Evansville Daily Journal, Volume 2, Number 266, Evansville, Vanderburgh County, 23 March 1850 — Page 2
DAILY JOURNAL.
A. H. SANDERS. EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. CITY OP B VANS V IL LB: ATURDAT xftORNING, ITCAKCII 23.
H3 Being very desirous of closing up Webster's speech in to-day's paper, we have " been compelled to postpone till Monday, the ! I ' publication of the letter we denigned giving , our readers to-day.
ICS To-day closes the publication of Webster's speech in the Daily. Now we have room for communications, and the usual variety of matter. 3" " Jeemes " communication will probably be inserted on Monday, although we should prefer the other side to talk first, if so disposed. iCSThe Circuit Court sits at Evansville next Monday, Judge Lockhart presiding. Julia. The Julia, Capt. Prunty, arrived here on Thursday, with a full freight, and as many passengers as she could accommodate. Her manifest will be found in its proper place. The Julia is now taking freight for White river, and will start out to-day, to take the place of the J. B. Porter, lor the present. Capt Prunty has been strongly solicited to enter this trade before. Shippers and others will find him the right kind ot man accommodating and fair in all his business connections. His boat is a good one, and well adapted to the trade. But neither stand in need of recommendation. Kentucky. The Evansville packet Kentucky arrived here from Cincinnati on Thurs day, and was receiving freight yesterday for the Wabash. Capt Gwathmey returned 6i'ck. and Capt Rogers of the Porter has taken his place. We thank the first Clerk, Mr. Parvin, for his attention to this office. The Kentucky is owned in this city, and her officers and crew are nearly all of Evansville. She should therefore receive all the patronage that can be given her from this city. Wabash River. Capt Prunty, of the Julia, informs us that the Wabash above is in a.fair stag?, and falling. Below the mouth of White river, it is very high. The Julia came over the dam with a full freight fd" Fifteen of the principal merchants on the Wabash, in Indiana arrived at the City Hotel, oflate, on thcr way east, to purchase goods. Eleven of the number, after examining, concluded to purchase here, declaring they could do better than to go east Huzza for Cincinnati. f Cin. Commercial. And a number of these merchants have arrived here, ''and after examining, concluded to purchase here, declaring (at least by their conduct) they could do belter than to go East," or to Cincinnati. We have proved the fact that they can do so, beyond question, in several editorials. Our Evansville merchants have large stocks of goods, of all varieties ad apted to the market, and they sell at such prices that those who purchase once, are very apt to continue supplying themselves here.Freights and all considered, it is economy in , them to do so. Our advertising columns will tell these Wabash and other merchants, what houses to visit. . SPEECH OF MR. -WEBSTER, OF MASSACHUSETTS, On tn Territorial Question. f CONCLUDED. In Senate, March 7, 1850. Again, sir, the violence of the press is com plained ol. lne press violent! Why. sir, the press is violent everywhere. There are outrageous reproaches in the North against the South, and there are reproaches in not much better taste in the South against the North. Sir. the extremists of both parts of . this country are violent; they mistake loud and violent talk for eloquence and for reason. - They think that he who talks loudest reasons the best. And this we must expect when the press is free, as it is here, and I tsust al- . ways will be for, with all its licentiousness, and all its evil, the entire and absolute freedom of the press is essential to the preservation of government on the . basis of a free constitution. Wherever it exists, there will be foolish paragraphs and violent paragraphs in the press, as there are, I am sorry to say, ' foolish speeches and violent speeches in both houses of Congress. In short, sir, 1 must say, . that, in ray opinion, the vernacular tongue of the country has become greatly vitiated, depraved, and corrupted by the style of our congressional debates. Laughter. And if , it were possible for our debates in Congress to vitiate the principles of the people as much as they have depraved their taste, I should cry out, "God save the Republic!" , Well, in all this, I see no solid grievance, na grievance produced by the South, within the redress of the Government, but the single one to which I have referred; and that is, the want of a proper regard to the injunction of . the constitution for the delivery of fugitive slaves. There are also complaints of the North against the South. I need not go over them particularly. The first and gravest is, that, - the North adopted the constitution, recognising the existence of slavery in the States, and recogmzmg the right to a certain extent of
representation of the slaves in Congress, under a state of sentiment and expectation which do not now exist; and that, by events, by circumstances, by the eagerness of the South to acquire territory and extend their slave population, the North finds itself, in regard to the influence of the South and' the North, ' of the free States and the slave States.where it never did expect to find itself when they entered the compact of the constitution.
They complain, therefore, that, instead of slavery being regarded as an evil, as it was then, an evil which all hoped would be extinguished gradually, it is now regarded by the South as an institution to be cherished and preserved and extended;- an institution which . the South has extended to the utmost of her i - rower bv the acquisition of new territnrv. Well, then, passing from that, every body in
the North reads; and every body reads whatsoever the newspapers contain; and the newspapers, some of them, especially those presses to which I have alluded, are careful to spread about among the people every reproachful sentiment uttered by any Southern man bearing at all against the North; every thing that is calculated to exasperate, to alienate; and
there are" many such things, as every body will admit, from the South or some portion of it, which are spread abroad among the reading people; and they do exasperate, and alienate. and nroduce a most miscnievous eifect upon the public mind at the North. Sir, I would not notice things of this sort appearing in obscure quarters; but one thing has occurred in this debate which struck me very forcibly. An honorable member from Louisiana addressed us the other day on this subject 1 suppose there is not a more ami able and wortny gentleman in tnis cnamner a gentleman who would be more slow to give offence to any body, and he did not mean in his remarks to give offence. But what did he say? Why, sir, he took pains to run contrast between the slaves ot the feoutn and th- laboring people of the North, giving the preference in all points of condition, and comfort and happiness, to the slaves of the South. The benator doubtless did not suppose that he gave any offence, or did any in justice. He was merely expressing his opinion, .but does he know how remarks ol that 6ort will be received by the laboring peo ple ot the INorth Why, who are laboring people ot the North? They nre the North. They are the people who cultivate their own farms with their own hands; freeholders, ed ucated men, independent men. Let me say 6i r, that five-sixths of the whole property of the North is in the hands of the laborers of the North ; they cultivate their farms, they educate their children, they provide the means of independence; if they are not freeholders, they earn wages, these wages accumulate are turned into capital, into new freeholds, and small capital. sts are rreater. 1 hat li the case. And what ran there people think when so respectable and worthy a gentleman as the member fiom Louisiana undertakes to prove that the absolute ignorance and the abject slavery ol the bouth is more in conlormity with the high purposes of immortal rational, human beings, than ihe educated, the inde pendent freeholders of the North? Now, 6ir. so far as any of these grievances have their foundation in matters of law, they ran be redressed; so far as they have their foundation in matters of opinion, in sentiment. in mutual crimination and recrimination, all that we can do is to endeavor to allay and cultivate a better feeling and more fraternal sentimsnts between the South and the North Mr. President, I should prefer to have heard from every member on this floor declarations of opinion that this Union should never be dissolved, than the declaration of opinion that in any case, under the pressure of any circumstances, such a dissolution was possible. I hear with pain, and anguish, and distress the word secession especially when it fall from the lips of those who are emi nently patriotic, and known to the country. and known all over the world, for their political services. Secession! Peaceable secession ! Sir, j'our eyes and mine are never destined to see that miracle. The dismem berment of this vast country without convulsion ! The bursting up of the fonntainsjof the great deep without ruining the surface ! Who is so foolish I beg every body's pardon as to expect to see anysuch thin? 1 bir, he who sees these States, now revolving in harmony around a common centre, can expect to 6ee them quit their places and fly off without convulsion, may look at the next hour to see the heavenly bodies rush from their spheres and jostle against each other in the realms of space without producing a crash in the universe. There can be no such thing aa a peaceable secession. Peaceable seers sionia an utter impossibility. Is the great Constitution under which we live here covering this whole country is it to be thawed and melted away by secession, as the snows on the mountain melt under the influence of a vernal sun? disappear almost unobserved, and die off? No, sir! No, 6ir! I will not state what might produce the disruption of the States ; out, 6ir, I see it as plainly as I see ihe sun in heaven I see that disruption must produce such a war as I will not describe in its twofold consequences. Peaceable secession ! peaceable secession! The concurrent agreement of all the members of this great republic to separate ! A voluntary separation, with alimony on one side and on the other. Why, what would be the result? Where is the line to be drawn? What States are to secede? What is to remain American? What am I to be? Where is the flag of the republic to remain? Where is the eagle still to tower? or is he to cower and shrink and fall to the ground? Why, sir, our ancestors our fathers and our grandfathers, those of them that are yet living amongst us with prolonged lives, would rebuke and reproach us; and our children and our grandchildren would cry out shnme upon us, if we of this generation should dishonor these ensigns of the power of the Government and the harmony of the Union which is every da' felt among us with so much joy and gratitude. What is to become of the army? What is to become of the navy? What is to become of the public lands? How is each of the thirty States to defend itself? I knew, although the idea has not been 6tated distinctly. There is to be a Southern confederacy, perhaps. I do not mean, when I allude to this statement, that any one seriously contemplates such a state of things. I do not mean to say that it is true, butl have heard it suggested elsewhere that the idea has originated from a design to separate. I am 6orry, sir, that it has ever been thought of, talked of, or dreamed of, in the wildest flights of human imagination. But the idea mnst be of a separation including the slave States upon one 6ids and the free States on the other. Sir. there is not I may express mvself too strongly perhaps but some things, some moral things, are almost as impossible as other natural or physical things; and I hold the idea of a separation of these States, those that are free to form one government and those thut are slaveholding to form another, as a moral impossibility. We could not separate the States by any such line, if we were to draw it. We could not sit down here to-day and draw a line of separation that would satisfy any five men in the country. There are natural causes that would keep and tie us together social and domestic relations which we could not break if we would, and which we should not if we could. Sir, nobody can look over the face of this country at the present moment nobody can see where its population is the most dense and growing, without being ready to admit, and compelled to admit, that ere long America will be in the valley of the Mississippi. Well, now, sir. I beg to inquire what the wildest enthusiast has to say on the possibility of cutting off that river and leaving free Statea at jts source and its branches, and
slave States down near its mouth? Pray, sir, pray, sir, let me say to the people of this country that these things are worthy of their pondering and of their consideration. Here, sir, are five millions of freemen in the free States north of the river Ohio: can any tody suppose that this population can be severed by a line that divides them from the territory of a foreign and an alien Government, down somewhere, the Lord knows where, upon the lower banks of the Mississippi? What
would become ot Missouri? Will she join the arrondissemenf of the slave States? Shall the man from the Yellow Stone and the Mad River be connected in the new Republic with the man who lives on the southern extremity of the Cape of Florida? Sir, I am ashamed to pursue this line of remark. I dislike it J have an utter disgust for it. I would rather hear of natural blasts and mildews, war, pestilence, and famine, than to hear gentlemen talk of secession. To break up ! to break up this great Government to dismember this great country to astonish Europe with an act ot lolly such as Europe for two centuries has never beheld in any liovernment ! lo, sir; no sir! ihere will be no secession. Gentlemea are not serious when tnev talk of secession, Sir, I hear there is to be a Convention held at Nashville. I am bound to believe that if worthy gentlemen meet at Nashville in Con vention, their object-will be to adopt counsels conciliatory to advise the South to forbear ance and moderation, and to advise the iNorth to forbearance and moderation; and to incul cate principles of brotherly love and affec tion, and attachment to the constitution of the country as it now is. I believe, if the Con vention meet at all, it will be for this purpose; for certainly, if they meet for any purpose hostile to the Union, they have been singularly inappropriate in their selection of a place. I remember, sir, that when the treaty was concluded between France and England at the peace of Amiens, a stern old Englishman and an orator, who disliked the terms of the peace as ignominious to England, said in the House ol" Commons that if King William could know the terms of the tre:ity he would turn in his coffin. Let me commend the saying, in all its emphasis and in nil its force, to any body who shall meet at Nashville for the purpose of concerting measures for the overthrow of the Union of this country over the bones of Andrew Jackson. Sir, I wish to make two remarks, and hasten to a conclusion. I wish to say, in regard to Texas that if it should be hereafter at any time the pleasure of the Government of Texas to cede to the United Slates a portion, larger or smaller, of her territory which lies adjacent to New Mexico and north of the 3-ld ot north latitude, for a fair equivalent in money or in the payment of her debt. I think it an object well worthy the consideration of Congress, and I shall be happy to concur in it myself, if I should be in the public councils of the country at the time. I have one other remark to make. In my observations upon slavery as it has existed in the country, and as it now exists, I have expressed no opinion of the mode of its extin guishment or amelioration. I will say, however, though I have nothing to propose on that subject, because I do not deem myself so competent as other gentlemen to consider it, that if any gentleman from the South shall propose a scheme of colonization, to he carried on by this Government upon a large scale, lor the transportation of free colored people to any colony or any place in the world, 1 should be quite disposed to incur almost any degree ol expense to accomplish that object. Nay. sir, following an example set here more than twenty years ago by a great man, then a Senator from New York, I would return to Virginia through her for the benefit of the whole South all the money received from the lands and territories ceded by her to this Government, for any such purpose as to relieve, in whole or in part, or in any way to diminish or deal beneficially with the free colored population of the Southern States. I have snid that. I honor Virginia for her cession of this territory. There have been received into the treasury of the United States eighty millions of dollars, the proceeds of the sales of the public lands ceded by Virginia. If the residue should be sold at the same rate, the whole aggregate will exceed two hundred millions of dollars. If Virginia and the South see fit to adopt any proposition to relieve themseles from the free people of color among them, they have my free consent that the Government shall pay them any sum of money out of its proceeds which may de adequate to the purpose. And now, Mr. President, I draw these observations to a close. I have spoken freely, and I meant to do so. I have sought to make no display ; I have sought to eliven the occasion by no animated discussion ; I have sought only to speak my sentiments fully and at large, being desirous once and for all to let the Senate know, and to let the country know, the opinions and sentiments which I entertain on all these subjects. These opinions are not likely to bo suddenly changed. If there be any future service that I can render to the country consistently with these sentiments and opinions, I shall cheerfully render it. If there be not, I shall still be glad to have an opportunity to disburden my conscience from the bottom of my heart, and to make known every political sentiment that therein exists. And now, Mr. President instead of speak ing of the possibility or utility ot secession, instead of dwelling in these caverns of darkness, instead of groping with those ideas so full of all that is horrid and horrible, let us come out into the light of day; let us cherish these hopes which belong to us ; let us de vote ourselves to those great objects that are fit for our consideration and our action ; let us raise our conceptions to the magnitude and the importance of the duties that devolve xipon us ; let our comprehension be as broad as ihe country for which we act, our aspirations as high as its certain destiny ; let us not be pigmies in a case that calls for men. Never did there devolve on any generation of men higher trusts than now devolve upon us for the preservation of this constitution, and the harmony and peace of all who are destined to live under it. It is a great popular Constitutional Government, guarded by legislation, by law, by judicature, and defended by the whole affections of the people. No monarchical throne presses these States together; no iron chain of despotic power encircles them; they live and stand upon a Government popular in its form, representative in its character, founded upon principles of equality, and calculated, we hope, to last forever. In all its history it has been benificent; it has trodden down no man's liberty; it has crushed no State. It has been, in all its influences, benevolent, beneficent; promoting the general prosperity, the general glory, and the general renown, and, at last, it has received a vast addition of territory. Large before, it has now, by recent events, become vastly larger. This republic now extends, with a
vast breadth, across the whole continent. I
The two great 6eas of the world wash the one and the other sho7e. We may realize the beautiful description of the ornamental edo-mo-of the buckler of Achilles "Now the broad shield comDlete the artist crowned. With his last hand, and poured the ocean round ; In living silver seemed the waves to roll. And beat the buckler's verge, and bound the whole." Mr. CALHOUN. I rise to correct what I conceive to be an error ot the distinguished Senator from Massachusetts, as to the mo tives which induced the acquisition of Flori da, Louisiana, and Texas. He attributed it to the great growth of cctton. and the desire of the Southern people to get un extension of territory, with the view of cultivating it with more profit than they could in a compact and crowded settlements. Now, Mr. President, the history of these acquisitions I think was not correctly given. It is well known that the acquisition of Florida was the result ot an Indian war. The Seminole Indians residing along the line attacked one of our fortresses ; troops were ordered out, they were driven back ; and, under the command of General Jackson, Pensacola and St. Marks were seized. It was these acts, and not the desire for the extended cultivation of cotton, which led to the acquisition of Florida. I admit that there had been for a long time a desire on the part of the South, and of the Administration I believe, to acquire Florida, but it was very different from the reason assigned by the honorable Senator. There were collected together four tribes of Indians the Creeks, the Chocktaws. the Chickasaws. and the Cherokees. about thirty thousand warriors who held connexion, almost the whole of them, with the Spanish authorities in Florida, and carried on a trade perpetually with them. It was well known that a most pernicious influence was thus exercised over them ; and it was the desire of preventing conflict between the Indians and ourselves in the South, as I believe, which induced the acquisition of Florida. I come now to Louisiana. We well know that the immediate cause fr the acquisition of Louisiana was the suspension of our right ol deposite at JNew Orleans. Under a treaty with Spain we had a right, to the navigation of the river as far as New Orleans. and a right to make deposites in the port of JNew Orleans. Ihe Spanish authorities interrupted that right, and that interruption produced a great agitation at the West, and I may say throughout the whole United States. The gentleman then in opposition, a highly respectable party the old Federal party, which 1 have never said a word of disrespect in regard to if I mistake not, took the lead in a desire to resort to arms to acquire that territory. Mr. Jefferson, more prudent, desired to procure it by purchase. A purchase was made, in order to remove the difficulty and to give an outlet to the West to to the ocean. I hat was the immediate cause of the acquisition of Louisiana. Now. sir, we come to Texas. Perhaps no gentleman had more to do with the acquisition of Texas than mysell ; and I aver, Mr. President, that I would have been among the very last individuals in the United States to have made any movement at that time for the acquisition of Texas ; and I go further, if I know myself. I was incapable of acquiring any territory simply on the ground that it was to be an enlargement of slave territory. I would just as freely have acquired it if I had been on the Northern as on the Southern side. No. sir. very different motives actuated nie. I knew at a very early period I will not go into the history of it the British Government had given encouragement to the abolitionists of the United States, who were renresented at the World's Convention. The question of the abolition of slavery was agitated in that Convention. One gentleman tnted that Mr. Adams informed him thnt if the British Government wished to abolish slavery in the United States they must begin with Texas. A commission was sent from this "World's Convention to the British Secretary of St-Ue, Lord Aberdeen; and it so happened that a gentleman was present when the interview took place between Lord Aberdeen and the committee, who gave me a full account of it shortly after it occurred. Lord Aberdeen fell into the project, and gave full encouragement to the abolitionists. Well, sir, it is well known that Lord Aberdeen was a very direct, and, in my opinion, a very honest and worthy man; and when Mr. Pakcnham was sent here to negotiate with regard to Oregon, and incidentally with respect to Texas, he was ordered to read a declaration to this Government, stating that the .3ritish Government was anxious to put an end to slavery all over the world, commencing at Texas. It is well known, further, that at that very time a negotiation was going on between France and England to accomplish that object, and our Government was thrown by stratagem oat of the negotiation ; and that object was, first, to induce Mexico to acknowledge the independence of Texas upon the ground that she would abolish it. All these are matters of history ; and where is the man so blind I am sure the Senator from Massachusetts is not so blind as not to see that if the project of Great Britain had been successful, the whole frontier of the States of Louisiana and Arkansas and the adjacent States would have been exposed to tho inroads of British emissaries. Sir, so far as I was concerned. I put it exclusively upon that ground. I never would run into the folly of re-annexation, which 1 1 always held to be absurd. Nor, sir, would I put it upon the ground which I might well have put it of commercial and manufactur ing considerations; because those were not my motive-principles, and I chose to assign what were. So far as commerce and manufactures were concerned, I would not have moved in the matter at that early period. The Senator objects that many Northern gentlemen voted for annexation. Why, sir, it was natural that they should be desirous of fulfilling the obligations of the constitution; and, besides, what man at that time doubted that the Missouri compromise line would be adopted, and that the territory would fall entirely to the South ? All that Northern men asked for at thzt time was the extension of that line. Their course, in my opinion, was eminently correct and patriotic. Now, Mr. President, having made these corrections, I must go back a little further, and correct a statement which I think the Senator has left defective, relative to the ordinance of 17S7. He states very correctly that it commenced under the Old Confederation; that it was afterwards confirmed by Congress ; that Congress was sitting in New York at the time, while the Convention sat in Philadelphia ; and that there was concert of action. I have not looked into the ordinauce very recently, but my memory will serve me thus far, that Mr. Jefferson introduced his first proposition to exclude slavery in 1784. There was a vote taken nnon it. and I think on that vote every Southern Senator voted against it ; but I am not certain of it. One thing I am certain of, that it was three )-e?ir3 before the ordinance could pass. It was sturdily resisted down to 1787; and
when it was passed, as I had good reason to believe, it was upon a principle of comproi . i - l 1 j r
mise ; nrst, thattne ordinance suouiu cuh am a provision similar to the one put in the constitution with respect to fugitive slaves ; and next, that it should be inserteti in me constitution ; and this was the compromise upon which the prohibition was inserted in the ordinance of 17S7. We thought we had an indemnity in that, but we made a great mistake. Of what possible advantage has it been tons? Violated taith has met US on every side, and the advantage has been altogether in their favor. . On the other side, it has been thrown open to a Northern population to the entire exclusion of the Southern. This was the leading measure which destroyed the compromise, of the constitution, and then followed the Missouri compromise which was carried mainly by Northern votes, altho' now disavowed and not respected by them. That was the next step, and between these two causes the equilibrium has been broken. Having made these remarks, let me say that I look great pleasure in listening to the declarations of the honorable Senator from Masschusetts upon several points. He puts himself upon the fulfillment of the contract of Congress in the resolutions of Texas annexation, for the admission of the four new States provided for by those resolutions to be formed out of the territory of Texas. All that was just, manly, statesmanlike and calculated to do good, because just. He went further; he condemned, and rightfully condemned, and in that he has shown great firmness, the course of the North relative to the stipulations of the constitution for ihe restoration ot fugitive slares; but permit meto say, for I desire to be candid upon ail subjects, that if the Senator, together with many friends on this side of the chamber, puts his confidence in the bill which has been reported here, further to extend the laws of Congress upon this subject, it will prove fallacious. It is impossible to execute any law of Congress until the people of the States shall cooperate. I heard the gentleman with great pleasure say that hi would not vote for the Wilniot proviso, for he regarded such an act unnecessary, considering that Nature had already excluded slavery. As far as the new acquisitions are concerned, I am disposed to leave them to be disposed ol as the hand of Nature shall determine. It is what I always have insisted upon. Leave that portion of the country more natural to a non-slaveholding population to be filled by that description of population; and leave that portion into which slavery wouid natural y go, to be filled by a slaveholding population destroying artificial lines, though perhaps they may be better than none. Mr. Jefferson spoke like a prophet of the effect of the Missouri compromise line. I am willing to leave it for Nature to settle; and to organize governments for the territories, giving all free scope to enter and prepare themselves to participate in their privileges. We want, sir, nothing but justice. When the gentleman says he is willing to leave it to Nature, I understand he is willing to remove all impediments, whether real or imaginary. It is consumate folly to assert that the Mexican law prolnbiiing slavgry in California and New Mexico is in force and I have always regarded it so. No man would feel more happy than myself to believe that this Union formed by oik ancestors should Jive forever. Looking back to the long course of forty years' service here. I have the consolation to believe that I have never done one art which would weaken it; that I have done lull ius'.ice to all sections. Audit I have ever been xposed to the imputation of a contrary motive, it is because I have been wiiling to defend my seciion from unconstitutional encroachments. But I can1 not agree with the Senator Irom Massachusetts that this Union cannot bo dissolved. Am I to understand him that no degree of oppression, no outrage, no broken faith can produce the destruction ofthi3 Union? Why, sir, if that becomes a fixed fact, it will itself become the great instrument of producing oppression, outrage, and broken faith. No, sir, the Union can be broken. Great moral causes will break it if they go on, and it can only be preserved by justice, good faith, and a rigid adherence to the constitution. Mr. WEBSTER. Mr. President, a single word in reply to the honorable member from South Carolina. My distance from the honorable member and the crowded 6tate of the room prevented me from hearing the whole of his remarks. I have only one or two observations to make ; and to begin, I first notice the honorable member's last remark. He asks me if I hold the breaking up of the Union, by any such thing as the voluntary secession of States as an impossibility. I knovr. sir, this Union can be broken up ; every Government can be; and I admit that there may be such a degree of oppression as will warrant resistance and a forcible severance. That is revolution. That is revolution ! Of that ultimate right of revolution I have not been speaking. I know that that law of ne cessity does exist. I forbear from croino- fur ther, because I do not wish to run into a discussion of the nature of this Government. The honorable member and myself have broken lances sufficiently often before on that subject. Mr. CALHOUN. I have no desire to do it now. Mr. WEBSTER. I presume the gentle man has not, and I have quite as little. The gentleman refers to the occasions on which these great acquisitions were made to territory on the Southern side. Why, undoubtedly wise and skillful public men, having an object to accomplish, may take advantage of occasions. Indian wars are an occasion; a fear of the occupation of Texas by the British was an occasion; but when the occasion came, under the pressure of which, or under the justification of which the thing could be done, it was done, and done skillfully. Let me say one thing further; and that is, that if slavery were abolished, as it was supposed to have been, throughout all Mexico, before the revolution and the establishment of the Texan Government, then, if it were desirable to have possession of Texas by purchase, as a means of preventing its becoming a British possession, 1 suppose that object could have been secured by making it a free territory ol the United States ns well as a slave territory. Sir. in my great desire not to prolong this debate. I have, omitted what I intended to ay upon a particular question under the motion of the honorable Senator from Missouri, proposing an amendment to the resolution of the honorable member from Illinois; and that is, upon the propriety and expediency of admitting California, under all circumstances, just as she is. The more gener al subjects involved in this question are nowbefore the Senate under the resolutions of the Honorable member from Kentucky. I will say that I feel under great obligations to that honorable member fur introducing the subject, and for the very lucid speech which he
made, and which has been so much read throughout the whole country. I am also under great obligations to the honorable member from Tennessee for the light which he has shed upon this subject ; and. in some respects, it will be seen that I differ very little from the leading projects submitted by either of those honorable gentlemen. Now, sir, when the direct question of the admission of California shall be before the Senate. I croDose but not before every oth
er gentleman who has a wish t address the Senateshall have gratified that desire to say something upon the boundaries of California, and upon the expediency, under all the circumstances of admitting her with that constitution. Mr. CALHOUN. One word, and I have done; and that word is, that notwithstanding the acquisition oTthu vast territory of Texas represented by the Senator from Massachusetts, it is the "fact that all that addition to our territory made- it by no means equal to what the Northern States had excluded us from before that acquisition. The territory lying west between the Mississippi and the Rocky Mountains is three-fourths of the whole of Louisiana; and that which lies between the Mississippi and the Ohio, added to that makes a much greater extent of Territory than Florida and Texas and that portion of Louisiana that has fallen to our share. Mr. WALKER moved the postponement of the further consideration of the resalutionauntil te-morrovr ; which was agreed to. The Senate then adjourned. si camboat Register. .Friday, March ü2. BOAT Cambria Ttlegraph No E W Siephens Visitor Columbian" Isaac NewtonM Cave Jewess Greek Slave--G W Kendall FROM CipcinnatiTO St Louis . fck Nashville Wabash -Pittsburg" "LouisvilleCincinnati TIME 5 AM 8AM 8 A M HAM -1 PM -3 P M -2 PM "4 PM -1 P M -5 PM Nashville St Louis- - B Green- - Si Louis--Florence : N Oi leansJKrA Sermon on Temperance will be preached next Sabbath, at 3 o'clock p. ST., in Rev. Mr McCakee's Church; and one, also, in Rev. Mr Goodwin's Church, at 7 o'clock, r. m. The friends of the License system are respectfully invited to attend" mhl9 d5 Mr. Editor: I am a Candidate for Councilmanin Second Ward, and if elected will vote for License; mh23 LEWIS HOWES. &5"A II. Sanders, Esq. Please announce my name as a candidate for Recorder of ihe city of Evansvine, at me next August election. N. ROWLEY. A. II. SANtiKRa. Esq., You will please announce DANIEL CHUTE as a Candidate for the oflice of Recorder for the County of Vanderburgh, at the next August Election. Yours, Respectfully, mil 20 DANIEL CHUTE. DCtMr. A. H. Sanders: You will phase announce my name as a candidate fir re-election to the office of Recorder of Vanderburgh county, at the ensuing August election. mhl9 SAMUEL T. JENKINS. S3" A. II. Sanders, Esq. I have been solicited by numerous friends to become a candidnte lor the oifice ot Recorder of Deeds, &c. , lor this connty; and you wi'l please announce mv name as a canddate lor that Office. Being a Lawyei by prolcr-sion, I think. I can perform i's duiics with sniisfaction u all. Yours, Respectfully, ' CLKMKNT Ii. S1MOSSCN EvmiFViüe, Marc!) 16, 1850. rnh 18 U5-Fkif..ni S.WPLR3 You wilr plcae announce J ACO'iSlNZICK a candidate tor Cuunnilmnn in t ho Slxih Waid, hfcXtApiÜ election, us he will lie sup ported riv lel.-Wte MANY VOTERS MORRIS S. JOHNSON, Attorney ami Counsellor at I,aw, Evansville, Ia., "TJILL attfind promptly to the brineing of suits, collct'iinn of monev, or. any other btiiucf-s confided to lii'i in the counties of Gibson, Po:ey, Vanderburj, Warrick, and Spencer. Oliice on First street, one door from the corner of Main. mh23 H J" HAJRT BOOT AND SEIOfi MASITACTI'RER, At the Sic- of the Mammoth Boot, Mam, between Sycamore and First streets. ffirA larce assortment on hand for sale. Terms Ca-sh. No tnisiake in the coat. Evansville, March e?, ItTO. ml.23 TRUNK FOUND. FOUND floa'inir in the Ohio river, below Evanaville. a TKUNK, containing a considerable amount of Money, and sundry articles of Clothing. The owner can have it bv proving property and caJling oa Messrs. KUFFNER &. BROOKS, No. 8 Phail street. Louisville. nihil dlw&wlm XT OTIC EIS HEREBY GIVEN, that the name of the Cannelton Steam Mill and Manufacturing Company has been changed to that of the Troy Manufacturing Company, by permission of tha General Assembly, approved January 13th, 1S49; and said Company accepted of said change at their meeting, held at Cannelton. Ia., March 12th. 1850 mh21 tf JAMES C. PORTER, Clerl . THE EVAXSVILLE INSURANCE CO., OF EVANSVILLE. INDIANA, WILL insure Buildingsand Personal Property on: land against loss or damage by fire, and Boat?, and Vessels, and Merchandize, in the course of transportation, against loss or damage by fire'or water, &c. Oftice in the room occupied by Jas. G. Jones, as a Law office, on the corner of Sycamore and First streets. rrfh20 tf STOLEN HORSE A l,nrn Llf. . i .i.i . . . "le.on niuraay nignt last, under was stolen. The yojng man who Ifft hi:n said he was from Spencer county, near Rockport, and said his name was Wright. The horse is a large bay animal, about eleven years old, and in good order He has a heavy black mane and toil, sway backed, and star on forehead. He looks as if he had Hot oeen usea mucn iatny. JOHN Mc KIN NEY, on Boonville Road, 20 d2wl 4 miles other side of Newbure mh' burgh. THE Common Council of the city of Evansville at us session, March 16th, 1850 Ordertd, That ihe owners of lots fronting on the north-west side cf Walnut street, between Third uu..i. anu me 6ouin-west B1G3 ot fourth street, between Locust and Walnut streeie and on the south-east side of Locust street, between' 1 , hird and fourth i streets, and on the northwest side pf Locust street, between Second and Third streets, be required to lay down brick side-walks in front of "7" y; " "Vt , ua OI June, JöäO. Said side-walks to be on Walnut and Fourth streets nfne feet wide, and on Locust street ten feet wide- and also "hat the owners of lots on the south-east de uZ I Sreu' betweeQ Second and Third streets, whose side-walks are below the established grade o he city, be required by said first day of 3une, to take IUI. rPIinir nnH roU :j . in r .. WJ( puiu Eiüe-waiKS. Ly order of the Council. mh31 d3 JOHN J. CHANDLER, City Cl'k. I ,reeeived a selection of new and popular Airs O Walues, etc., for Piono snd Guitar. Also a large assortment ol superior Violins Spanwh Guitars, Flutes, Fifes and Flageoletts Ac cordeons, lohn Bows and Bridges best Itahnn and Lngl, brings for the Gu.tarT V ol and Ba 3 Viol Instruction Books of all kinds rUr;f Reeds, Tuning Forks, etc., etc ' Clarionet THOS. CONYNGTON rnhI- Corn-r Mam and First streets. r O'NEII fashionable Tailor. rHop on Svr.
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