and kind masters would take care of the slaves and do: better for them "than they could do for themselves. If Mr. Pendleton were to be disfranchised by the Constitution of Ohio, it is probable he' would be protected in his other rights,' but this: would pot repair the wrong or soothe hi)? lacerated feelings. ' If the colored men of Ohio are enfranchised, their votes will be sought after with as mueh avidity as an' equal number of white votes, and they will be treated with a kindness and consideration they never before enioyed. ' '" No party could propose to enact an unjust law against them, or fail to give them protection except under the penalty of having all their votes cast against them at the next election ; and we know how effective is the prospect of such a penalty. In the rebel States, the late act of Congress enfranchising the freedmen has already eiven them a protection

and consideration which could not be secured by the whole military power of the United States, and exhibits con clusively the influence and power of the ballot. : The recognition of the principle I contend for does not conflict with the right to exclude aliens, minors, insane persons and criminals from the ballot box, nor does it necessarily conflict with that principle of representation which is more or less recognized in every elective system, whereby from the ties of affection, blood, and community of, interest, the husband is assumed to represent the wife, and the father his family. But this principle of representation could not without absurdity be carried so far as to assume that, where one race is separated from another by color, condition and prejudice, it could represent the interests, feelings and wants of that other at the ballot box. I know it is often said that the right of suffrage is not a nautral right, and may be withheld from any man, class or race, without a violation of their natural rights. But I respectfully submit that this mafctes the whole theory of natural rights a mockery. For if in a republican form of government, where suffrage is the only means of protecting natural rights, it can be justly withheld from a whole race, then that race have natural rights, but have no right to U6e the means by which they may be protected, which is absurd. Not less absurd than to say that the constitution comers uie power upon Congress to make wjir, but withholds the means to execute the power. It is true that no principle in government can be carried to all its conclusions; but must be subject to practical limitations, r ' Kvery member of society must yield up Borne portion of his abstract rights for the common good, but this yielding should be uniform, -r It would be an abuse of the doctrine, if society required 'One race to yield all means of self protection. , s And to say that society may require one race to stibniit itself absolutely to the ; government of another, is to assert the principle of slavery pure and simple. But it may be said that the principle I advocate would give the right of suffrage to women. This I do not deny, but say broadly and practically that there is a vast difference between denying the right of suffrage to women who are represented at the ballotbox by their husbands, -fathers and brothers, and alt the adult males of their race, and the denial of it to a whole ' race, both males and ' females, which is not represented at the ballotbox by anybody and thus has ' no means in a republican Government of protecting itself in the enjoyment of life, liberty and property ." Pendleton's argument. . In discussing this subject Mr. Pendleton said: '- " But I would not give them, political power. They belong to a differ ent race. fbey have different blood and bones, and organization. They have different tastes and habits, and capacities. It is not merely a difference of climate or sun, or birth, or education, or color. It is an inherent or radical difference of race, of blood, of nature, of intellect, of capacity, which no training can efface; no associations, or ; habits, or discipline can extinguish. God made them different, man cannot make the same or equal." , Now, here is ,a statement,, which if admitted to. be true, proves nothing in favor of ? his policy of disfranchisement. Does, it afford any reason why this race, so .widely separated from the other, -should be disfranchised and governed absolutely by the other? Does it not on the contrary prove that the white race, separated by so great diversity from the colored, cannot represent their interests and

wants at the ball'of-box arid that the colored should have the right to vote for their own protection? " 1 r4 If ' Mr. ''Pendleton means to say, that, in consequence of this difference in race, the colored man has no natural right to life, liberty, and property, no right that a white man is bound to respect, then we can understand him; but iff be stops short of that, there is nothing in his argument. Again, Mr.-Pendleton says: . - "Aud all the teaching of history, and all the observation of our experience, is that the commingling of the blood of the white and black, races injures both. Go into .the Southern States, " where" circumstances 'ihave been favorable to this amalgamation ; go into our cities, where affection has sought to establish the happiness of the hybrid offspring, and you will see that every animal is more developed, every moral quality icore depressed,, every physical infirmity more exaggerated than either of the pure racesJ! The argument Mr.' Pendleton intends to make by this is that the enfranchisement of the'!colored race would contribute to ' amalgamation and" the commingling of blood. lie says? Circumstances have;; beep favorable to this amalgamation in the Southern States. " - Why does he phrase it so delicately? Why does he not say that tlavrry was favorable to amalgamation ? Why does he not

say that wherever slavery existed; wherever the negro was 'degraded and heipless; dented all rights that white man was bound to respect amalgamation existed and flourished on a large scale? and why does be no say that, in the Northern State: where the negro is protected in the marriage relation and treated as man, amalgamation is almost wholly unknown In Massachusettes, where the col ored man has enjoyed every political right tor more than thirty years, it is said a case has not occurred for many years. And in this great State or Ohio, 1 will venture the opinion that the cases are extremely rare. If you would prevent the-cvil of amalga mation, educate, elevate and cntran chi.-e the colored race. Give them self respect, make them feel that they are men and women, before the law and before the world, and you wil thus have almost perfect security against the evils of amalgamation. To withhold suffrage from the col ored race is to violate other funda mental Drincioles Of our Government. We say that the " Government exists only by the consent of the governed,' aud here is a race that is governed, but has never conseuted, and has no means to consent or dissent. - We say that " taxation and repre sentation should go together," and here is a race that is taxed but not represented. But more than all this, the colored man has helped to fight your battles. and has mingled his blood with yours on many a field; he has been patriotic and loyal, while thousands of whites in your midst have been disloyal; he has paid taxes and helped to bear all the burdens of the State; he has shown intellect and capacity; he has displayed enterprise and valor, and why should he doc vote? The answer is prnjadice, prejudice, which is ever strongest in the weakest breast. To that unfortunate class of p pie who have no politics but hatred to the negro, and who live in deadly fear of amalgamation, and that it he has equal right given to him he will te come their superior socially, intel lcctually and politically, I tender my profound sympathies. Their case is beyond the reach of human aid, and an inai weean ao is to smootn tneir passage to that bourne where they are not married or given in marriage, and where they will be safe from the social dangers to which they are exposed here. . . - ..t -A '" :'' '.- V- ,' RECONSTRUCTION. ; ;. :i When the war ended in the- Snrinr of 1805, nine of, the rebel States were left i without governments of - auy kind. The officers composing the rebel State governments ' were either killed, captured, or had fled, and otate authority of all kinds had disappeared. This presented a case expressly provided for by the Constitu tion of the United States, which declares that the United States shall guaranty to each State a Republican form of Government. State governments had ceased to exist, and it was the duty and the right of the government of the United States to reorganise new ones upon a loyal republican basis. Mr. Johnson recognize this condition of things and the power of the government of the United ctates, but assumed the right to ini tiate a plan of reconstruction himself independent of Congress. This of course was clearly without the limits of his constitutional power, but it was declared bv him at the time, and by Mr. Seward, Secretary cf otaie, tnat these new uovernments would be provisional only, until they were sanctioned by Congress, and that the whole business would be submitted to Congress for its consideration at the next session. Ilad the President adhered to this purpose it is frobable all would have gone well at ast, and the present state of things would not exist. But ' unfortunately he failed to submit his work to Congress. He assumed the right to accept , their new State Constitutions without the consent of Congress. He received and treated their new Governments as legal and republican, and thus aetual'y exercised the power of reconstruction without the sanction of the people as expressed through their representatives in Congress. The power to form the governments of nine States that had been in rebellion was too great to be ex-

ercised by one man. The settlement we had td'raake with the rebels, anclthreadjustment of their institutions on a loyal basis which -would give security for the future, was a matter of, the greatest importance, in which all the people are interested, and upon which they must be heard through Congress. .j .As the President bad no power of,hiniself to establish State Governments, and as thev were

never sanctioned by Congress, they J were unauthorized.and illegal, and are in that condition to-day;.., In the summer of 18GC,.' Congress, .still, disposed to harmonize matters with the President if possible,', .aqd to disturb',' as . 7',,' little j ..V.13 might be the existing ' state of things, submitted to. the rebel States for tbeir acceptance an amendment to j the Constitution of the United States, j containing four conditions which were rega rded as - of, ,viJ ." importnee ( tu' the future : peace and,' security of the Republic," with' the tacit understanding that if accepted and . duly ratified they should constitute s basis ' of ; settlement '.and reconstruction,' The, effect of this would have been to accept the existing rebel State Governments and make them legal, subject to, the .conditions and restrictions contained in the amendment. The Northern States promptly ratified the amendment, but the people of the South, acting under the vehement advice and persuasion of tba Northern. , Democracy, rejected it scornfully, and declared they would accept ' no terms but the unconditional recognition of their State Government and admission of their Representatives into Congress. Aud thus the issue was made up between Congress and the President and between the loyal people aud the rebels, on the 1st of January, 1S(7.. In the meantime these State Governments had been in the possession of the most violent and malignant rebels, whose utterances aud influences were all disloyal and against submission to any term of recoustructioo. Loyal men, both white and black, were denied the protection of the lawSj and a system of murderous persecution instituted which was intended to .drive all white Union men from the South and extirpate the last traces of loyal sentimeut. The poor freedmen were driven from their humble homes and murdered with the boldest impuuity, and a reign ot terror established which excited the horrors ! of the civiiized world. The bloody riots of Memphis and 'iNew Uileaus, taking rank .with the New York riot? of 1SG3, will ever be regarded as among the great est atrocities that have occurred in Christian land. During this period the .Democratic party oi the North were jubilant. It habitually denied the existence ot the crimes and out rages committed in the South, and when that was impossible nought to mitigate them by layiug the blame upon the Radicals, who were blanderously charged with persecuting the harmless rebels by whom they were surrounded. It stimulated by every means in its power the bouthern people to con tinned disobedience, to increased hatred of the Government, aud to the contemptuous dehance and rejection ol all terms that might be offered. NEYv RECONSTRUCTION ON A NEW PRIN- ., j ' . CIPLE. , . Up to this time every plan of recou stiuction had been bascJ upon the white voting population, leaving to the decision of that population the question ot eniranch:sing the colored men. It was so in Lincoln's plan, in ine v inter iavi , dui, in Johnson s plan, and under the Constitutional Amendment. All hopes of reconstruction upon that basis were gone. 1 be i whites,,, nineteen- twentieths of whom were rebels under the Satanic influence of the Northern Democracy, continued disloyali hostile and perverse. A new plan of reconstruction was indispensable, and it must be nnon a totally different principle'. Judgment oi illegality ana condemnation must be pronounced upon the President's policy and workmanship. ' The power of the Administration to impede the action of Congress and defeat a new plan of reconstruction must be neutralized. The constitutional amendment must be ratified, and all State officers,' as well as Members of Congress, must be loyal aDd able to take the ironclad oath. But we must dig deeDer. t We must go down to the solid and immutable principles of the Declaration of Independence, discarding all matter of exfediency and compromise. We must ay the foundations of the new recon struction upon the great principles of equal ( rights and equal justice. We must place the ballot in the hands of all men, without distinction of color, except such as have been disfranchised for treason or other crimes. And all this has been done. As it took us some time to find the rieht method to carry on the war, and the right man to command our armies, so it has taken us some time to find out the right plan of reconstruction, but we have got it at last. We are not simply building from the ground up. but trom the solid rock beneath the f round. The structure rises slowly ut surely. No enduring and beautiful edifice was ever built in a day. Some delays there have been in the Erogress of the work, and others may e exneeted ; but thev will be tempor ary. ,No earthly power can defeat the enterprise., The Attorney , General thrust in, hi onthioni iust in time to enable Congress to meet and legislate its sophistries away. Gallant and glorious Phil. Sheridan has been removed, but he is succeeded by Thomas, the iron soldier, who never lost a battle. Stanton the greatest of war min-

inters in this or any other ooun try, ha

been deposed, bat his place is filled by Grant, the greatest soldier of th.j age; and still the work goes bravely on. The Rebel States will rise from the ashes of the Rebellion with reuew;-,! life, Radical Republican States, p-ir:-fied by blood and fire, having -douched off the foul garments of a i i ;i--ii ible Democracy; and, clothed in th. habiliments of hbertv. iustiee and lov:iltv. J will take tJbeir, .places joyfully iu the Union.' And we will unite our hearts and our hands uutil the work is accomplished. War will-?not be diverti-d from our purposes or delayed by side issues until the great consummation is obtained. When the unity of the Uepublio has been restored: wlien liberty and peace preiail throujduut the la"nd; when the fangs of unrepentaut rebels have been extracted and they have been rendered .harmless the-baianeeof their days, we sfiall have time" to'atteud to subordinate affairs and will do it to the heart' coitteut f ""Democratic politician W ll!iil then adjust all question's 'Of finance.1' currency, banks, tariffs 'and taxation, and have much time left to attend to the Repudiators, the Bourbous, and the Hip Van Winkles of decayed aud expiring Democracy. -, , ! THE SOLDJERS OK OHIO. Soldiers of Ohio! Von have won an imperishable tiame - iii the war for the preservitioif of the Union. Yir ulorious deeds and gfu-it. ir.tmvill forever form a crown of glory lor your State. You were among the first to rush to aims when your country called, and did not lay them down until the last armed foe had fled the field. Side by side with the soldiers from every loyal State, yon bore dowa upon the rebel hosts with resistless valor, until final and overwhelming yictory crowned your arms. The great rebellion could not be subdued by the art of statesmanship. It could not be averted by fair words, plausible expedients, or even by abject submission iu the North. It sprang into life clad in iron mail, and fully armed for strife most bloody, wicked and unnatural, and could be met ouly by the sword, wielded by men who were rasolved not to survive tho ruin of their country. The struggle was long and desperate. You fought th'eni at immense disadvantage, in far. off regions, through mountain, wilderness and swamp, where every rock, and gorge and morass was a fastness for hidden enemies. You fought in an unknown country, against disease, hunger, and the heats of a sultry clime, where, it had been said that white men from the North could not look aud live. But thanks to the favor of divine Providence you triumphed over every obstacle and enemy, and were permitted to return to your beloved homes, while thousands of your comrades who fell gloriously, sleep quietly iu the soil they rescued from traitors hands. One of your companions, of whom we are all proud, the gallant Ilayes, has been placed in nomination for the office, of . Governor. lie bears the same standard now he bore uloft in the field. It represents the same cause now it did thpti, and is beet by the same enemies. I appeal to you to again rally to that standard. Let there be no desertion, no straggling, no feigning of fcickness, no muttered discontents, and with resistless force and unbroken front defeat at the ballot box the insidious foe who would wrest from your grasp the fruits and laurels of your blood bought victories. OJSENSWARE. icw ! Queenswane House. LIGHTEN & ICHENUAUSER, IMPORTERS OF CECIISr, GLASS 1 QUEENS WARE, '"..' . 1 ' -ana-HOUSE FURXISU1XG GOOD, "So. 3 South Firt Ntreet.; WE ARB SOW OPEXIHO JU raoKt splendid msortment of Fsx Articles ever imported lo this city, and c i KlOCK Of WHITE GRANITE WARE d now complete, and only want looking at to induce ali to make Uilr purchase ol cm; and oar utoclt or COMMON WARE ii laruw" and will be old aa low M the low est in the United Htate, Bohemian Glass and SilverIMated Ware. Onriwtorlment of Bohemian Olam fi.n l Sll vr-Plated Ware in one of the rinext ever selected for the trade of thin city; and we nave me aav&niage oi our Kenior partner resldine In the city of New York, and at all timeH on hand xeleetlng the latent style and pattern of ware. oc23d3m ' L. PIERSON, ; Dealer In STOVES, And Manufacturer of TIN, COPPER, ao4 . HHKET-1RON WARE, 7 Wholesale and Retail, Cor. HrUanH Vine Street, Evans vi 1.1.x, Iw ' Tin Roofing done on short notice. AH work promptly executed In the bent manner. Order aofleited, (mchS0 dSm