Daily Wabash Express, Volume 17, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 7 March 1868 — Page 2

-WMMMBr

and proper for carrying intoOxOcptM the foregoing powers, and.^11 otberpW ers vested by the Constitutionia^Bte "°v eminent of the United States, or in any department or officers thereof," as amply sufficient to enable Congress to do whatsoever the emergency may require to suppress trcaf0B and punish

his message, he discusses the constitutional means in the hands of Congress to countacftot theActa of Stat* -looiang the nullification of a national law,anj employs language which some of those who once professed to be his friends, now denounce as the, most infamous political heresy. He says: "The same instrument (the Constitution,) confers on Congress the power not merely to lay-ani collect taxes, duties, imports, and excises to pay thedebU and nrovitle for the common defense and. general welfare "but

(to

come

the

make all laws which

shall be necessary and proper for carrying into effect the foregoing powers ana all other pcWW? vested by the constituj tion ija the* Government of the United Stags', or in any department or officer thereof and also to provide for calling forth the militia for executing the lawsol the Union. In all cases similar 1M -present, the duties of the Governrnerd be

measure of its powers «nd when

ever it fails to exercise a power and proper'io the discharge of theauty presented by (he Constitution, it violates the public trust riot less than itf wouldf .m transcending iU proper limits.

Nobody doubted at the time, or doubts now, that, if South Carolina had persisted in her threats to resist the authority of the Union, General Jackson would have considered her in the attitude ofinaugurajanT. would have treated a»l her

State" he

such resistance, as

ting a war,—would citizens engaged in traitors,

and

put down their rebellion by

the military power of the nation other words, that he would have done exactly as Mr. Lincoln aid in the late rebellion! He fully and distinctly avowed this Durpose, and in response to the argument that there was no power "to coerce a

replied that, in all such casea

Hive duties of the Government were the measures of its powers /"-that is, that the Government had the right and power, under the clause of the Constitution already relerred to, to do whatsoever was "necessary and proper,"' to executo the laws, or discharge any other "duty prescribed by the Constitution,"—chiefest amongst which was, of course, the duty of preserv ing the nation's life. All his ofllcial acts proceeded upon this idea of his constitutional obligations, as did also the legislation of Congress. The "Force bill," as it waacalled—bo odious toSouth Carolina be-, cause it provided for the collection of duties on imports in the face of her threatened resistance—was in precise accordance with his constitutional theory, as well as his personal wishes, and it is well under-, stood that, it would have produced a civil war had not the country been happi

ly sftved

from that terrible calamity by

the "compromisee bill" of Mr. Clay, which passed both Houses of Congress and was approved by him. This measure dispersed the clouds of war, but did not appoase the violence and wrath of the nullifiers. Although nine-tenths of the people of the country—both Whigs and Democrats,— iustifiod General Jackson and approved the doctrines of his Proclamation and Message, yet the rebellious spirit of South Carolina was not entirely subdued. The President of the Convention of that State talked very much as we hear some people talk at this day:—-it almost seems, indeed, as if some of those who, BO flippantly declaim against the measures of the last few years, aaopled to suppress the late rebellion, had improved their powers of denunciation borrowinghis very words. Speaks ing of the 'if'orce Jjill"—which was, per culiarly an administration measure, ho pronounced it a "broad usurpation" becauiiQ it was an attempt "to ever on a Sovereign State in this Union and to change 'the character of our Government into a military despotism." And after the modification of the tariff, it was called the '•bloody bill"—passed "in mere bravado, only to cover the shame of their defeat," it being well understoed, as the nullifiers claimed, both by Congress ani General Jackson, that if the "compromise bill" harl not passed," it wo.uld not be submitted to J\y South Carolina! A man mpst be very blind indeed who does not see the resemblance betwoen those times and the present.

In the great debate of 1830, between Mr. Webster and Mr. Hayne, the former laid down the true doctrines of the Constitution,—those afterwards embodied in General Jackson's proclamation,—-and the latter the false and mischievous theories of the "State rights'' school of politicians. Overwhelmed by the majestio and Ciceronian eloquence of Mr. Webster, Mr. Hayne was transferred to the Executive

chair

of South Carolina, where he could address a more willing auditory, and Mr. Calhoun resigned the Vice Presidency that he might take his place in the Senate. There was a fixed motive in all this. Mr. Calhoun was not the equal of Mr. Hayne in those amenities of manner which give adornment to social and senatorial intercourse, but he possessed, in a high degree, that stfength of will which constitutes true courage. He seemed impulsivcj but was not sufficiently so to be driven from his purpose. He pursued his convictions with untiring tenacity, and supported them, not with the rhetorical eloquence of Mr. Hayne, but with unsurpassed logic. He always commanded the respect of his adversaries by the purity of his life, and, in the immediate circle of his friends, was looked upon with feulings little short of adoration. He was pluced in the Sonate, therefore, to grapple with the giants of that day, and to recover the ground lost by Mr. Hayne in! tho debate with Mr. Webster,—to expose tho fallacies of General Jackson's Proela-' mation—and to re-inaugurate the policy! proclaimed in the Virginia and Kentucky] resolutions of 1798. His groat object was to reverse the orders of allegiance established by the Constitution and assertod by the Proclamation, and to establish tho sovereign right of a State to require higher allegiance to itself than that .be longing tojthe National Government He,probably, did not desire to carry out his principles to the extent of making war upon the Union, but he desired, unquestionably, so to subordinate the National Government to tho State, or to reduce its authority to the condition of dependency winch it occupied under the Confederal tion. He, himself, paid his first allegiance to South Carolina and, after that, to the uion —and to enforce this doctrine wa^ tho work of all the years of his life after he left the Cabinet of Mr. Monroe. 1' remember very well, when he was reduced so low in health that another had to read his last great speech,—how his eye, star sparkling, was lighted up at every suggestion of the thought that he was about to die true and faithful to these convictions. He was, indeed, an extraordinary man —not possessing the fertile genius' and wonderful powers of Mr. Clay, or the classical eloquence of Mr. Webster, or the ardor of Geueral Jacksoo, or the legal ability of Mr. Livingston, or tha Senatorial training of Mr. Benton,—yet with coarage enough to enter the political arena* singly and alone, and to contend,1 bravely and heroically to the last hour of hi? iif\ against the combined influence of thr.m all. We shall eee presently, how he u'ceed*d, by thi? persevering courage, in educing the leaders of the Democratic pany away from General Jackson and tho doctrines of his Proclamation,—in holding them in the hollow of his own hsr.d,—iu mouldicg them to his own strong will,—and in shattering the old Jachson party into atoms. Theso uien did his bidding, while he lived, with an abjectness not surpassed by Asiatic ser vility and when, after hia death, there was no controlling mind to arrest the fierceness of the storm he had excited, it spent its furj upon his own beloved State, and blasted the verduro of its fields.

When Mr. Madison said, in 1830, that tho tendency of the doctrines avowed, in

-ST

the tfn one interpose

um in 'P.thS

were almoet the ^aat uttered gage of, MottipwBi. ing ful

the

1 deems

ty, as

on&ttpViop, tto

ority to arriir the evil.

In a letter to Mr. Everett, he said he understood the Coaatitution aa having been proposed to the people of the Ssates «o *1 .* .. _• ViAi»n iri

"constitutional rigm,

State to arrest by force the operation of a

thority was not sufficient to arrest tne swelling tide of passion in South Carolina. And, subsequently, Vn'I83»—(the year of his death)—whfen he Sa^thfe persistency

and asserted the right of a State to nullify: qou-y,

the mrtft aMihs Southi 2?

coumrymen,. by. thus pointing out what would be theconsequences of departing from the doetnqeg of General Jaakson proclamation. But tUe late terrible rebel lion shows how little His admonitions

Madison

taryof

SSSSTSSSSi

If every nullifier in South Carolina had been present they would have sent up a long and united shout at this triumph of their principles. In their absence, and in order to convince the Convention how earnestly they would approve what had been done, Mr, Jacob Thompson, of Mississippi, rose in the Convention and acCording to the record •'pledged Souih Carolina for Franklin Pierce of New Hump* shire/' General Jackson was now dead. If he had not been, do you suppose that such a resolution as this would ever have found its way into a Democratic plati form He would have forbidden the banns of such unholy wedlock, and the perpetrators would have called upon the I rocks and. mountains to hide them, And if it is given to those who have passed "hepond the portals of the tomb to look back

I ww not

"TfaffViifWe sdw^HWIity to the conta^ wetrewer merely alfuded to without any rinciples. scarcely one out of fifty dv&S'of'the politicians knew what they ^era. They had slept £3£a~a*iring to the I so long iifrongst" the'^nusty fecords «r a unite

trioh of nallifldatfon in the SwcthernStates, :i« kL* £.M* IrnAtvn natisAA.

ihe

the

principles as constituting one of the main I the evil hour shall ever come when these foundations of its political cread, and is re- I men oan once more enfold you in their solved to ca?ry them out in their obvious coils, they will not stop until the Nation meaning andimpori."

the vote

It Genoral Pierce *ectVed of Indiana, and all the StBKB except Massach motft, and it is not justtff*ay not disposed to say—that the body of the Democratic party in these States considered themselves committed tothe doctrine® of the Virginia and Kentucky Resolu-

wbich their

hia political faitfe, answer you by setting off against them the Bimilir resolutions of tne Hartford Convention of, 18151—a? if two wrongs could make ft right.

But the Southern leaders understood all 'the time what they were about. Having succeeded in getting these nullification resolutions into the. Democratic platfprm managed to keep them ever

resolutions they have

wnra heeded by the maddened and ambi- mojr tious partisans, who, in their struggle for isince, up to the time of their r«leljion, by

Ji. warn naadv t/i Anm. I inMmlv VOtiflff ih6 D6®00ntlC tiCfcCt. i«the highest stations," were ready to com- iaerely voting the, jtion that could secure They were thus enabled to assure their thair temporary triumph. Mr. Calhoun 1 followers in the South, ana, perhaps wi jSS ay "popular leader" as Mr. I persuade themialves, that if they came to

referred to. He resigned his seat a collision with the authorities of the in the Senate and took the office of Seore-1 Union, they would have

State under Mr. Tyler. The steps rpathy but the assistance of the ent taken by him to.secure the annexation of I Democratic party. That they did so bsTexas by secret treaty, upon the pretext I sure them, and that the Southern poop iexas uy bow

were|did

that "the abolitionists of Texas" were I did so believe, at tne^DreaaiM01 seeking to annex it toGieat Britain, not- I rebellion, there can be no Mnhly doubt, withstanding the asseverations of Lord} A.b- By this means they were enabled to conerdeen to the contrary the final consum- I'solidate the South to such an extent that, mation of that measure by joint resolution I upon the election of Mr. Lincoln in I860, of Congress, in violation of the Constitu- I they felt strong enough to

tion the throats of the Southernjiullifi- the ballot-box to thesword^and^pk^ng^ ers tl it we

aad angry controversy on the subject of slavery which fpliowad it, are all matters of too recent ooeurrence not to be remem. bered. Such was their combined influence upon the movements of parties, that theybrought the Democracy of the North into close party alliance,with tho nullifiers of the South, by such gradual steps and under such circumstances, that the latter

In the Democratic National Convention of 1852, thi&aaeeudancy of the «ulli% fiers was fully established. South Caro-, lina did not send delegates to this Con vention, but remained oat from prudential reasons, until she could see that the party was fully committed to her principles,—• that is, to nullification. She entrusted the management of that matter to such men as John S. Barbour, John B. Fioyd, Henry A. Wiseiand Boger A. Pryor, of Virginia, Jacob Thompson, ,of Mississippi, Pierre Spu^Oj of Louisiana, and others from the South, of lesser ability and influence, who were soon enabled to-obtain such a balance of power in the Convention as to defeat any nomination that would be acceptable tothe Northern and, especially, to the North-western Democracy. These latter wpuld have been satisfied with either General Cass or Judge Douglas, but neither of these were acceptable to the n.ulljfiors, because they

ft th rid iuld

a gjjher Northern h*ts ted «pr-

fn8ertlonin their

pfaformwould ultimately lead. Some of the extant ?f4he. union with the be bulk of the party took

ture and nullifiers, but the the platform upon trust Democratic, and that was accepted as sul-

It was called

without further in

vi'inift

^Kentucky ^solutions

gpublish^

with the platform,

not

Democratic party upon ite

old platform, which led to the rebellion, and thereby put its destiny again in. the hands of the very men who struck at the life of the nation, and-against whom they have so lately «ontended upon bloody fields of battle. Jn my opinion they will

This review of our past political history serves to show the direction in which our

were both committed to the doctrine of I affairs would drift-again, if the rebels of "squatter sovereignty," by which the people of a Territory might, if they thought fit, prohibit the establishment of slavery, and which, of course, denied Mr. Calhoun's: doctrine that the Constitution, by its terms, carried slavery into the Territories. Besides ^General Cass and Judge Douglas were both committed to the con. atitutional doctrines, of General Jackson's Proclamation^ The Northern Democrats were exceedingly earnest -in their Support of these gentlemen, and it took five days and forty-niae ballots for the nullifiers to overcome them, and produce the nomination of General Pierce. The entice means to {accomplish this are not, of course fully exposed, and we are left to infer what they were from such facts as- did transpire-— With either General Cass or Judge Douglog upon the ticket it would have: been impossible to,make a platform upon which the nullifiers. .could have stood,—'for their whole lives had been spent in .defence of the very opposite policy. But with anew and unknown man like General Pierce, who had no special record t9 refer to, there was no such .difficulty to encounter. Therefore^ his nominatiosried, as it was understood beforehand it would do, to the adoption of a platform of principles oonr tain ing the following resolution: "Resolved, That the Democratic party will faithfully abide by and uphold the, principle* laid down in the Kentwyk and Virginia resolutions of 1798, and in the report of Mr. Madison to the Virginia Legislature in, 1799, that it adopts those

the South were restored to the precise po sition in the Democratic party and in political influence, which they occupied before the rebellion. The Democratic leaders propose to place them there without any abatement of their claim of State sovereignty. They ieem willing to endanger again the existence of tho Union, in order:to-secure -a party triumph. That this danger would exisW in ft greater degree than "ever ^before, ifjthis result were accomplished,: it is impossible to doubt.— The Democratic party would be composed of all the rebels of the South and a minority of the voters of the North. The rebels would be in the majority and control the action of tbejwurty. They would &1J tho controlling portion of the offices and mould the po)^ of. the Government,— The? would pirt in the Pfesidential chair a man who does not believe that the Government has thepower "to coerce a State,'' and (hen .ft fe* ordinances pf secession ^oul# shatter the Union Into fragments, never to be gathered together again. Do you suppose -they love the Union any better now. than they did when they begun the war to destroy it or that they,love the "accursed Tankees" any more than when they were murdering and starving them to death in their prisons at Andersonville and elsewhere or that they can ever forget and forgive the gallant soldiers who humbled their pride and struck dPWQ Ik8'? traitorous flag L%y no such "flattering unction to your souls," my Democratic friends, for if

al banner, you have so gloriously defended, is torn into shreds, and the funeral dirge of the Union has been sung.

Here Is the issue—naked and simplebetween the Union Republican party and the Democratic party under its proposed re-organization with the rebel* of the South. This is the great question which is to be decided at the next Presidential election. Mix other thing* up with it as you may, that may not be evaded or escaped. It involves the probable, life or death of the nation.

Bearing in mind what has been said, ^e shall be the better able to understand the question of. reconstruction, and the consequences which are likely to fallow the success or defeat of the Congressional plan-4-to which the Union Republican party is pledged, and to which the Domocratic party is opposed. It is not the

upon the affaini of this life, the spirit of Union that is to be recongtructed-^that the old hero must have been sad at such a I has not been dissolved—but the govern sight—the great party which had been I menta of the rebellious States. Their or» the prideof his life, turning its back upon the cherished doctrines of his Proclama-tions-declaring that the right of a State to prevent the execution of a national law within its limits was

('ihe

m#in pillar of

it8 political creed," and that it was resolved to carry out the principles of the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions Jof 1798,

in their obvioue meaning and import Both the Whig and Democratic parties were solemnly pledged, in this great contest of 1852, to stand by the Compromise of 1850_, in reference to slavery, and to considor that as settling the controversy. Besides that pledge, given by their respective National Conventions, the whole life of General Soott, as a matTMid a soldier, proved his devotion to the Union, and bis utter abhorrence of any thing that would|endanger its peace or disturb iu harmony. But, of oourse, South Carolina voted for General Pierce, though from a New England State, because he stood upon a platform constructed by her influence, and which pledged him to the principle* of nullification embodied in tho Kentucky and Virginia Khsolutions. And Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, A'abam*, Missi&ippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, Florida, Missouri and Texas did tha same thing, because each of them had nullifiers enough to hold the balance of power, and, by combination with the Democratic party, to control the result. General Scott received the votes of but two slave States—Tennessee and Kentucky,—the former not haying yet forgotten the example and teachings of General Jackson, and the latter being still under tho influence of. Mr. Cla$f -'-facts how worthy of special notc^ because of their significance.

dinances of secession did not take these States out of the Union,—for they were unconstitutional and* void. In what position, then, were the people of the Southern Statee left, in the Union, by the rebellion I have already stated that the Union was formed by the Declaration of Independence, and that this preceded the formation of the Government I have also shown that the Government, as embodied in the Constitution, is the work of "the people of the United States," acting, as Mr. Madson said, "as a whole or, in the expressive words of General Jackson, that it is a "Government in which all ihe people are reprdfcented," and that it "operates directly on the people individually, not upon ihe Statee." This being conceded,—and no Jackson Democrat can deny it—the people of the United States bear a two-fold relation-to the Government holding intercourse with it, first, through their primary allegiance, as citizens of tbe United States and, second, through their State governments, as citizens of the States. Now, if their ordinances of secession were void, and could not releasivthom from this primary allegiance* their act of rebellion did not make them any less citizens of- tbe United States than they were before, and did not release them from their obligation to obey the Jaws of the United Statee. They could not, consequently, be taken out of the Union by the rebellion. Nor could they take their State governments out of the Union, as such—for the plain reason that any act they could pass to that effect would be void under the ^Constitution.— They could,- )y putting an end to their iatereonrse with tin National Govern* ment by means of their rebellion, dig-

practical StaVj^go

h-?

South,on *me Last age^^U^v«n now, after they have

IKS V^me course of action Ibeen thiiFS&umedf it is by niilli#^*tioh may be* the first [easy to obtain a copy of them rtAn l2eS" t£ second, and a farewell you do succeed in finding them thepos. step, sec^s

by no' means And if

I i80g8ion of ,a Democratic leader, and 6eek

oF prophecy, and to futen them ujon 'him as expressing

These ww wotu* %y v-lhi* oolitical faitb~ he is almost certain to r. lake pie faithsentinel who guards the approaches to the garrison, he sounded the alarm to^his

^ire

so believe, at the breaking out of the

sPPJ,^.®ro"

and no longer desired to be united it. The North had become to electa President whocou affairs of the Government without their assistance, and the, oply response they made was to fire on tho national tag as it floated above a national fort, and cause it to be lowered, in disgrace, before an armed band of infuriated traitors. thus assumed

ZS. alm^^Jo'ntror of ^Uhey brought on I name of Democracy But I readily and party and its policy

cheerfully poncede.that the masses of the Democratic party of (he Northern States, were misunderstood and misrepresented by these men. They trusted too much to their leaders and, were deceived and when they found themselves thus betray ed, thousands of tl»em rushed to tfce stand ard of their country, and. patriotically fol lowed the gftUmt leaders of our national armies to the final triumph. It remains now to be seen,.whether .those patriotic and loyal Democrats, will be deceived again,—whether they will aid in recon structing

between nfn

ag their State govonly act nedte-* "view of the UStt-

entirely

sary to destroy them, stitution, was to put an end to their Republican form, for no 1»dy will contend, that they can enjoy constitutional and peaceful gelation, with, .the TJnipiu jf,they, are riot reptibllcai £a for®. /J^iy/jdiiV destroy their republican form?, by putting un thw constitutional organiaatioag they possewea compter- JUCO&ap bflOQOSng them anew irr rebellious forms, and in op-

when the close of^re rebellion found

them under rebellious organization in |l$nd8, j^ey,* Union, without governments republican in form, as they should be under the Constitution of the United^ Suites. And

lift. Lincoln and Mr. Johnson weretbeth right in taking this vtoW of it. If this is not »Oj th«n thMebelli all, sncrwfi no enme unaer ree uowwitution. If you concede this^that its was no crime,—that no rights whatever were

friendly arbitrament of arms,—then Dem- says

ocratic theory must be right

the other band, it to bp considered as a cririalnlil'and traitorous attlmpt to destroy the Government, arid that 4he? safety and peace of the Nation requires that w« shall be secured against its repetition, then the theory of the Union Republican party U_

I do not wish to do wrong to the Democratic party and know, there are hundred and thousands of Its members who do not sympatize, in their hearts, with the present moylmeiit hi tMbJteadlrs «their party. But they know perfectly well that these leaders are the men who control and direct the movement?, and manage the. Convention^ and prepare the, platforms of their'party, 'and that if they do not yield implicit obedience to their demands they are abused and villified by being told they are turning Abolitionists, —or, in more choice party phrase, "joining the nigger party." Let ais„' sea jn, what poettioii %hese leaders Jp/oposV to place the country when reconstruction is accomplished according to the plan they call Democratic. .u '*•••,.

The States of the South say they forfeited no right by the rebellion,: fnd are eg* titled, riow that the war is over, to occupy precisely the same position.^, and control the same influence in the Union that they did before it begun. If we agree jtp this we must also agrees that the war Wtta 1b6t a crime,—that treason exists only i&the imagination,—and' that the thousands of precious lives lost, and the millions of money expended^ were all ,ti|*own away in a mere nbi^bbbrly effntest ro*s6e which was tbesti'pnges.t l—In, ptjher words, that all our blody battle-fields were nothing but rings for prize-fighting. But suppose we concede tb t&em thfe r%hi—wUallhfcn? I prefer to answer this in the words of high Democratic authority.

Tbe pamplet I Jjold in my "haricl purports to b£, and I #upppse iJ Khe*o'n1y Democratic 41 agazlneT publ ishea £& the' United States," and is issued in New Vork. It is called "The Old Guardjf j,nd (that it is considered orthodox is a fair presump* tion from the fact tha^. Us gdito&was en*, gaged, iffe other dajr, in stumping New Hampshire as a Democratic orator. In the number for last month. Jteb^uary, 1868,1 nnd an article on't^hat is called "the horrid force of reconstruction." Tt advises the Southern people-to treat1 all the ^reconstruction acts of Congress "as nullitiQs" and to ignore thorn altogether, saying "there is no possible -Temedy for the Southern people that does not assert the illegality of the whole scheipe pf Congress." And in defining "the principle and policy of Democracy," it uses the very emphatic language "If the Federal Government is permitted to override the cotfstitfttion 'and laws of thp States, under any pretence, then there is an end of these States. And the end of the States is the end of Democracy. Democracy lives and moves and has its being in the grand doctrine of Statehood. This is just what the party. i'n, power is aiming to strike down. If it sucoeeds it kills Democracy."

I will not stop to comment upon (hi/ or to show how utterly it is at variance with the true theory of the Constitution as laid down by the early fathers and maintained by Genefal Jackson in his proclamation. You will see that it puts the States over the National Government^ and thus destroys the whole.Bysfettr. Now with this theory established, now long do you suppose th@ Government would stand It would not survive one Presidential election under, Democratic reconstruction for if you let tne Seuthern States be restored tb itillr place in the Union, ^without putting it, out of then power to repeat thenr Swacl a|Kn the life' of the nation, and then put the Presiden cy in the hand? 01 a man who denies the power "to coerce a State," they have only to re-pass thei* w^ipanopa of and break up the Union. To prevent this from being done, this writer says, "kills Democracy." I agree with him.

After insisting that tbp./^olu propria torship of the nar wrfs ra'ifie Kepbblican party," he says: "What the Democratic party has to do is to simply wash its hands as clean and as soon as it possibl Q^n of tbe blood and cri&»! bf the And with the form of some one pf our gallftnt soldiers Who may b$ve *ft»t an arm or a leg in defending tbe.honor of the old flag, flitting before lis Vi&dto, lie claims "In proportion as a man wears the marks of the blood and debt of this ,war. in his face, will he be abhorred "and shun ned hereafter. He has a mark like that of Cain upon him. .He is a talking tomb* atone covered over with the epitaphs of millions of murdered brothers. He is a breathing hieorglyphie of a delit that never can be mentioned nut to be feireCrated Good God| where shall this tool of a despised despotism go to find the Wt rights of human respect and sympathy? Not to the bosom of the Democratic party, of all places, not there."

Again "In a war of the Federal Government upon its sovereign makers and masters, the States, the pure Democracy was peace. The very moment it took a hand in such a war it ceased to be Democracy. It went over to Plutocracy."

What do you Democratic soldiers think of this? Do you feel like aiding to reconstruct a party whosi leaders jtalk ii» this way? Kemomber, this is "the only Democratic Magazinespu^ti^e^ in .the United States"—and it abhors and shuns yotf, and fixes the mark- of Oain upon you, for the enormous crime of having murdered your brothers of tbe South, when they were only engaged in the innocent amusement of destroying the best Government in the world I

In a previous number, November 1867, thb-aamc "If Congress had but one head, would it not be lawful and fightebos fot those who are cruelly plundered and murdered by it, to cut it off?'

Again: "Every State has the same right to hang a Military Governor sent by Congress, that it would to hang one sent by England or France."

Agahr: -"It would iwa perfectly lawful and a perfectly iu^ thing .&r any of the States to hang every orie of tne Military Satraps sent by Congress to rule over tbem. Nay, every member of h*gtest who is a party to such an oppression, SgV ^justVtoid la^^Jhlttged, whenever caught within tbe jurisdiction of a State, so oppressed,, Thi*is la^—^nd it is eternal justice.?'

And he might have added,—that this is the repast th*t he people to upon the restoration of the Democratic party to power, aad that it would find abradant upolOgyIh.the that a majority of the party, when thus restored, would be composed of a class of

nfede

^tween nfagszin

1"''

But' if, on

In an article

the rebels

in the November number, 1867, wherein he is drawing a parallel between 'Lincoin and Davis," he says:

eternal accord between the devil and his

that the instincts of our race, so, too, the means of its accomplishment are the m^st accurt-

ktoo^ -SO!' i.- j"» n- :r

assured)' cause, ty/ Jefferson^-JOitwiA, is the noblest, most beneftcenL true arid gloriotts cause that mgi everJbattledJcfr on 1his earth, and tki #ere the graqd«rtt«aoat. €h(iitian and chivalrous ever witnessed in the world's history,"

There is much mor^r- q( the same sort, carryingiotrt tlteid®*1 (hflt the d^ence of the GftYeMmpnijlty Mr. Lipoplii, aadthe loyalty «8Mst«d- hihi was ft "motisrticWia ltinacy'," tindtUaf J^ff Divis wai ^the'ohiyiipiBA pd defender i^Jthr'

forfeited by it,-Htiiat ittwai 4 i#e*eirlai ®f (liberty and civilization of Amarie*.'*-Bot strepgjh.^et^reen

?the^ectioasi-j^a

sort of I can read^nly ohe ©thfcr

9ay8 "Th& cause upheld by J«fl^rfion Davii is thecause of Go^, libeHy^^ A4^Ci$ civilization, while that led by Abraham Lincoln, which blindly' and impiously strives to i©VBtseifcMnatti^l- order and amalgamate sacea^ is the most impwm, accursed andt )qonatrousj.hat ever inmlted heaven, or^Jx$W9*l earlfi sincc time bt& gan?'

I do not say.that all Democrats subscribe to the^e ^thoughtsby no means. This is what I say:—that-tm^ extracts do etpress fhe ^oatiment of alWgopo?-. tion of. the lading .Democratic'minds|: thab the .prttebt tendency of the party, under the control of these minds, is in that direction, anch'that if- the Southern ^States are permitted ^to return.to, t^eir practical relations with'\he dhidh with-

out some "ifestrrtctioh upon their right to rebel again,-these sentiments will become engrafted upon the platfprm of the Demor cratic party before the great body of its ^members are aware of itj jilst aa in the case of. the nullifjring principles of the Virginia atfd' Kentucky Resolutions of 1798. The Democratic masses must think and act for, themselves, and assert their own-.jadeperidjsnce, .or they will find such leaders as these trying to trace them off to the Southorn rebels just as they did in 1860-61rwhen they brought on the war.

These o^ftrions are already more extensively diffused than many of you suppose. I purchased, only yesterday,

The Democratic Almanab for 1869," and find in it' an article on "Our Federal System Overthrown,1' in which the tacory is asserted that Jhe "Lincoln parity," under, the influence of "a wild and terrible .delusion" has demolished the structure of p^r Gove|flmeftV ^hd torii up its vory^fouhdations. And somethingof this nature you wiHffind iff nearly aU the for 1 cannot remember' now a Single thing done* to put down tiie rebellion which those gentlemetf do 'not proneunce to be unconstitutional- The objeotls this: to reduce the whole country to a state of anarclfy—"disregard^jftn^d set aside sill ttat has been done to suppress the rebellion—and then let the riffiel StateS take their former position in (he Union, with sovereign power sufficient to reduce the negroes again "their rfbtndAl condition of slaves, or with: party power enough to compel the government of the United States to pay th'em 4 few Hundred mil lions of dollars dn the price -of them

Already tho Democrats .of ^entucky and Mafylancl have declared their purpose to hav® their^negrbes paid for,, and neither theDeni^ijft^Cpnyentipnof this or any other Northern &tate, that I now remember, has directly repudiated their claim. Now .I knoy that'the l)embcratio people about ^ere.QOis not approve these things, jrnd, therefore.'I ask them to beware of the eulf intb ?j^hi ah they are about to be led- I have no right to speak for them or their party, but .1. may venture tb say that to palm pffupon the country snch sentiments Mb I havS foiA as the sentiments of the great body.of the Demo sS-atig party ig a jibeljupon them. How longit wQl be 30, remains to b*seen

Buft 'this "Deniocratio Almanac"' basel its conclusion that the Government has beendestroyed pj M*. Idhcoln, upon Ihe very idea I have been combatting, ind which I have shown you wasexplpled.by General Jackson'a Proel%mation. The writSf insists that as the colonies were "frbff and independent political communities before the formation of the Union" tjhey are still so under the Constitution of Cher tfnited States itMkiDg fhia as nis. postulate, he jj.um]ps airectiy to- the satpe conclusion as the editor of "the Old &itard:' He exprW^s,itrthiig Way: "Tbe present condition of those Statee (the-Southern), is no more a government than the brute force of a mob is law. Under the military rule of Congress and its eg roes, those communities are no more States than a: raid of banditti is govern-, fnen t. All that Congress has done or doing, is null and void in law, and will be jjftept away the next hour after the Union is truly restored. Then, if the States so plettBG, they may lawfully treat to halters all caught within their jurisdiction, who have^been concerned in overtbrowing their Government.''

There are some Democrats now present, and I ask them, in all candor, whether they desire this state of things to be brought about and whether they propose to aid in conceding to these rebel 'Htates'the right to shoot, or hang with a halter all the loyal people bf the Nortb who may be found amongst them I do not tbink they do but I again admonish thtfm, to be careful, or they may find themselves driven to extremes of which .they never yet have dreamed.

Considering these opinion»,as showing t{ie points to whicii tbe Democratic party 13 tending, rather thah the opinions of the body of that paftyj it is easy to see the difference between the plan of reconstruction for which that party is really responsible and that which is insisted on by the Union Republioan party. Thia I have partially stated, in showing, the effect'of An, unconditional restoration of the rebel States upon their power to ultimately1 break up the Union, but there is anotber difference too important to be, omitted It is this:—The Republicans insist that as the rebels destroyed their State governments they must be. reconstructed so as to beTepublican in form, under such la^B id QprigftessT mjiy,: from time

point a ProT&ional Go'

(to

tfa« Senate^ a moUon ^'iSdeL, 1863 to sub«titutat&eh>i&>whs "Hitt when the in* State have been aurrection against

utylS, 1861, theyshall be, aimaro here* bynicuMi td beiln^apabl^ of "dutii any vote for electors of President^ai Vice President o^tiM^Untted Stated, of electing «eoatote it a^eebnUHV^i iir Congress, until eaid iBsurreetidtf^n 'aaB tates ia sappreesed or abandbnAd' a*a said inhabitant* h*V» riturned to thefr obedience id Um Govern'taient of the Utffe ted Statee, nor untiFsuch retam tb 0

ence sh^l ba declared by kMMaaafibii' •Mid

the'

zing the sftrwe."

propositions ftri# thtet the tebellion bad deprived tbe jpeoiile' of ltfe IWuttiertr States of all right to rtH^esehtiition in Congress' ***&, iftkt ihSl^ihifoSuW ndt be resumed unttt -Urt NMIm yf|ij pressed or"abandoned' :'fiifrtf,.that th: could occirWMtt the p^Mhad rwujnect to their oMdtenee to "lb# «oy^rnmeitit. fourth, thilthfe' fhet, #heneve»' ilvdld^i cur, must be made known by "Presftlentlal proclamation, and fifth, that fhis' coc only be done by MthofKy of ari act Congress, thereaftsfr to be-p these propositions terminate |iir which lies at the bottom of Mid cohtroli all theotheta UM VM Cbttjfrm entire powerorer tb* whClequestipn.

This understanding will ter to ktopneiate th» «dtanii^er of tib^fotjb by which it wi^ idbpUd io tbe Senate. This stood, in Committiw of. the "Whole, yeas, 17,'hays 16, 'aifiin the Senate yeas 20, nays 13. Upon both these occasion!

every Derifocratrc toUt'east in thtf Senate warfift iUHdvor,

men: Carlile tucky) ®sn9rfcs* af of California, bf Kefn ardson of Illinois, Riddle 61 and Saulsbaiy of Driiwari To roper clsssifteati^li «f tiiitTYot^ appHca-. le to tbe present time, wasfibuhi these,' Messrs.

C!mW(

Doolittte ef

timtf,

pass that jer ttiat'ihe Legislative power, which is nearest the people, must, under tho Constitution, be invoked in order to settie4his question 3 whei«a% the~ Democrats with structed by tho termination of the war,— that the .war, worked IM impairment whateverof the rights of tfe^^bel Statee— and that everything necesaary to be done in, the matter is lodged in the hands of the President, not Congress. Thia issue is very simple. The Republican party claims that the power Is in the hands of the people of tho loyal States: to be exercised through Congress —the Democratic party that it is.in the hands of one man—the President. 'Phero is no room for misunderstandings Jtbi But have tfcey always thought so I think you will find that when it was proposed to put the

sav that Congrats has nothing to do it,—th« ilre^Sion^f klreaay recon-

Wer in the hands of the President, theee emocratic sticklerr-for the Constitution said it was in (Jbngr#3S"l That may surprise you, but, nevertheless, it is true.

On December 8,1363, Mr. Lincoln issued his "Proclamation of Amnesty,"— acting under those claims of the Constitution wti6* gave him tbe power to pardon, and w^iich required the United Stales Co guarantee to each State in the Union axepsbiiean formof government. He proposed that when one-tenth of. the white voters in each of the rebel Slalwa, who had voted at the Presidential election

of Pennsylvan

7-Wiscniam,

ind' ^pnnwu.

Maryland, ^ho lilsO Voted tn wn atfrifi tive, and who aoW act,' with, the tem cratic party, ahdin ^po^pn to the^ivi eressional plan of reoonftructibn.1" T^pon

this substitute, there were bat three votei against it*-Dslvi^ Powell and Sahlp^ulfs —all

Dettfoaiatt61

iWi'HSuiifreijected thu

amendment ant it was finally abfcndofii by the Senate but upon the' qiii receding, every Democrat in the who voted at all voted in the negative.

Thus you will perceive that while Mrt', Lincoln Was proceeding, unddr his supposed powers as Commander-in-Chief,'du-ring the wtfi'W. feeocstrtct rebel State gov^rnntiiRs, be Was amsteif this Cobgteifeional legislation, In

struction until Omaria aothorized itiidf' recoffnieed it Tlw Snibrefne Coirtt bf tSI UnitodStateshsid'' Island Case, that' the Odhstfra^fonal o(ll bation to gnanmtueeatfhState aBeputig can form of goyernnitet, rMed win. Congress,andQl AWimmfc'm*'tors acted ttpto'lWid«^Mi«rI^coln althoitth KM suWosed thit his mfli. tary jpo^er wwi^ wfbad •jwogi Uf

proved'beforeltli# gressj ha tainftJ®' upontB#Jlidi fcoi

if of

acWtf

tt.u «s jw^Uuly 8, 5^4,

wherein hi niftotolidcfd, according Congre^onal^glan, that^he^worx

States «s6 «6ott s^ tlM to theUniiedDtaWftiliir pressed Bt|la.niB(f itary Govertiora %duld ba (han appointed We aee^ then, Uitt tt ihil time, Democratic Sensltbr fclly eotm__.^_ to the doetHne tltti iKm^MuId decide when the Aitheiri Btate* Constitutionally returned tb thefr practi^w al relations with

Union. You taint

bear this in mind whan reading or ^liitlA-

ing to the arguments of Democratic politicians noif^ I. fiot S] jfc^ith CJF,

bivmua -do reference to' the inconsistency of that is a timall aflUr _^. .. the Views of the party on the question «f the Constitutidnal pewera Of Congress have changed.' To a comno^ senses and.

tate to its 1 Gonnmnil form of (Mate State to the refor." Blmlli

State" and aa restored to its practical relations with tha Union. This Proclanuu tion was sent to 'thamii irMrlitiriliWir -riorM* r»tr»rwerb atde, ertrtfbs«rT«d .. aftar the anPMHilav nf tka fin dii nil ki

annual message wnm while the war was yet of Beprereferred to a special comnittae, by whom ft bQl waa

z&ssysz- B&ale and'Whehelrer ia majority thooathofftUi delegates to ft Ubnvehtion to, liiqcmsVriaci their State gdve^dkania l|k',» '5' form. Upon this wing dent was, wiUi ^^n iasae'his ernmeatweetat mightsendSen to Congress. This bill passed

with like initractions, were mado tween that time aad Jaly 13, 1865, in lluuisaippi, ftao»gia, Teiae, Alabama, South Oaretion, nnd

after the earrender of the Confederate armira by Lee and Johnson. In May.l 865, Governor Glarl of Miaaiaaippi had got into hi* head the Demw cratio idea that, aa the rebellion bad ended, dtl tha rebel Statee were restored to their former re-

conree, ha had the richt to do if the Democrattheory ia M^iCCaW:'»QM(l€CW«t not icogniae this theory then. On the contrary, he inseda military order" tor be sent to the com-

•ufleer of tbe Oonftidi' njK'.gflchte goTernment,"

th« adveraarr,

j&MmwUl fallow^ Etlkri

Bpalkrf Mteitfidweat tkitlMttag 4U«l

for oorigrtfi, be tifidrrtook to pimiili Hn 1 terms awl aoaditioaa fepda wkltk

eqnirt(MfdljWyesi^ariag t*a*4U imarawMMr.

rraTiMal.dowkwefnotHii that the adoptio* 5f

tWitfioBatamendment

fPeKWof: a&hork1

ni oi tfanq* na Joof

aa&lyae tbii tteff WiBft

what it

jbn«UMfi.A

Are dii

*boii*hia* aU-

*er/Wis*MMl«peneal)le." Now. why all this, if ihk State* were restored to tfilmftliiner relation!, ... ....... -muiaT.dnnMMi-«»

JaM thai aoi«M9^BMMK)%^i(rto'M%ct the hnorisi the U|Mte*ottti*ri*firtatarcS? Btat -th^trtaii

tbmr ni«MUe membeaar

thf Senafb. If any additional evidence of thi* is

rofMn«|i tbaeT'if nrtiSr noweyer,, be 4iF4s»U»»il4e»et#e4 that th* re«t«CatiSn ro wifch yotir^roetania'tion referi wiRle «i$*eStf Up to that timer Mt. 8eir#njaoo«ld MaieaiyJiaT* said any thine 'aide, ror on February 7, 1865, before the deatb 0f: ft. Lincoln, he wrote to Mr. Adams, onr minfstfer the interview at tia, between Mr. Ltncoln aad

par^]. *qJsk is WAmf (k* £x to. wmn llDertSlty. Hii flower, how aMwhan poace •hall be made Ceugrtu mast-, hetif**Miiy :act in regard to appropriations mQoey^and to Ik* a4 'mitriou of rtfrtmmUiivtti md i*nmctumarf

Stat**." 1 to MlilMt ttOOiV the chsnte iwXr.- dohnsoa'sTtewi, or th* mteaer in wldch it was. broosht abeut, ot ttpoa theharmaay Aetweffn 'Jkt* prewntoploions aul these of the vemo#atfc My present pnrpoee Is to *hoW:4feat0aiigrwmt lh saereiaiac l«Ci(lattr*pawek- tver the queatfcjjg af sMyMtroetion, ia fail/

thia

a stifled by. the ConnitaHbn. iLadll have, done bf AWMt^lfcat Its Oonstttnifcnal jkW«r M* ^been.gMotpiaaOart «w*iil6^-(l) BfJln dactslon th^gpreata Cyyt of J&e Unif^ jUtteaj (2} by i« rfmatoaTfrllr. Xincotn: (3) by the votea of all :8 ifetdtiyjw* Wfatitrw' of f|»4ieitale of the nltMIlw:hr-lMfc(t), 'by the epinfam »f Mr.

Mr. wwarqTaiw, (8J bftfce *otee ca«t for .icoUMM, ^iftta^ofifreiittrall tl«a progress. Thas fortified Omgws wiUscatQBly

power now, ailar «is «u|ed. The.. of the PresidettVwould rather bl dim.^ ished than increased by (be cesiatlofi 01' hostilities. riis snr

Mr. Linotdtt had no' prBe of opinion on the subject or resonstruotiou. He was so anxious to have fr: Mcomplidied iKat he #as willing to«dopt almostantplali, and, therefore* whatever be dld MtWe4n the time of this Congressional srtttoih"' afld his assassination, Ihave no recollection of his doing or swing anything in ,ppMs^ tion to thia Congressional plan.,. .Tha, plan, so far as It could be, was in prqgxefi during the Pres»dentiai cainp»ign and haying the endorsement of all ihe Democratic Senators, in so far as it assarted the constitution*! power of Cqu it was not toade a direct ,Mat bam^t the supporters of

Mt.

Lincoln and tffoal)

oi General McClellan. It was consld^ ed a settled question, and rematnod so aW til the issue between Mr. Johnium iuld Congress. Bavins since tbem other andmore puiisi^ Wjpe^ same Democratic Senators, and tkefr pi ty generally, have got oyer .oa thi other side, and now iniiat that Ul the power over the question of reconstruction is in the hands df tha PNeidaoit asd tot Con* greasl ssfaO

Mr. Johasoa beg^a. hiaKzecatWa caf**r.«j^a the plaa of Mr. Liacola, mognltiBC two importsot things

Jlrtf,

that the gotersmeat of the rebel

rebel State* ware d**t*og»d -M4, **e«M,. tbar

Coagreaa aloM I whea thaf ware reconstructed and mad* npobUeau in form, the 4th section of tha 4th article of fhe Ckmst tion. He became ectiag 1806, and Oeneral Sharsun. an

1865

stipulated with Oeaaral .'onaaoir, apOti tb* surrender of tha latter, that tha betstin thould recognise "theaeMral StatagOTwraaMBt*"/* tha Sontlx, on, their officer* a»d tegi*)atorea taklu the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United State*. Mr. JobuMOn and hia AntlraCaht'. not immediately and promptly repudiated tha lb. Stanton of ling

United State*. Mr. JobuMon *tnt hia AntlraCaht'. not immediately and promptly repudi whole thing, la the dispatch of Mr. Si April 22,1865, he says that

Cilblhet

o'clock in th* ereniag Mr ral {Shaman jwaa' by .. fba.Jtaara

waa held' at 8 o'clock in th* ereniag Mr which th* •ia*'3alsapprored tha grsaMaat. tW Ssarrtarylaf jliri

action of Oenerar

OaWMt .,Oa

Grant, andbysraqr-i May 29, 1865,—buflittJe orer a month attar—Mr Johnson appointed a ProTUiooal Oownot for! North Garailna.. fn this iWalalat JM the goaraatea.c' declar«d that th* rabaQloa

pfc^»a»th«iwBiar«aM«WI._r.

Ha than dtoenSsa thsi Cswiiilsm h» held, to be elected only by loyal Toty^ffy fra par^-oaa of altering or issiibt the CtmtmU tion" «f theitata, so th«t thsr^jthe pwpi*

SlT »la^s»flw setieUla tbo^ama po

sition.* of autttwuy they tafeM-Uit-re-belllOtt, if rtqn^ iuj.»rp^?^tM*fee |h»t nafion may encoiiiMwpfrwVlalit Hlny Qicm'pM w«M hastmaafia that *adv ba**inow imop Srantt^ ^|K PTuWenny IMfiaSibi^-Uii'ifat "le may look to with.aU, reaaoaable epnfldena% h*re are speital iahf peculiar rsMoat why h* shotiM be elected. nte SSfthSrit «5.trfwi« uaatrkt«B4.

i, they are to deal with a man who combine*/ o#Ma|r*Me a. #C«»e^ 4lsaretiea/- praSetica, mon *ense, and. coorage, that aay -further procrastination opoa their part Will p^ore mor«:

staJartaMfkeMart*«s~«IUKi

?whicl

it was .distinctly asserted,-—both by t^a original bill nd 9hfi(- atteftdttcttt of thv Senate,—rtat'tMNI*

rre^th^

onij fathers has Aa

Ssould be no reeofl-

xhtwl •y .ii lui ba

Cireat lagUsli Beaedy.

BiixiaiscUUasKiiUKcaM

laValnabia a»«41")aa la. aaftUlaa ia

can bran tho rpaiai «otoid»tie moderate* all

"AM

MfihMiatitlihkl Mjiet It eaeeeees eal remfrie ettwbetreafc

anythiDg hnrtW-tbtiaa of «ar»ow Pa!J*taMMnr4htH«art7 it will efbet a enr* whea ^jr^d^n.J,. th,

IrKiift VOnClP

GOODS.

iSALL & CO.

HTfc":rr7r/a

a**-.*? h-.'

S it

NEV--PEIMTS

I ,1 J«OV o. |*«73 ^tjV

afterward appointed to snpetaaSl, Uwii nkV ha,„h^.r^

cbi

'e.

-t

Lobnea«M^wl%|baaett«»

I t*i'

y, ttd iet am acmmpl* U« tUf

rThti4

•OLD xun

ttewr^.1 tom-tssz-docmj um

iihs t3miiM.fr ..

t0 6tUer# -tiWt a« onotithl* ereotby

nofhWne«i,aaS we r»cei»ed Mom lO-taarred .for oar

B« OS(a I -ft

-j ^AUU»'S CUJUflKK is the most t&«v#ii4M-iaSFri4rm}4l> Kongo" tidy

^4»lifidi .wiA-r-aj' damp

and nafcaqoBatn# «aehiBg ^tai- entirely AipOfetMe dUlibatef'rdleat^ hh| impirMI

thateiy6i,blbomsd,.oonU not havn bewa ftelmiar parwthaabtM' a«Mt «ftlMs 1M-

f.a? ist'CiAj

f-as

a**--3*

in^iihg iwui-.

[Otte? waic of thef#rove,ao

PhaWa ¥Wufat exeM* -all SorkAete^-'

TI^*ii#^^offivVs

'ir U-ukH -'d

-ShajLaantffall,? ,rlt*3n*3 tzJ rfuA Thisgteat 3lom*cirt^' fie«I^ st a a a

what •Wfeftp they'caa^eiy oit! for Dyspepsia, bum, HMfcfeh^ DifcCinee* ^i^ue^ LW«r| Complaints, Paitfc'iifUllfSMtfatft Ba% has no equal not least atadog its virtues isita eattreiltf fUadoAMl the taste and immediate beneficial eflGbtr Try it, soiftring Dyipeptic*, inid' be oared^ Such are the assertions.^ thote sHaated to kaio#. From the vast amou«t, bf this artidl#9«dd, it must have great merit.

IliOfJ

^wi«kaiMM4mta:ttipp*»-

tie oi thefsmMs, eowtaliAhU 9111/110% by ratarh rtaii. ao*r»tr«kM:f«mall ahsm*tteB.

LIPS—KS41*TH«««rBraiOTHn j^wa-'siaoel .fowmti

Thei ttrMfc^lreiel Bcneiy

and highly recoiaai«na«d by aytltyaf Tiaan, f.5.

Are a_moat esergiw «aS aflcieat Bwifj

IjEKKMwar

aharge«t«^AC.,aad aU tha «haatif

ofthe

vll .'".IU. .Mao J'r

have

-wolloi

«^TrSi1n»T

rfwu^'

torn* ariaiagfrom Ovaqupe trTirmln. A Pamphlet, cofltalujag faUpartic^Cacs, with Blrecttons and Adrice,4 prttrted tn Fr*n&i, Qnt. maa. Spanish aad KaglUh, *oc«mpaeiMl*a«»'bok

saaSSf^

Sold by all the principal of Vitl b*

slaq 77 a-'.'il

tprl«ln| tha Beat Mateeaf Oallcae*. J«C: -1 j,

ii« sdT ia*i

MUSLINS

IMOLUDIHO

miiT

/II

XOBM* Vn \'f. it ^i08 J2i

boa OKyJ ai bftmflRHJw -•».wad8 lijttttnd «aw "Sit^^kwmiiiaiD eaJ ai^gwe*! itsm UQp*

.(JGJaUiiiteiJW Ultlii

1 I"'. 4»a! iu-j

Han ter, on the

CSrafeSWMji anfl said': MS '«e uthiP'tiarty tBat, he wonM

•^-dT

sMJJiiirGCs

•dT vflJl oi Ufa wiaab 1lig'm

OLOTHSJi

ll'f Bhr s»tw •_ l~ I Mt «Kl#le ti

DAMABK

oi*

«u moil A) xrk.{, oi

el r.

iiwah

ft®

,• a in •qot.U

u,ucBitcinriU3t£ni,»

41 ,fl^ i-lagrgti ia) p»t uvtmti go- exi 's yd 14

hetilammwi**'!} ".i va IaoftfJooq

8-4»*DICEjFATTERH!

ridaaoaa*t 1 ol mitt

•1 I* crista

For 3.65 wprtib

3 *0%

ii wb *ao 3 n«n«aq-l «wo

aac

rtbil

-la It

Dma*&

dsfernfi V1 esit

(A l#Sfl

if"'

1 oifli j?sn

ot 7"uurt4»1 aoinawaS

:-V ^atnbba iiK ?si

•wi idroto 1 »(mmb

-M ISwao^ fy II1 t8* ffiiw *wai a g#weda«dw & 3

Moo «di

liar ^aiL sw eva'ti »tb»viboJ »d) limn} .naif

1 W* I1 ci «»iw ijj uox teq motl lanicono b^^ivaco

3 OWJ moqv

'SB AW LSIH3

~bm

fesBii

ubm j* 'is lo

-ltd fw ^9ltt if di Imimis »r«d Ldw at ifoimm JJ'rffff dj

CLOAKmQS,

taodhT A— 9 4ai*!€ ,xxoY vr rrj*

tdid

AC (ooillaidaqt

At fljfulfiflflljf *41 Ji i.v.. --'vim

a iMMMnf

adi flava ,«aj®o 'M

ntv aiff ?»JT .mad raie •sJlr.sj-si-. toloavif vd sboonafl l*-9aat)1o aoit'ta^m% utoea

Jfai S '1

•''.9b Wif Ji •. nei h.i Jliaiiaa aw iacT •m

'.V'oorat

AND OOTTOVADES,

1 wiww a«V»U. I'ai. -IJk

j.nnt edi si oa®s

'ij ViC'TKIVW) STATS DTTJlXOOU*'.!

COftHKLHfc 6

i—'i? a Swou ij£fs.7^5JS'3SiT oi -dwat ha* aoaacE .tl/ ttaeaqs -4N«at )o «0mt. v' :io aa4 sa a-: tocMo

.JiooO

emeiqi/B a«iatB btVtaJJ

a.'fciAoM oil at

toW&mlEg?'..

-ja «b*«M

tTT*3«e taw -»&TO jai

be1a:^h,.-$i ijazi-o t£ laiio

»dJ aiml 'itiii W mtomtn ,dt(

(MttllKLUIBa -aJsOf- si L'im br.e wdor l^aa oit-SM K/w .Ew( as #rrn .:} nutviitiid ••.0 «»tJsio mSv ttv&i iwt am r. #-j 1o -saino Mm li "a bam

TiHdtT AW -ilTASOllOia OT eTTA0XJ*a

•I foU tt .is •ftp tmt

t....

I W

mwiiiMiitnt Corner 3d az^THil^ Sts.,

-1 mttr*T90 ft* sarfe-'^git [if fi\

PLUMmfrO

*.» B- BVCKSLL being a UUIr inJMBS*, ana at tknjUWai

hag* to «tai* all oramjy the

AJ!

attended to. D—WKW-lyesur

ae«ae r*utm *a prudtt

ic.,fitted npoa tha moat spnaaesa prta*l»l«a. kepalriag promptly attended to. **pS