Daily Wabash Express, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 26 September 1884 — Page 2

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'A *si

TO THE

Haute

Chat our traalneMihere will be permanent, pmnd thatwe will continue to sell at factory prices the renowned f^(y

-2

UN ABE & CO., HALLET-DA.YIS, DECKER & SON,

.,*4

NEW ENGLAND, EVERETT

4 |f

PIANOS.

,"T

JDF Jf«*

STORY & CLAKK, CLOUGH & WABBEN, ITHACA

ORGANS

I. H. I0KHAN CO.

304 MAIN ST., TERRE HAUTE, IND.

•DAILY EXPRESS.

turn. M.

Aujh,

PBOPBrrroH.

PUBLICATION OFFICE—No. 16 South fifth Street, Printing Home Square. Entered as second-class matter at the tfosv Office, at Terre Haute, Ind.1

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Srthe

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•usertsd in the Dally and Weekly on reas onable terms. For particulars apply a. or address the office. A limited amoun of advertising will be published In the Weekly.

Mr All sixmontbs subscribers to the Weekly Express will be supplied FREE With '"Treatise on the Horse and His Diseases" and a beautifully illustrated Almanac. Persons subscribing for the Week'y for one year will receive In addition to vne Almanac a railroad and township map of Indiana. .$$£!:

WHKBB THE XXPBBSS IS ON FXIdB. $$ London—On file at American Exohange in Europe, 449

Strand.

Parl»-On file at American Exohange In t*arls, 86 Boulevard des Capucines.

TERRE HAUTE

'IAFTS Unexcelled Advantages as a Site for MANUFACTUBES AND COMMEKCE.

Is tbe£Center of a Rich Agricultural and Timber Region.

Nlne Railroads Center Here.

»l Is on the Great BLOCK COAL FIELDB. Steam Goal delivered to mctoriet at P1F1Y CKN7S PKR TON

NATIONAL REPUBLICAN TICKET

For President, JAMBS G. BLAINE, of Maine.

For Vice President, JOHN A. LOGAN, of Illinois.

FOR CONGRESS,

JAMES T. JOHNSTON, Of Parke County.

STATE TICKET.

For Governor. WM. H. CALKINS. For Llautenaut Governor..

EUGENE BUNDY. For Secretary ROBERT MITCHELL,

For Auditor.] :, BHUCBTCARR. ForiTreasurer.

R.R.J8HIKL.

For Attorney General W. C. WILSON.

SJI^Superintendent Public Instruction

B. C. HOBBS.

For Reporter Supreme Court. W.M. HOGQATT. For Jidge Supreme Court.

E. P. HAMMOND.

COUNTY TICKET.

'5.!

For Treasurer, SAMUEL T. JONES. For Sheriff,

W. H. FISK.

For Judge of Circuit Court,

GEORGE W. FARIS. For Prosecuting Attorney. DAVID W. HENRY.

For tate Senator, DICKT. MORGAN. For Representatives,

FRED LEE.

F. C. DANALDSON. For Commissioners,

First Dlstrlot, L. W. DICKERSON. Second District, LAWRENCE HEINL. For Coroner,

PETER.-KORNMAN. For Surveyor, FRANK TUTTLE,

The Democrats have discovered that the people want firee trade, and It is on ]ust that issue that they are going to ttln the election In Indiana.—[Indianapolis Sentinel, September 6

"I have no personal grievance with tior. Cleveland. I shall speak from the record, and I win ask to be ostracized ton all decent society If I cannot point corruption stalking straight to the 4sor of the execntive mansion and knock* j0 at the door and coming out of the door, with all that corrnptlon sought at jki expense of the people. If I cannot prove that bribes known to fall in the assembly in 1883 were pl»ce£so near Mr.

.iV«,' IVmj,»

Cleveland that if be does not havfe the money he can get it at any time—if lannot prove that I am not what I profess to be."—[8tate Senator Gr$dy before the Tammany committe, September 8, *884.

The aggressive and magnetic campaign is now on.

Mr. Hendricks has proved an alibi regarding bis war recerd.

There is a great deal.of Noyes in the Ohio campaign. P. S,_ This is an old one warmed over. -:-Vr-V:..

When Blaine and Logan meet at Cleveland then you will hear of campaign enthusiasm such as has never been known in this country

A French scientist hnfl solved the problem and we now know why'we feel tight after eating watermelons. Tbe Frenchmen say ther8 is brandy in them.

There were considerable of a mag netic shock out here in the Wabash valley yesterday when the people read the accounts of that journey from New York to Syracuse.

We hope Mr. Blaine can find a day or two of his time that can be given to Indiana. True, we will feel some of the heat from the blaze of the Ohio enthusiasm, but we would like a little of the real fire here merely to scorch aad redeem a few Democrats that they may be saved from the pitiless -hereafter. ____

Howard Carroll, who is travelling with Mr. Blaine, is the young Re,ubli can who was the candidate for con gressman-at-large in New York two years ago as the special personal friend of President Arthur, which relationship he still holds to the latter. Still we hear that the presidents friends are not enlisted in Mr. Blaine behalf. ______

It is to be presumed that when Cleveland reassured the farmers at the Elmira fair that the soil always re mained with them he had a mental reservation for earthquakes in Indiana, Ohio and Michigan. Since the recent shock no doubt he wished to put thi? proviso into words, perhaps not plainly! but in some shape or other, if his managers dared turn him loose again.,,.

When a man in his person and career can stir the people universally to such unbounded enthusiasm as the man tpom Maine is now doing in spite of the vilest and most desperate attacks of his enemies, then indeed is he a leader of men. Mr. Blaine's tour is developing a following among the people generally like that in his party, which increased with time, broke down all opposition in that party until finally, at Chicago, he was nominated as the candidate of the Republioan voters of the country.

In reply to an inquiry from the secre tary of the Board of Trade, Mr. John Collett, state geologist, says in regard to obtaining natural gas in this vicin ity: "I have, in report of 1878, spoken of large gas supplies in Harrison county. The gas comes from the Devonian shales—it is not thick enough in central and northern Indiana to be of economic importance. Harrison county is the only paying gas region in the state." We will stick to coal which at 50 cents a ton is cheaper than gas from the Pittsburg wells.

for

The Democratic state platform 1884 says We are opposed to any legislation which unjustly interferes which their (the people) personal liberty as to what they shall eat or drink.

The Democratic national platform for 1884 says: Democratic state platform of 1884.

We oppose sumptuary laws which vex the citizen and interferes with individual liberty.

Thomas A. Hendricks in the United States Benate said: I am perfectly willing to vote for this or any other bill short of putting todeath a man who shall take a drink of liquor, I would not go that far.

If we are not to have a joint debate will Mr. Lamb fix a time and place where he will give the people of this district explicitly and in detail his views on the tariff question. It is easy enough to

Bay

that you favor a

revenue "so adjusted" as to give "incidental protection" to American industries, but that meaningless sort of an answer does not satisfy the people here. Let it be distinctly under stood that the voters in this part of the state believe in a tariff for protection, without any "ifs" or "ands." After Mr. Lamb tells his con stituents where he stands on the issue, let him also answer forhis party—if he can. There is justification for this de mand upon him. He went to congress as a staunch friend of the policy of a protective tariff but he wavered, floundered, and the last vote he gave upon the question was with the Morrison free traders who in the house were as five to one of protectionist Demo crats.

Four years ago Mr. Schurz at Indianapolis pictured the scene that would ensue in the event of the election of a Democratic president in most graphic language—to which we gladly give space as it applies to the present time as truthfully as it did in 1880:

Now substitute for this the Democratic reform, making a clean sweep according to the old spoils system, and what will you have? Hundreds of thousands of politicians, great and small, but all hungry, rushing for seventy or eighty thousand places, backed and pressed by every Democratic congressman and every Democratic committee in the land. This impetuous rush must be satsfled as rapidly as possible, for they want to make the best of their time, and in this case, as in others, time is money. It Is useless to disguise it tbe ot office-holders, starved for twenty years, will not be turned back as long as there is a mouthful on the table. Seventy or eighty thousand officers selected at random from that multitude of ravenous applicants will be put Into places held now mostly by men of tried capacity and experience. They must be taken at random, for it is impossible to

£•?'-"&

flu so large a number of places in so short cultural board is likely to be the aba time as the furious demand will permit, sence of all but second-class cattle from in any other

administrative machinery of the government at one blow it will be the sudden substitution of raw hands for skilled and tried public servants the substitution of the eager desire to make out of public affairs as much as can be made in the shortest possible time, for official training, experience and sense of responsibility. It will be a removal for some time at least of those carefully devised guards whicfc are now placed over the public money and its use it will in one word, be the sudden distribution of so many thousand places of trust, responsibility and power, now well filled, in the true sense of tbe word as spoils among tbe hosts of the victorious party.

The only rational explanation of Mr. Schurz's present attitude is that he has lost all hope of receiving office under Mr. Blaine, and has become one of the "hungry politicians." We say the only rational explanation, because Schurz has finally succeeded in establishing the fact that his only incentive in politics is based on selfish desires.

If one is able to suppress his natural indignation toward those wlio are perversely prejudiced toward a public man or a public measure, there is abundant amusement in the attitude of some newspapers in regard to the mission of the gentlemen who will shortly make a trip to the South American continent under the auspices of this government. There is a grim satisfaction, to say the least, in seeing your opponents following the course to which they objected when you first suggested it is the proper one to take, and it is with this sort of pleasure that those who were in aceord with Mr. Blaine in his "South American policy," as it was termed when he was secretary of trade, regard the comments now being made upon the proposed mission. Then he was denounced for overstepping the bounds, with being too venturesome, and alto' gether reckless in his programme. Now we find the present administration and congress

BIOWIV

When Mr. Blaine proposed such conference those who did not like him chose to impugn his motives. The more you investigate Mr. Blaine the more fixed becomes the fact that he is undoubtedly the greatest statesman this country has had that his great intellect and heart are devoted to the advancement of his country.^

Becoming Numerous.

Chicago Inter-Ocean. Orignal patentees of the telephone seem to be quite as plentiful and as far-reach ing in years as tbe body-sevent of Wash ington. The courts are full of them.

The Freohman's—Meat.

Chicago Inter-Ocean. •Mr. Bergh thinks boa constrictors have no right to take their food alive. If Mr. Bergh had made the bea he would have made his stomach more after the pattern of the Frenchman, who prefers his meat very dead.

The Jetties and £ads.

Exohange. The object of Captain Eads in bringing over the Great Eastern, if he can get lier to New Orleans is not so much to gratify the Crescent City as to prove that his jetties have made the mouth of the Missis sippi large enough to easily take in the big ship.

PliEURO-PNEDMONIA f-'

Dissatisfaction With the Action ox me Agricultural Board on This SubjectSomething About the Disease, Indianapolis News.

The action of the state board of agriculture in concluding to admit cattle from abroad to the fair next week is causing considerable apprehension among stock raisers and breeders, lest the infectious and fatal disease, pleuromeumonia, shall be introduced into ndiana. The stipulation that all animals Bhall first be examined by a veterinarian is not believed to offer much protection against loss to exhibitors, for the disease is not easily detected, and there are cases on record, it is said, where the germs have been conveyed through the medium of the clothing of veterin arians themselves. The plague is as contagious as smallpox, stock men say, and much more insidious. Sometimes the afflicted cattle do not show any signs of the malady for weeks, but when they do appear the cattle quickly succumb to the deadly ravages. Word comes from Peoria, 111., that inquiry into the losses pustained by Messrs. Tripp & Bailey among their valuable Jersey herds, and into the origin of the disease in that section, prove conclusively that there is a prevvalence of plenro-pneumonia of a most infectious nature. The assertion of Chicago stock men and stock journals influenced by them, that "contagious pleuro-pnenmonia does not exist in this country" is declared to be due to personal and selfish notions. Statistics show that England is put to an expense of $10,000,000 annually to keep down this disease, and it is argued that a general spread of it in the western country means absolute and hopeless ruin to several flourishing territories where raising cattle for market is the principal industry, and tiie serious crippling or years ol several of the great western states."

The result of the action of the agri-

tS".'I

if 1 ft

Need I tell any sensi- the fair. Churchman & Jackson, of

man what the effect upon the con- Beech Grove farm and other owners'of duel of the public business will be? It I large Jersey herds refuse to take any will be the dlsorganizaiion of tbe whole) risks, and have absolutely declined

and with

too much hesitation carrying out that programme. By their creeping tactics tbe comprehensive and brilliant "South American policy" of Mr. Blaine is shown to us in its full scope and by the contrast made more brilliant in its conception, more to our teste as Americans and withal wiser than the dila' tory course ot those who affected greater- wisdom than its author when they opposed it. The Courier-Journal referring to the visit of. the Spanish American Commission, says:

It is probably only the initiative of In vestigations into the wishes and purposes of natious south of the United States in respect to an international American trade conference. By investigation the committee Secretary Frelinghuysen addressed the senate committee on foreign relations-during the last session of con gress a series of suggestions, and which were substantially adopted into the bill passed by congress. The secre tary recommended that, before engaging in an attempt to secure an inter national conference, it would be politic to confer with the several governments of Mexicoand Central and South America in respect to the aims and theory of the proposed international treaties, with the view of shaping legislation to meet all the Issues likely to be presented at the general conference, and in order that 'the scope and purpose of the conference could be carefully outlined in theinvita tions' to be issued by the United States.

"K tKiikf HA RS HtfcHS,PRIOAV, MORNING,SEPTEMBER 26, ls-4

to enter into competition for the premiums under the existing circumstances.

RUTH. .....

[For the Express.]

Entreat me not to leave thee, oh my love, To walk thy pathway alone, The way is dark, the road is rough and steep, Together let as make the journey sweet,

Thongh tempests shriek loud and moan.

I could not return, e'en if I wished, From following after thee, For a tie more strong than death hath bound '.'S And we are one. No rude hand can part us,

Thon art I and I am thee.

So where thon goeet, darling, I will go, Throughout all the coming years Thy joys, thy trials, thy people shall be mine, Whether thy path be flooded,with sunshine.

Or dark with most bitter tears.

Thy God shall be my God, true and tender, And when He shall claim His own, Thou, through the dark valley of the shadow Shall journey, seeking His glad green meadow,

Not alone, oh, not alone. FANNIE BROWN.

WISE AND OTHERWISE!.

V: V"- I.-'-..,.-: •••f.

TO A PUG.

Ah! but had 1 thy beauty, Beautiful English pug, That she in her arms might take me

And give me a rapturous hug! And, alas! to think that if I Had been born with my sphinx-like mug, Her sculpturesque arms would enfold me,

Beautiful English pug. —Washington Hatchet. Philadelphia tax rate this year is $1.85 on $100.

The Puyallup Indians in Washington territory have organized a mUlitary company.

In Vermont lithographic prescriptions for cocktails are used by drinking men. They read as follows: "R.Spir. frument. 2 fl. oz. ext. angos, half dr. syr. simp., half fl. oz." They are put up by druggists, who charge from 20 to 50 cents a prescription. Much sickness is said to prevail.

A newly-married country couple recently stopped at a hotel in Dover, N. H. The groom wishing to do the handsome thing economically, ordered the waiter to bring a quart bottle of "Hunyadi Janes," supposing it to be anew kind of champagne. V^hen it arrived they were evidently puzzled at its character but bravely persevered until they drank it all.

The latest spiritualistic apparatus consists of a telephone diaphram attached to the Bounding board of a piano, and connected by a wire to a second piano in the immediate neighborhood. Music played upon the latter is reproduced upon the former, but more sweetly and delicately than when originally played. The device was detected in Providence after a very remunerative month's run.

John B. Gough is of the opinion that the way to cure sleeplessness is to pitch in and work it off. He said that Lyman Beecher had a load of sand in his cellar, and after evening service he would shovel it from one side to the other, and by this exercise he could tone down the fever of the brain. Then the old man would get out his violin and soothe himself to sleep with amateur fiddling.

Bob Burdette: One of those sum-mer-school philosophers who know everything says: "There are no classes and no caste distinctions in this coun try." Oh, there aren't, isn't there? Just let the philosopher put on a last winter's suit and a straw hat, and ask the hotel clerk for a nice room on the parlor floor. He'll learn something about the illimitable infinity of distance to the mansard roof that never occurred to him before.

An Old Fighting Rebel" Says Word in Season. Toledo Blade.

I am an ex-rebel and a Republican, and I think you northern Republican editors damage the Republican cause in the south by the terms you use. You say "southern people," when you should Bay "southern Democrats," and you say "rebel Demociacy." Now, sir, it doeB not follow that because a man was a rebel that he must be a Democrat. The men who are doing the work in the south to-day for the Republican cause were fighting rebels during the late^ar.

It is the old bourbon Democratic politician that are playing the duce with the southern people. Some of the worst bulldozers in the south were playofls blockade runners and cowards during the war. The fighting rebel is about the best man in tbe south. We have down here in rebeldom many able men who are working for the Republican cause, men who. cannot be bulldozed,and they were fightingrebels. What is tbe difference between the rebel Democracy of Mississippi and the federal Democracy of Ohio Both are working for the same principles. A Democrat is a Democrat—no difference where you find him—always fighting against the protection of American enterprise, they all have a wonderful love for Europe.

Jeff Davis iB abetter man than Tom Hendricks and a more consistent one. Jeff waB opposed to crushing the rebellion and so was Tom. Jeff's home was in the rebellious states, Tom's in the loyal states. I was born in the state of Georgia was a rebel soldier, and surrendered after Bob Lee did. I never was a Democrat and never expect to be one, and I claim for myself and other rebel Republicans that we are more loyal and true to the Federal government and to American interests than any Federal soldier who votes

for

Cleveland and* Hendricks. I support Blaine because he is an American statesman, and one of the ablest statesmen that this natfon has produced.

Mississippi is a Republican state, and will cast her vote for Blaine and Logan if there is no fraud.

P. F. HAYNIE,

BLUE MOUNTAIN, Miss.

Determining Her Statns.^

Detroit Post. Judge (to the witness)—Are you a married woman

Witness—Well, ^o, Jedge not ex-. actly. Judge—Not exactly a married woman Do you mean that yon area widow? ...

Witness—'That's a little more like it, edge, but still I'm not exactly a widow either.

Judge—Yon will have to explain yourself. You say that you are not exactly a married woman nor exactly widow. Are you a single woman

Witness—I guess I'm a little of all three, jedge. I've sued six men for breach of promise.

DEMOCRACY'S EVIL RECORD

[CONTINUED FROM FIBST PAGE.]

hood, to bring this unholy coatoct to a suoceeeful termination. What, admit thst we are whipped? That twenty-three millions of northern men are unequal to nine millions of the south? Shame on the state (hat wofid entertain so disgraceful a proposition! Shame upon the Democrat who would submit to it, and raise his cowardly voice and claim that he was an Indianian! He, and such dastards, with their offsprings, are fit "mud-sills" upon which should be built the lordly structure of their southern aristocracy! And with whom would this unholy alliance be formed? With men who have forgotten their fathers, their oaths, their country, and their God with guerrillas, cotton-burners -with those who force every male inhabitant of the south capable of bearing arms into the field, though starving wives and babes were left behind! Men who persecute and hang, or drive from their lines every man, woman and child who will not foil down and worship the southera god. And yet free-born men of our state will sympathize with such tyrants, and dare even to dream of coalition. Indiana's proud and loyal legions number at least 70,000 effective men in the field, and, as with one groat heart, we knew they would repudiate all unholy combinations tending to the dismemberment of the government. In this dark hour of our country's trial, there is but one road to success and peace, and that is to be as firmly united for our government as the rebels sie against it. Small differences of opinion amount to nothing in this grand struggle for a nation's existence. Do not place even one straw in the way, and remember that every word vou speak to encourage the south nerves the arm and strikes the blow which is aimed at the heart's blood of our brothers and kindred. .....

ALVIN P. HOVKI, Brigadier General. WILLIAM T. SPKULT,

Colonel Thirty-fourth Indiana. WILLIAM E. MCLEAN, ,' Colonel Forty third Indiana.

UCOBOE F. MOQINNIS,

.'! Colonel Eleventh Indiana. JAMBS R. SLACK, Colonel Forty-seventh Indiana. HELENA, Ark-, February 2, 1868. Will Mr. Voorheee impeach this testimony of men who

Btood

at the front, who -claimed to

be Democrats,, and addressed these Democrats at home as "fellow-Democrats Will he impeach their testimony? He says I slandered the party when I said they Walked in fellow^ ship with treason. This is testimony from men of his own party who were at the front, and who know the effect of these treasonable resolutions in prolonging the war, and causing, of course, greater sacrifices of life and treasure.

I have not read quite all. The Sixty-sixth and Ninety-third regiments of Indiana volun tears adopted some resolutions at Corinth, Miss., on the 81st day of January, 1868,1 mil read one or two of them: "Resolved, That we have watched the traitorous conduct Of those members of the legislature of Indiana who, misrepresenting their constituency, have been proposing a cessation of hostilities, ostensibly to arrange terms of peace, but really to give time for the nearly exhausted rebels to recover strength, and plotting to divest Governor Morton of the rights vested in him by our state constitution and laws,, and to them we calmly and firmly isay, beware of the terrible retribution that is falling upon your coadjutors at the

Bouth,

and as

the crime is ten-fold blaoker, will swiftly smite you with tenfold more horror should you persist in your damnable deeds of treason."

That is what Democratic soldiers thought about it, Now, what didlhe south think about itf I will read you an extract from the Richmond Whig, published on the 11th day of January, 1868. The extract is as follows:

We copy elsewhere an article from an Indianapolis paper, with two seta of resolutions which have been laid before the Indiana legislature. The paper from which we copy is violently Republican. It pronounces the resolutions an ordinance of secession. They have very much that flavor. [Laughter.] They are intensely IStteragiunst the war ana the objects for which it is waged, and urge an armistice of six mouths, and a national eonvention to settle all difficulties. In one set it is proposed, if the convention is not held, that Indiana shall act for herself. The furious denunciation of the resolutions by the Republican papers constitutes their best recommendation, and argues a redeeming spirit among tbe people of the northwest. We, of the Confederate states, shouid do what is possible to encourage the growth arid ascendancy of that spirit.

So you see that the Democratic soldiers at the bout and rebel newspapers within the rebel lines both understood that the Democracy of Indiana were doing acts friendly to the rebellion. I do not need to tell the shameful story of the Knights of the Golden Cirola, of the resistance to the draft, of the killing enrolling officers, of the sympathy with Val landingham,of the Cadadaplottings and correspondence. I take up now my specimen Democrat. I shall not put in my case any disputed things. I shall not allude to the Shroop letter or Wall letter. I shall notallude to his reported declarations at Sullivan and Greencastle. Out of his own mouth I will judge"him. If my selections are not characteristic, let his friends produce some public utterance of bis that gave spirit to the friends of the Union or discouraged its enemies. In a speech on the 'State of the Union," delivered in the house of representatives in 1864. Mr. Vnorhees thus described the conduct of the war by Mr. Lincoln:

Tho boundaries of civilization, it is true, as I have stated, are barren of any precedents for their conduct, but the dark regions of barbarism furnish here and there a ghastly and horrible example of fuiy, hate and revenge, which is now followed by the executvie and his partisan supporters. [I beg of yon to recollect that Mr. Voorheee is here speaking of Lincoln.] Demons have occasionally, in this mysterious providence of God, visited the earth in the guise of men to prey upon the human species, from the mere love of slaughter and misery alone. The Gothic monster never treated with his enemies, never negotiated for a peace. The dying groan of a soldier on the field, the bitter wail of the widow and the chocking sob of the orphan at home were equally music in his'ear. Atilla, the fierce Hun, known to history as "the scourge of God," neither sent nor received commissioners to discuss and allay the causes of war. He painted upon his banners the sword, and the sword albne, and proclaimed that by that sign, and it alone, he would conquer. Genghis Kahn and Tamerlane, preserved by the pen ol the historianjfor universal execration, found no pursuit so pleasant as calling for more men, more men, more men for the harvest of death, and, like onr preeentjexecutive, suffering with jests and ribaldry, the warm taint of blood on every gale."

Can it be possible that such words were spoken of Abraham Lincoln} Mr. Hendricks hag found it necessary to deny with anger the suggestion that he spoke of Mr. Lincoln at Chicago, in 1864, as a "Smutty old tyrant." But Mr. Voorheee has exhausted the illustrations of history to portray Abraham Lincoln in that time when he stood as the representative of the Union confronted by Jeff Davis— one representing the stars and stripes and the union of states, the other the bastard partisanship of treason and the southern Confederacy. In that hour, when the great-hearted man stood for his country, when his great mind was taxed and his great heart wrung for his country's sorrow a representative from Indiana described him as a man who "feasted on blood," who mingled the taint of blood, that came from the battlefield with ribaldry and jest. Oh, my fellow-country-men, the world bows down to-day to Abraham Uncolri all nations honor him, and if we were to give to the statute of "Liberty Enlightning World" which is to be set up at the entrance of New York harbor, the figure of a man, it would be t*ie brawny president from Illinois and the features of Abraham Lincoln. [Great applause.] Was he a who loved laughter and bad no compassion for his fellow-man 7 My fellow-citi-cens, Abraham Lincoln was the tenderest-heart-ed man that ever sat in the presidential chair. His biographies are full of the most touching stories of his mercy. It is recorded that on one occasion a young lad was caught slseping upon a picket post, and tried by court-martial and condemed to be shot. Mr. Holland happened into Mr. Lincoln's room when he was about to act upon the papers. He said: "I cannot go into eternity with the blood of that young upon my soul." He said: "Probably he was a country lad accustomed to eacfy faoure, and the vigils of the hour wore him oat, and he fell asleep he shall not die." There is a touching conclnsion to this story. On the bloody field of Fredericks, burg the dead body of this lad was found, and next his heart was a photograph of Abraham Lincoln, and beneath it was written, "God blesa the good president." [Great applanse.] Why, it was notorious during the war that nomatter what the requirements of discipline might be, it was impossible to get this great, good to sign a warrant for the execution of a soldier, even if he bad deserted the flag. At one time one of his generals came to him, and praising the exigencies of the service upon him, asked him to order the execution of some deserters. He Bald: "There are widows enough iu this land. I will not do it," And yet, in an hour like that, when he was bowed dewn with the cares of the nation, Mr. Voorheee described him by likening him to the

wiolo)tw in -histoiy who pressed men to slaughter and rejoiced iu blows and blood. Was he helping the rebellion by such utterances?

Mr. Chair.pan, do you. not know that it was just that picture that was in the mind of J. Wilkes Booth when he assassinated him? Thus Booth would lave described him. I find agaiu that in a speech made in March, 1864, Mr. Voorhees describes his country as in a condition of bankruptcy, the sun of hope going behind a hill, and nothing but disaster and ruin before it. Mr. Voorheee is unsurpassed as a funeral preacher.

VOOBHKK8 OM BB8UXPTION.

[Laughter.] He never is at his best unless he can tell the people they are in the last stages of misery. You recollect that just before the act of resumption, when onr greenback currency was made exchangeable for coin he was going over this state with a hearse and coffin telling the people how miserable they were, and what disaster and misery would fall upon all classes by resumption. 1 will read what he said: "What wecall money is not money, and the most gorgeous wealth has no value, because it is a prey to the monster debt. Frenchmen, more than a hundred years ago, dreamed of a fabulous fountain of prosperity, and located it in the valley of the Mississippi. The credit of the Mississippi Company became the basis of an illimitable papCr currency, and both the long and the people of France hailed John

iB.

LAW,

its founder, as the deliverer of their kingdom. It was treason to doubt the infallibility of his gigantic scheme of human credulity and folly, as it is now to doubt the wisdom and success of our financial department. Bancroft, the historian, well portrays our own unhappy situation in describing this great delusion of the French. He says: "A government which had almost absolute power of legislation conspired to give the wildest extension to what was railed credit. Law might have regulated at his pleasure the interest of money, the value of stocks, and the price of labor and produce. The contest between paper and specie began to rage— the one buoyed up by despotic power, the other appealing to common sense. Paper was made the legal tender in all payments. When men are greatly in the wrong, especially when they have embarked their fortunes in their error, they wilfully resist light. So it was then with the French people—they remained faithful to the delusion till France was impoverished, public and private credit was subverted, the income of capital annihilated^ and labor left without employment, while in the midst of the. universal indebtedness of the middling class, a few war speculators gloried in their unjust acquisition and enjoyment of immense wealth." At about the same period a similar frenzy was raging on the other side of the English channel, and British statesmen fancied that they had found the magic alembic, by which paper issued upon credit could be mode to supply the use of geld. The trade of the South sea was to pay the debt of England in twenty-seven years, and Sir John Blunt issued government bonds on the faith of this fictitious wealth. The glittering beams of a false and deceptive prosperity gilded evory present scene, and illuminated the future with, the radiant smiles of hope. The British parliament resounded with high eulogiums upon the financial scheme which was BO soon to release the hands of English industry from the galling manacles of debt. Vte are listening from day to day to similar speeches upon a similar subject as they are made on the other side of the chamber in defense of the department of the treasury. Yet Woe and disaster followed the experiment of paper credit in England as well as in France."

When we absolutely had to put out irredeemable money Mr. Voorhees was against irredeem' able money, and when the time came, as the prosperous years came on and the people recovered from the effects of the war and we could resume, and make the paper dollar in the workingman's pocket as good as gold, then Mr. Voorhees was against resumption, and for an unlimited expansion of the public orsdit. He sayB'I talk of this as an idocy. It is not true that ever I said that any theory with referenc* to the greenback currency^ was an idocy. did say that the new doctrine of fiat meney, a money that' had no promise written upon its face, that simply assured to be a dollar when it was nothing but apiece of paper, that that idea was idocy but Mr. Voorhees, in this extract to which I have referred, speaking of the greenback currency, and of its expansion, denounces it as a frenzy that would bring disaster and ruin upon the country and, in 1856, he voted for a resolution declaring that we ought to retire the greenbacks and contract the currency. He wants to know what our policy is on the financial question. He is greatly troubled to find out what the Republican policy

Why, my countrymen, our policy is

established. It is not a question of theory taking hold of the future it is a question of established fact. We have $846,000,000 ot greenback currency that is exchangeable on demand for gold or silver, and wo propose to keep it. We have a free national banking law^ the safest system of banking that ever was invented in the world, by which no bill holder ever lost a dollar since it was started, and which, being free, is capable of expansion as the demands of the public may require. We have gold and silver established also, as apart of our currenoy, and we propose to keep it there. And now, if he asks me about the silver dollar, we propose that the silver dollar •hall not be demonetized, but we do propose to see that it shall not become a depreciated dollar. I do not want any more 80 or 85 cent dollars in America. [Applause]. As long as the silver dollar can be maintained, and to the limit to whioh it can be maintained at par, I am for it.

Then the speaker proceeded to discuss the tariff, the declaration of the Democratic platform and leaders, and the position of the Democratic party upon ttrts subject.

Now, as to the matter of repudiation, I do not care to allude to the long list of debts repudiated by the southern states. I want simr ply to call attention to the fact that when the legal-tender currency and extended public credit were imperiled there was no charge that the Democratic party said they were constitutional. Mr. Voorheee, who has since been posturing as a great advocate of the greenback currency, in a speech in congress, when that onr* rency was a necess|ty to the national life, used just the argument that has been used by men since who desired a contraction of the currency, and pointed to the experience of England and France, to the South Sea island scheme, to the John Law scheme, and warned ihe people against the frenzy of an unlimited paper currency. This is what he said: "The mournful shadows of its funeral pall are already penetrating the once bright and abundant homes of virtuous labor. The spirit of oppression is omnipresent in the land, and, like death and famine, none will escape the pangs which it inflicts. Let each eye which now beholds the sun take its last look at scenes of plenty and prosperity. Our fall from abounding wealth and unlimited sssonrces to pinched and shrunken "poverty and coming bankruptcy is as certain and as fatal, under our present policy, as the fall of Lucifer, the morning star, from heaven. [Langhter.J And the exclama^ tion of the laborer, as he toils in a hopeless bondage to the public debt, may well he as de? spairing as the anguish of the lost angel."

Take your last look on the sun of prosperity) Why, my countrymen, the sun of prosperity was hi the east when Mr. Voorheee was talking that way it was sunrise, not sunset. He had lost the points of the compass. Why, do you not know that from that hour until the taking of the census of 1880 this nation has been increasing in wealth at the rate of $125,000,000 a month? Oh, no that was a picture that would have encouraged the south, but it was extremely disheartening to the north, if anybody had believed what Mr. Voorheee had said. It probably did not have much effect because his exhuberant style of oratory and his tendency to funeral orations is so well known throughout the entire north. We had the great of war, and the great debt, but my countrymen what is Mr. Voorhees complaining about to-day, and Mr. Hendricks and the balance of them? Why, they are complaining that there is $400,000,000 in the treasury. Mr. Voorhees attempts to make a point upon us by aayingthat whenever a rebel turns Republican weat once wipe out all his sin. He alludes toMahane and Chalmers. And I was amused with what great care he dealt with these men, even now, although they have left his party. He speaks of Chalmera as having been associated with the alleged inhuman massacre at Fort Pillow. Now I don't know to which word he intended tbe qualifying word "alleged" to apply—whether he was in doubt aa to there being any massacre at all, or whether it was an inhuman massacre. Why, my countrymen, we have no quarrel with the men who went into the rebellion and fought it through like men, and who have now accepted the results of the war honestly and in good faith, even if they remain Democrats—no quarrel with them. We are willing to forget the past but we can not so easily forget the attitude of theee men here in the north who did not take part with ns in that hour of test, that challenged from every man and women in this land all the strength of heart and arm, and all the aoceas they had to the throne of God's grace, to help the war through.

YOOEHKE8 A8 A PBXK-TRASKB,

Mr. Voorheee talks as if le is a protection-

ist. I want to give you a little of his free trade doctrine. When we needed revenue, wlien a

high tariff was neceraary in order to fill our coffers, that our soldiers might be paid and the war go on, he said: "It

true that had I the power I would go

further than this position of the executive. Free trade with all the markets of

the

Now, one word on the subject of pensions, as I am speaking to some soldiers here to-night. As I have said to you, Mr. Voorhees is your post bellum friend that is, he did not make himaalf known to you as a friend until after the war was over and yon came home to vote. I want simply to repeat what I said before, that the last Republican senate passed the Mexican pension bill with amendments that gave to the soldier of this country practically everything except the arrears of pensions that was asked for by the pension committee of the Grand Army of the Republic and I again desire you to recollect that when the bill passed the senate only four Democrats voted for it. It went to the house, which is Democratic, and they obstructed it'by parliamentary tactics and it foiled to pass.

SURPLUS IN THK TBBASUBY.

The Democrats are complaining about the amount of "surplus" money, as they call it, in the treasury. Well, there is $413,000,000 there. The Democrats are going over the state circulating that there are 50,000,000 people in the United States, and Mr. Gray, Mr. Bynnm and others

if you divide tljat $ 418,000,000 among the people it will give them about eight dollars each, and the argument is that it should be divided at onoe. These gentlemen have perverted a statement of Mr. Calkins in one of his earlier speeches. Daniel W. Voorhees knows well that there is not $418,000,000 surplus money in the United States treasury. Thomas A. Hendricks also knowB it well and yet theee gentlemen are going over the state talking about the entre balance in the treasury as though it were surplus. My fellow citizens, $422,000,000 of it is represented by gold and silver certificates in circulation amonj the people. I want you all to understand thfa. The law provides that if I have ten dollars in silver money I may take it to the treasury of the United States and the treasurer shall give me a ten dollar certificate for it. If you take $20 in gold to the treadhry they will give you a $20 gold certificate for it. This money could not be distributed without violation of law. There are also certificates of deposit put in the treasury by the banks, that the government agrees to keep for them, amounting to fourteen millions and odd dollars. There is interest due on bonds over $1,000,000. There are bonds called for that have not been presented for payment. There are millions of these bonds held to-day in this country because the people know they are safe, and they do not want to change the investments, even if interest has stopped. Only about $141,000,000 of the $418,000,000 can in any sense be called a surplus, and as there are $846,000,000 of treasury notes in circulation, it is only about 50 per cent, of that circulation, and if you had a note in a bank you would want that bank to keep at least 40 per cent, of its outstanding notes on deposit so that you would be sure to get your money when you present your note.

Now, my follow citizens, I thank you for your attention. I am here to-night as a Republican having no personal interest in the campaign, and urge you all to stand by the old party, from the top of the ticket to the bottom. [Applause.] I am glad to' see in this magnificent assemblage to-night the evidence that the Republicans of Indianapolis are aroused to the importance of this campaign, we hear of tremendous gatherings in Ohio. Blaine and Logan are receiving popular approv al and affection wherever they go, that prove them to be the right choice of our great party for the high offices to which they bave been nominated. [Great applause.] Neither one of them ever wal ed in friendship with treason, slavery or repudiation. [Applause.] 1 do not believe I have heard anybody this year hurrah for Cleveland. Doubtless some persons have said so, but I have thought within myself what would a man mean when he said that. What could It be that was kindling his enthusiasm, what quat ity of the man. What achievement in his lire were ihey cheering. Wbat has he said? Well, "he told the farmers that the great advantage of their avocation was that the soil would remain. Laugh ter.l Has h6 sold anything on the tariff? Why, my friends, he, too, is trying to hide on the question whether he was for the Morrison bill or against it. Out upon such a campaign candidate without record, and who is afraid to make a record now afraid to take the people into his confidence upon the most vital question in American politics to-day. Now, on the other hand, It you want to know Mr. Blaine's sentiment on any question, go to the Congressional Globe if you want to see some of the most masterful discourse of the public questions that have agitated this country since tle war, go read his utterances in congress. If you want to know his views on the tariff, read that masterful and comprehensive letter in which he has pictured, like the grand march of the day, the progress of

that

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the true theory of government. No nation should prevent its citizens from buying wherever their hard earnings will buy moot and go furthest. If a Hottentot can make and sell a bolt of cloth, or of muslin, or calioo, cheaper than aNew England senator who a few days since asked for increased protection to his manufactories (Mr. Sprague), it is the right of any laborer in this bread land to pass by the civilized but rapacious senator, and obtain from the barbarian abetter return for the sweat of

hiB

brow. For revenue I would look to the actual wealth of the country, and make it contribute accordingly. But this just and philosophical system of trade aad government is not now within our reach, and I am content to accept the recommendation of the president to adjust the present impost system to the basis of revenue alone, and notof protection. It is a step in the direction of true and practical reform."

That was the doctrine ot Mr. Voorheee in 1866, and he said if a Hottentot, a man who lives on three, four or five cents per day, can make a bolt of calico cheaper than it can be made by American workmen in America, then we have aright to buy of the Hottentot, and we have no right to put a protective duty oa articles, and discriminate in favor of our own laborers. I have before me a similar utterance of his which I will not stop to read. Some persons will ask: "What is the use of attempting to show all of theee inconsistencies in Mr. Voorheee' record?" Well, I have asked myself that question several times. [Langhter.J What is the useOf charging the wind with being inconsistent? Do yon expect it to blow out of the same quarter ail the time? I have concluded that the only answer that can be given is to My, "The wind bloweth where it listeth, and thou hearest the sound thereof." [Laughter and applause.]

thlB

country in wealth and prosperity. [Ap plause.] Can we carry Indiana? Yes, we can repeat the result of 1680, and add 8,000 to majority. [Applnuse.l Republicans are not going to be fooled this year. It is not a good year for St. John or Dwlgglns. The earnest-minded men and women of tb Is country, whatever their sentiments may be upon the temperance question, have come to realize that another great fight upon national issues is being fought at this time. Yes, and Democrats are beginning to understand that there is good reason why they too should come out for Blaine and Logan- Soldiers are getting to understand it. I don't know how a comrade who faced the rebel fire in tbe war can forget his comradeship with John A. Logan. I don't know how he can prefer Thomas A. Hendricks, who never advised anybody to enlist and did not enlist himself. Comrades, upon these great national questions we form our lines. Our banners are in the air. We are not skulking on any question. We have openly assumed the protection of American labor and of American industries against tbe pauper labor of Europe. We have openly avowed that no legislation of a Republican congress shall ever result in reducing American labor to the price paid abroad. We have taken the interest of the laboring man to heart. We have declared

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