Evansville Journal, Volume 18, Evansville, Vanderburgh County, 6 July 1867 — Page 2

THE EVANSVILLE DAILY JOURNAL. SATURDAY. JULY 6. 1867.

of New York, on the 7th day of October. 1765. It consisted of delegates

from Massachusetts,5"; Rhode Island Connecticut. Pennsylvania, Maryland, South Carolina, Delaware, New Jersey and Nw York. New Hampshire, - although unrepresented by delegates, tad pledged her people in advance to abide by the - result, and Georgia evinced her interest in the matterbv sending a messenger a thousand miles by land to obtain a copy of the pro ceedings. - . Virginia and North Carolina were not in any way represented in this first American Congress, although they were both in full sympathy with the people of the, other colonies. As bearing on the lormation and -nature of the American Union, it is interesting and important to note the manner in which this first Congress .was constituted. Did it represent the local colonial governments of the re spective colonies, or did it represent the people? To answer this question, it is only necessary to state the manner in which the delegates were appointed. In Massachusetts, Rhode Island 'on nectirut, Pennsylvania, Marylana and South Carolina, the Governor and Council, both constituent parts' of i . i i a- ..r-i me legislative power, were entirely ignored, and the appointments were made by the House of Representa tive?. ' -In Delaware and New Jersey, the popular branch of the Legislature did not even act in its originated capacity, but the delegates from those colonies were named by letters oappointment, signed by the individual members of the Houses of Representatives of those colonies respectively; and in ; New York the Legislative committee of Correspondence, appointed by the popular branch of the Legislature of.that colony, constituted its delegates to the Congress. - Here, then, we see that in the first Continental Congress the delegates did not represent the local governmepts of their resnective colonies, bat that thev did represent the people of, the colo- . nies from which they were sent. That they were appointed not by the local fovernments but by the popular ranches of the Colonial Assemblies, 2.3 the immediate and most convenient organs of the popular will. . The Congress thus assembled -entered immediately on the consideration of the grounds on which they would base their efforts to vindicate American liberty and .American Tights. Whether they should build on the rights secured by their respective charters or on natural justice became the Question. Some were for relying on their charters and pleading the rights thus 'secured, but Christopher Gadsden, of South Carolina, saw that this -was basing American liberty on too narrow a foundation, and would result in division and destruction, as their charters differed, and some of the colonies had no charters from the Crown at all. "We should stand," said this sturdy patriot, "upon the broad. I common ground ot tnose natural rights that we all feel and know as men, and as the descendants of Englishmen I wish the charters may not ensnare us at last by drawing different colonies to act differently in this great W'l, i. : i n will be over with the whole. There ' should be no New England man, no New Yorker on the continent, but all of us Americans. " These views" (says Bancroft) "prevailed, and in the proceedings ci the Congress- the argument for American liberty from royal grants was avoided. This is the first great step -towards independence. Dummer has pleaded for colony charters; Livingston, Gadsden, and the Congress: of 1765 provided for American self-existence and Union by claiming rights that preceded charters, and would - : Eurvivc lucii i uiii. - It is worthy of remark that the question between chartered rights and natural justice has repeated itself jn our subsequent history. Those in after years who have been the peculiar advocates of , State sovereignty are the legitimate descendants of the men who, in our controversy with Great Britain, were willing to base American liberty on no firmer foundation than the words of a King, contained in a royal charter, a royal proprietory grant, or a royal governor's commission; while those who have manfully insisted on the paramount sovereignty of the entire American Peop'e, have, with Gadsden and the ContiLental CoDgress of 1765, always maintained that human rights are older and more sacred than mere chartered rights, and that, charters and constitutions are only valuable as they tend tp secure natural rights and promote human happiness. ( , The Stamp Act, the: passage :.of which gave birth to the Congress of ;17C5. having been repealed . in 17C6, .that, Congress never -reassembled and bad no successor - until 1774, Id the .meantime the coaUoversy went on between the -British government and the Colonies, as to the powers of the former over the latterv The form of the exactions was changed, but the substance was insisted upon with in- : creased pertinacity. Port duties on the necessaries of life was substituted for stamp taxes, and the legality of their assessment was denied and their collection resisted with the same sturdy determination that had been previously put forth in relation to the . Stamp Act. - Again, Union became the watch',word of the people, and "Join or Die," rang cut as the motto of these . real Sons of Liberty. As early as July, 1773. Dr." Frank- . lin advised the assembling of a general Congress of all the Colonies, giving as a re.ir.ou for this advice, " that the . - , . . .

strength' of an empire depends not ori- ' A A L A. A.1

ly on a union oi-.us pans, uut vu iub their common force." Virginia, - although unrepresented in the Continental Congress of 1765, was the first to move in the call of that of 1774. "-TheHouse of Burgess es of ; Virginia, met m May; ln4, and soon after the meeting, news was 'received that the port of Boston was to he-closed bv an act ot Parliament, on the first day of June following. They forthwith passed an order designating that day as a day ot lasting, Humiliation and prayer, to implore the Divine interposition for averting tbe heavy calamity which threatened., -destruction to their, civil rights and the evils of civil war, and to give the.m " one heart ana one" mind hrmly to oppose, by all just and proper means, every injury to American rights." This action, as might have been and doubtless was expected, brought down upon them the displeasure of the roy al Governor, who immediately, dis solved the House But the members immediately reassembled in another place, and declared that all the . Colo nies had a joint interest jjn the late proceedings of ;1 arliament " and ad vised the calling of a general Conti nental Congress, In accordance with this recommendation a convention of Ua ,iA,li f-4' "T . , f l . wwnu ' Iia11 ' V. which seven persons were appointed to represent the people of that colony in a General Congress to be neid at Philadelphia ' in the following Sep Massachusetts.' promptly' .1 seconded the motion of Virginia for a Congress, and other colonies soon followed their example by appointing ., delegates. Here again the delegates,were the representatives of the people and not the representatives ot the . local colonial governments. They were appointed either by conventions of the people or by the popular branches or the . legis latures acting for the people These delegates- met at Philadel phia in Congress on the , 5th day of September, 1774, ? and .,- designated themselves in their proceedings as "The Delegates appointed, by the good people of the Colonies." . All the Colonies were represented in this Congress except Georgia. Ueing without a written. constitution or compact of union, and not yet seriously contemplating independence the Congress of 1774, in imitation of that of 1765, resolved that each Color ny should have one vote, but to pre vent this lroni being drawn into precedent, they declared, as a reason for this action, that they could not procure reliable data for determining the importance ot each Uolony. . This Congress, after declaring tho rights of the people of the Colonies and setting forth the grievances of which they complained, prepared an agreement of non-intercourse with the mother-country, which was signed by all the members and recommended to the people for their adoption, until their grievances should be fully redressed. They adjourned on the 26th of October, having first recommended, that another Congress of all the Colonies should be held at Philadelphia on the 10th day of May, 1775, unless their grievances should be before that time redressed, and that delegates to the new Congress should be appointed without delay. In the meantime, the Colonial Government of Massachusetts was revolutionized. Parliament had attempted to subvert their charter by changing the mode of selecting the Council, o as to insure the subserviency , of that branch of the Legislature to the Crown and Parliament., Popular indignation was so aroused-; by this act of aggression, that the new Coun cilors" were compelled ,, to resign. Writs of election had been issued for a new House of .Representatives, but the royal Governor, inconsequence of the compulsory resignation of , the Councilors, countermanded by proclamation the writs of election. , The people in disregard of the Governor's proclamation, held their elections, and the members elect met pursuant to the precepts. There being no council, and the Governor failing to recognize the members elected to the House of Representatives,, of course iney had no power under - the Charter to legislate. The members of the House adjourned from Salem to Cambridge, and resolved themselves into a . Provincial Congress, and the people of the colony sanctioned this proceeding by generally yielding obedience to their authority. . On the 19th of April, 1775, the battle of Lexiotton was fought-,- and on the, 10th of the succeeding month the Continental Congress met in Philadelphia. .The. delegates had . been chosen partly by conventions, of, the Eeople, and, partly by the popular ranch of such of . jthe Colonial Legislatures as were then in session ; bat th eie la tter appointments were all subsequently ratified by conventions of the people. , .. .'.,'. , At the opening of the session all the colonies.; were represented ' except Georgia sod Rhode Island, and five days afterwards the delegates of the latter appeared, leaving Georgia alone unrepresented. Congress continued n session until the first day of August, whtn they' took a recess to the 5th d;-y of iScptember. Soon after their reas.-eiubiing, all the colonies including rtorj:ia, were represented. Civil w,-r iiad actually commenced, ami Con gress s:t otiee became the organ of the uui.ted retecee of the eolonies tj the mother country. It at once assumed the control cf' the legislation of the eoutiuent, and instead of considering itseit the author of the local colonial governments it acted as the representative of a majority of a united people, an J advised the colonies what

they should ' 4o I in the matter of reconstructing theirt local governments, put thecuntTyia.la etate q defense, and assumed control of the military operations - of -the colonies. It devised ways, and means, for con-, ducting the iwar, 'organized a continental 'rua ti on ltirmy by- adopting" the army, raised by the New England Provinces, and then under the command of Gen. Ward, and by directing ."-1 11 T-l , .

troops to De raised ny Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia to join the army near lioston. which was desig Dated by Congress as the American Continental Army ; and-was ordered to- be paid out; of the Contmenta Treasury. On the 15th day of June. 177,:George Washington, one of the delegates from V irginia, was unani mously chosen. by Congress to be the Commander-in-Chief ot the Conti nental forces. " In Washington's com mission the style of the United Oho nies" was for the first time adopted and the defense of American liberties was assumed as the great object of the Union. In a letter of instructions which accompanied this commission the General was enjoined by Congress to . make it his special care that the liberties of America received no det riment. l " " . Here then we have a national Con gress; a 'national Army, a nationa Treasury and a national Union, with out a single State in the Union. What then, becomes of the oft-repeated as sumption, that the -States made the Union, and can; therefore unmake it at :" pleasure i by . withdrawing . there from? " ' : -; ' The Continental Congress; finding that their cherished idea ot a recon ciliation with the mother country on the basis of justice and freedom was a delusive hope, on ' the Fourth dav of July. 1776, adopted the Declaration of Independence, the Colonists voting unanimously therefor, ' and . sent it forth to the world. What evidence does this instrument contain as to the pre-existence of the Union and its nature? Let it speak tor ltselr, an judge ye ;whether its utterances are doubtful either as to the existence of the Union or the authority upon which Congress acted in-making the declaration. Its first sentence reads as follows - " When in the : course of human events it becomes necessary for One People to dissolve the political bonds which have connected them with an other, and to assume anions the now ere of the earth the separate and equal station 10 wnicn me laws or nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect for the opinions of mankind requires that they . should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. cree Atopic: nai Etronger or i r 1 f ttt-i more emphatic expression could have been employed to indicate the one ness of our beloved country? The clause just quoted from the Declara tion shows that prior to and on th morning of the 4th day of July, 1776, there were political bonds connecting ine Lne ircopie or ine tnirteen Colonies with another people, even the people of Great Britain: that this connection prevented this One Peo1le " from exercising among the Vwers of the earth that sovereignty to which they were entitled, but which they had never possessed, and for the .purpose of dissolving' this connection, and enabling this One People to assume among the Powers of the earth the sevarate and equal station which was rightfully theirs, is tne declared object, ot this immortal instrument. Our fathers, in declaring their -independence, did not usher into the world thirteen in dependent sovereign nations or States ; but they did introduce into the family of nations one people, . one nation. composed of the united : people of thirteen colonies, bound together in the same bundle' of, the Union, and they claimed for this-' One People," and only one, separate and equal place among the Powers of the earth. iet us inar.K ine xtuier oi the Uni verse that His Providence made good th dprlnr!itinn nF 177R anA thrnntrh that same Providence directing ' the minds, nerving tne arms, and encour aging the hearts of the patriotic, brave and good men ot our own generation we are to-day, aftei the lapse' of nearly a century still one people, occupying one, and only one, separate and equal station among, the Powers of the world. " ..' -". . ' But the evidence contained in the declaration in favor of our national unity and the paramount , sovereignty of the people, of. the entire .Union does not stop here. jLet me quote in your hearing a portion of .its concluding sentence. It-reads thus: .We therefore, the 'representatives ofithe United Slates of ' America in general Congress assembled. atinMh ing totheBupreme J udgeTjfrhe world for 4the rectitude ;6t Kur intention's, kd6 in the name and on the au thority of the goodjyeople of these colonies solemnly publish and declare that these United Colonies are, and of right, ought to be free and independeot States.'-7" Here is the title deed of our nation ality made in the name and by the authority of the good people of the United l,"oonies, acting through their ct;o-eu representatives m the general Congress. Does any one of the origii thirteen States elaim to be soveizn and independent? If so she is estopped from dating her sovereignty and independence prior to the Fourth day of JujVj lttb. for m he declaration she acknowledges her previous colonial 'condition and her want of equal b y among the powers of the earth. Each of the states was born independent in the Union, but not icdepeudent of the Union. And the State that would destroy the Un-

ion would ibecomethe murderer of the

muiuei uu uu(B ucr4 AA lL t. i. 1 I . -k Are we told that the irtieleaconfederation which preceded the Constitution of ; the: United States was a compact by its terms between in dependent sovereign States? This ihusfbe grantedrbut'wlth the admis sion should go the fact that these ar tides ot confederation never were ratified and never became effectua until the war of the Revolution had nearly been concluded.: The ratifica tion took place and Congress first met,un ler them in .1781 1 and peace came, in 17&S. . lhe Union was verity for six years and more prior to the ratification of these articles, and they being a departure from the grand principle of national unity, announc ed in the Declaration of lndepen denee were soon given up for the Con stitution ot the United states, which again spoke the national will by the authority not of the States, but of one united people. One other historical incident bearing upon the same point, and L conclude this branch of the subiecL' ' . i When the Commissioners of France trreat Isntain and' the United States met in Paris, in ' August; 1782, to conclude a treaty of peace, the British Commissioner produced a commission in the language of a then recent act ot Parliament, by which the King was authorized to conclude a, peaee with certain colonies therein named; the .1. m m ' tnirteen colonies being named sep araieiy in : tne act. --iur. Jay, one oi the American Commissioners1 ob jected to the sufficiency of this author ity,and refused to proceed with the ne gotiations until the British Commis sioncr returned and procured instructions authorizing him to treat with the Commissioners of the United fctites of America, and :the treaty was then made between France, Great liritain and the United states; the Commissioners ot each representing one sovereign and independent power. This historical review clearly shows that Mr. Lincoln was right when he declared in nis nrst message to uongress that the states "s have their status in the Union, and they have no other legal status. It they break from this, they can onlv do so against law and by revolution, . The Union, and not themselves separately, procured their independence and their liberty T . . r t xy conquest or purcnase tne union gave each of them whatever of inde pendence or liberty it has. The Union is older than any of the States, and in lact it created them as states. Originally some dependent colonies made the Union, and in turn the Union threw off their dependence for them, and made them states such as they are. Not one of them ever had a stare constitution independent ot the Union. So spoke the. "good President" to his countrymen, and, though being dead, so he still - speaks. May the people ever heed his words, and re-i member that the Union has been the source of all our political blessings in the past, and is the foundation of all our hopes for the future. The Declaration of Independence, as we have ,seen, assumed the previous existence of the Union, and declared the national independence. It did more; it proclaimed the inalienable rights of men, and these rights, thus proclaimed, constitute another of the broad, deep foundations of American institution?, and introduces the second topic proposed for your consideration. In the light of the" grand historic transactions of the last six vears which have so gloriously 'vindicated our national unity, may we not to-day repeat with a new emphasis the words of our fathers, that "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal; that, they are en dowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are lite, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. " ' . :s..i This sublime utterance was.as T have said, oneof the broad, deep founda A ' 11 . . t A At A ons upon wnicn tne latners ot the Republic built the infant nation, and though they and We as to a portion of our people, for a time practically ignored thetruths thus uttered, under the alternate smiles and cbastenings of the Supreme Judge of. the world, to whom they appealed for the rectitude of their intentions, we have grown and prospered until the Grand Republic has " become the 'beacon lght as well as - the marvel of the world. . ! Although: the! Constitution of the United .Jstatesj gorreetedf the error which had been committed in the Ar ticles ot Confederation, as to the na ture of our. Union, and the relation of the several'parts to' each' Othef, 'and tothe.whole, and so" 'far restored us to theprinciples of the Declaration of Independence it recognized, while ashampd to prouncaitrecordxthfe name or mat monster iniquity, chattle and hereditary slavery. Thus we presented to the world the spectacle of perfect equality of rights among men, arid yet practically denying to - a portion of its people the eniovment of an uicir i j tins. , oiaverv so Diiniien the minds and hardened the hearts of the nation and the national government, in all its departments, execuive, legislative and judicial, bowed Sown at the shrine of the mnnsfpr It claimed protection under the flag of freedom wherever it floated, and denounced as traitors nd infidels all who denied its pretenions. At last, under the pretence of vindicating the Constitution, it attempted to overthrow the Republic. and build upon its ruins a Tolitifl monstrosity, called a confederacy, of which human bondage instead of the nalienable rights of man was to be he chief corner stone. Although

T

the national conscience was so de bauched as to 'be do longer able to perceive the horrors of slavery, a vast majority of the people still loved the Union of their . fathers, and God, .in his goodness, made this love our schoolmaster to bring us back to the .trtove oMiberty, hot as" a mere senti ment, but as a living, energizing, universal principle. -By showing the nation that either the Unico or olavery must die, be educated us up to the point that sanctioned the issuing ot the proclamation that rung out , freedom to the land and to all the inhabitants thereof: and the people said Amen and the Grand Army of the Republic said Amen : slavery died amid its wor bhipers, and a regenerated . Republic snouted Amen. . " ,; - ... However dimcult it may be under certain complications to apply in prac tice the great doctrine of equal rights among men, is it not wonderful, notwithstanding all the lessons of expe rience, that man, whose breath is in his nostrils, should even in our. own day arrogate to himself the possession of rights which he denies to his fellow man. And how contemptible and cowardly does this claim of superior rights become when it js based upon the assumption, true or false, that it exists become the man who 'makes the claim is superior to him as against whom it. is made. - . .( If one man' or one race of men .is weaker than, or inferior, to another. is it not an imputation upon the wis dom and jastice of the God of Nature to assert mat tne weater man or weaker race is endowed by nature with inferior rights; that the Supreme Ruler of the universe so legislates as not to protect the weak 'against the the strong, but the strong against the weak ; that lie is the God ot the proud. the arrogant and the powerful, but not the God of the weak and the lowr lv?' that ' liA a rjiarusrfoT nf naroAna - J , -"." A A AA A 1 1 w . W 1 Al AJ A.y A V. .VlOVUDl but not a respecter of righteousness? surely such doctrines find no sanction in the Declaration of Independence, or in the teachings ot llim who en joined that "all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you do ye even so to them. tor this is the law and the prophets If one man or race of men - claims superior rights and greater protection from society and government in the battle of life, because of his or its sup posea superiority to anoiner man or another race, prudence would seem to dictate that the claimant should take out a policy against the accident of his being mistaken in the assumption fortunately, companies now exist that are willing to insure against ' ac cidents of all kinds. 1 1 If the assumed superiority does ex ist, so much the greater is the reason that the inferior and the weaker should enjoy the protection of equal rights and equal laws. If it does not exist, the claim is based on a false hood, and must therefore fall. The Declaration of Independence does not proclaim the absurd doctrine that all men ot the same race are created equal, and that as among themselves they are entitled to certain inalienable rights, but that as te other races they, are not equal, and do not possess-dr may be despoiled of their rights. Again, if a superior race may deny to an inferior race the enjoyment of ; equal and impartial rights, why niay. not a superior m-.n deny to au interior man of the same race the same thing? X defy mortal man to show why the logic that proves the one proposition will not prove the other. The result of such logic would be that the most superior niaa in the nation' must govern all the rest, and to be consistent we would'all have to bow' to some shrewd fellow like Louis Napoleon, and say,' "We await your superior pieasure;-your will is the aw; you-are the Government by divine right of superiority." This is not the time nor the place to discuss mere, partisan questions, but on a day consecrated to liberty, and in the presence of so many of its noble and gallant defenders, may we not with entire propriety consider the rights of humanity,and the practical application, of .the . principles , of the Declaration of Independence to the duties of life? Believing such considerations to be appropriate to the occasion, I have no he&itency in saying that the suppression of the rebellion and the conse quences which have already flown and which are still to flow theref rem must, at no distant day,, place the nation on the broad platform of the Declaration of Independence, and consequently assure to all classes of 'our citizens of every race, equal and impartial civil add political rights, thenceforth and .In, , my judgment, the; sooner 'this consummation, is reached, the.ibetter it, will be for the country, and. the sooner will the Republic be prepared for that high mission .among the, nations of the earth which we alL,be. ie've God in his "providence designs it to accompH&h.' - - When and by what particular, in strumentalities this-resuit is to be attained "may not . now be certainly determined, but I must be permitted to express the opinion that as to those States which nave always been true and loyal to the Union, and none of whose rights have ever been forfeited by treason or rebellion, the question must be ieft to the voluntary action of the people of the States raspectively, and that these loyal States should freely, and without unnecessary delay, concede that whick justice and sound policy unite in demanding. By such a course the General Government will assume no questionable rowers, our traditional policy as to the proper sphere of State and Fed-, . ir a' -hi. I a. 1 erai.action win ue preberveu.njuai uuu - fideuce will be manifested by the na

tional authorities in those States whose people have never heretofore faltered in tne hour of trial, and a broad line of demarkatiou will be drawn between that confi Jeace which uninterrupted loyalty deserves, ,and that .distrust which past rebellion justly Inspires. " That justice will be done, "and impartial rights accorded, and that, - too. at no distant day. by -all --the loyal States, should not be doubted, and if, in the end, it shall be found that oit or two semi-loyal States have bound themselves to the dead past,, and , arc determined not toJ profit by the lessons of experience, ' with' all the other

States firmly planted on the immutable principle of right and justice, and withi all the: power of ithe General Government, on ther side of freedom and equal rights, how easy will it not be to bring up these reluctant States to the common level by an amendment to the constitution, without. a resort to the exercise of. doubtful Congressional powers. Gentlemen of the-Grand Army of the Republic, allow me, on behalf of myself and the Trustees of the.SoU diers' -Home, to thank yoo for your presence and for your participation m the laying of the corner stone of thjs Jlome for .your disabled- com rades. You have illustrated your devotion to the Union, and to tne great principles upon which our institutions are based," on 'miay a well 'contested field, and your State and your country recognize you as the worthy descendants of the noble men who declared and achieved our Independence. H 5 i To perpetuate. friendships' formed on the march, on the battlefield, and around your camp-fires during the war, to keep the fires of liberty ever bright and burning' on lihd altar: of your hearts, and , to minister to the wants ot your brother soldiers when trouble and distress overtake - them, yod have associated yourselves together under the name of the Grand Army ot the Republic.;. We bid your brotherhood God - speed, and trust that the blessing of the Father of all. and the benedictions of a grateful people may attend each ofyou through lite. . ... And to you - the honored inmates of this Home I ciesire to say that however much we may regret that tho provision made for its establishment and your comfort, is not as arupl j as could have , been desired, still you may rest assured that the people of Indiana in' greatful recognition of your services,, toils and Ballerinas, will in due time supply all that may be lacking to make this institution a Home tor those who gave for their country all that man can give, life only excepted. That you may lead peaceful and harmv lives in this in stitution, and at last through the meditation of the Son, be admitted to the Father's House, in which there are many mansions, is not only the pray er ot myself, but the prayer ot all present. HARDWARE. SAMUEL ORR, IfCALEK IX - Itar iinl Siieet ", I:'- R O N, TINPLATK, WIRE, " , V ZINC, SPRING?, . .:'' ' ; ' AXLES, ic.j Horse and Mule Shoes, ! ' : Tinners' and Blacksmiths' Tools. r; fir rj Wagon and Buggy Woodwork WATER STREET, ! II. Jaol dly EVAKSVILLE. llD. Wheeling; Iron Works. ACHE50N, BELL & CO, ' : Manufacturer and Dealer In all kinds o It Alt IKOX AM) XAII.S. Hoop,. Sheet, Plate, Tank Iron, Kail Kotl, Wire, ivc. 1 ; Office and Warehouse 15 MAIN STREET' nov2dly Wheelixo, W. Va. : CH AKI.IIS RABCOCIC A Co., IMPOKTER AND DIALER 12 CoacIr& Saddfery Ilanl ware gprlnirrf,! Ai!M,: Wobd ' Work; 1 t)amak ... liarneM, buaiaeM raiect Leatuer; Htreert .. .- n i.i i . .1 ; ii .,., , t I ' ' - JSvansuille, July 2, f Jeie r Pianos, Organs, &c. WARREiV & C0NYNGT0N, Wholesale and Retail Dealer in , PIANOS, ORGANS, MUSIC, and MUSICAL GOODS, of all lands 3fo. 1 M aln Street, EVAK8VI LLE, 1' IiIA.NA mcl 0 tf SOUTHERN HOTEL, Water Street, between Main acd LocuHt, EVAW8VI1.I.E,. ISD. E. M. WHITE, PaopfUKTOR. A Watcii kept at all honm for Boata. The het of fare at motlera:e prictn. Free con- ( yeyacce from the IeKt to lhe Houxe. icyJIKi'O. : ; ....