Daily Tribune, Volume 17, Number 2, Terre Haute, Vigo County, 2 December 1902 — Page 9

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To the Senate and House of Representatives we still continue in a period of unbounded prosperity. This prosperity is oojf the creature of law, but undoubtedly thglaws under which we work have been Instrumental in creating the conditions tvii|eh made it possible, and by unwise legIslgftionJLtwould be easy enough to destroy ^undoubtedly be periods of Be&e^itosipS^i wave will recede, but th*: tid| ••wgjll advance. This nation is seated on a "continent flanked by two great ecMins.' It is composed of men the deBc«idants of pioneers or, in a sense, pio-nep-s themselves—of men winnowed out frdtn among the nations of the old world fay the energy, boldness and love of adventure found in their own eager hearts. Eufcli a nation so placed will surely wrest kuccess from fortune.

As a people we have played a large part In the world, and we are bunt upon making our future even larger than the past. In particular the events of the last four l'ea,rs have definitely decided that for woebr s£or weal our place must be great among Ihei nations. We may either fail greatly oriHiudceea greatly, but we cannot avoid the? endeavor from which either great failure or gieat success must come. Jiiven If %e would we cannot play a small part. If'iwe should try, all that would follow kvould-^e-^ha^ vye should play a large part igrfobly a^dfcSh'amefuliy.

Noui&pispple. the sons of the men of tli# civil'1 war the sons of the men who luitt iron in their blood, rejoice in the pr&senl and face the future high of heart iinTi resoiute "4)f will. Ours is not the cr&at'Wfithe weakling and the coward ours is" tlie gospel of hope and of triumphant endeavor. VVe do not shrink fropi the struggle before vis. ^h®re

a^e

urobler.is for us to face at the outBetfco'ffltfi twentieth century-grave problems aJagtfail §P.nd still graver at home—but kriSw^-thSt^ we can solve them, and

eotve 't-herh well, provided only that we brittg to 1 he solution the qualities ot head and heart which were shown by the men who in the days of Washington founded this government and in the days of Iincoin preserved it.

N--- .• _i.•."j has ever occupied a,higher blane of material well being than ours at the present moment. This well being is flue to no sudden or accidental pauses, but

to the play of the economic forces in this country for over a century to our laws,

lewi in Chis phenomenal industrial develDpthem, and most of these fortunes have beein won not by doing evil, but as an incident to action which has benefited the community as a whole. Never before has material well being been so widely diffused among our people. Great fortunes nave been. accumulated, and yet in the aegregautfe those fortunes are small inflea(l y&Sa 'coriipired to the wealth of the

penile#§£&.,Whole. The plain people are better oil" than they have ever been befog®- The insurance coxniiani.es. whicn Rrffi practically mutual .benefit societies— esjS.cciaHv hefuful to men of moderate mc&iis—rf-pres-int accumulations ot' capita tpljv'hicii are among the largest in this coVSn-try. There are mote deposits in the savtir.js bai-'.-.a. more owners of farms, m' Qiai wv.i pa a wageworkers in this counI try. now than ever before in our history.

Of course when the conditions have fall vor-fd the grovih 'of so much that was good they have also favored somewhat If--.' ihe growth of what was evil. It is ennhoritly necessary that we ahoulrt endeavor tofcut out this evil, but lot.-us kepj? ,a due |, seifbe of propcrtic-n let us not wi fixing I our- fraze upon the lesser evil! forget the grgfiter good. The evils are real, and f\ ooir.t of tli'im are menacing, but they are h®-outgrowth not of misery or decadence. H?j$ ut o*.prosperity, of the pMgrcsg of our nfS% igs»n:ic*fiiiustrial development. This lnuStrial development must not be checked, out side bv siifle with it should go such JWI h'. SferfSf've* regulation as will diminish JSJ the evils. We should fail in our duty if i-vfif^dicl not try to remedy the evils, but we ih||l succeed only if we proceed paiientivjSwith practical common sense as well asij-esoiution, separating the good from th« bad-and holding on to the former wlBle endeavoring to get rid of the latter.

Iji rtfi message'to the present cotter ess at^ts*'ifr'sT sensldii I discussed at length ttioft (jttfwHoir of the regulation of those itions commonly doing an insome tendejipopularly kndwn.as trusta. The experience 'of the pact vear has emphasized, in my opinion, Jf Vv desirability of the steps I then pro1:' |io®tid. A -fundamental requisite of social §5:enc\^s a .high standard of individual I el-gy 4ni excellence, hut this is in no-& If ir.effllsistent with power to act in

ivf. big® ecrugruuons commoniy uuu i'fi often with som cyllto 'ifionopo'ly, which are

Thp r^xDorien

I onibiriation for aims which cannot so v. ell be achieved by the individual acting nlode. A fundamental base of civilization is th'i inviolability of property but this is

In 9«riss inconsistent with the right of to rep-ulaie the exercise of the f' iirii.'-Cif*, powers tvlv.eh it confers upon the I jiferg^ffiESpper nd 1 pora'te ifanc'iiises in such a way as to

preVe.ttt'the

misuse of these powers. Cor-

por?tipns, and especially combinations of coworations,. should be managed under

,Mx

pub'U« T'jfiTdiation. Experience has shown that under our system of government the necessary supervision cannot be obtained by Itato action. It must, therefore be achifcved by national action. Our aim is not io do away with corporations. On the contrary, these big aggregations are an inevitable development of*modern industrialisrct, atad the effort ti$ destroy them #,s wouid be futile unless afccomplished .in $ wavs that would work the utmost mischiel to the entire bpdy politic. We can do nbthini of good in the way of regulating land Supervising these corporations tontil wo fix clearly in our minds that we are 'hot attacking the corporations, but endeavoring to do away with any evil in them. We "b,re not hostile to them. We &re merelv determined that they shall be 'BO handled as to subserve the public good-

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We alraw the line against misconduct, hot against wealth. The capitalist who, alone •i|ar in conjunction with his fellows, perIsiformfe some great industrial feat by which *he 'vnns moppy is a •»'-Udoer, not a wrong: J^doer. provided only lie works in proper --iiahd legitimate lines. We wish to favor if SUcli a man when he does well. Wo wish ^|tq supervise and control his actions only

Hto prevent*him from doing ill. Publicity jf can do no harm to the honest corporation, Jand :we need not be overtender about

Sparing the dishonest corporation. 4i fjn curbing and regulating, the tefmbitoaiUons of capital which are or xnayjMqom^., ^injurious to the public' we rtiustj ^e care|CJful not to stop the great'eij^er^ri^ WHlch Jhaveilegitimately reduced the bqst'.-of PFOR

Auction, not to abandon tne place which pur country has won in the leadership of sthe international industrial world, not to ptrike down wealth with the result of closing factories and mines, of turning the S?Lgeworlcer idle in the streets ajid leavi!ll the farmer without a market for whatli'ie grows! Insistence tipon the impossl 3 means delay In achieving the Pos-sible-exactly as, on the. other hand, the /'Btubb'wrn defense alike of w?!a good

iand what is bad in the existing system, jthe resolute effort to obstruct any attempt at betterment, betrays bljndnpss to "the historic truth that wise evolutibti is -l ithe sure safeguard against revolution.

No more important subject can. come before the1 congress thaw this. Of^tlie regulatiori of Interstate business. This country cannot afford to sit supine on .thf ple^v that under our peculiar system of governjnent IWe are helpless in the presence, ot the new conditions and unable to grapple with them or to cut out whatever of evil has arisen in connection with them. The power of the congress to 'Tegqlftte intestate commerce is an absolute and'unttualifted- grant and without, limitatioiiis other, than those prescribed Tsy the constitution. The congress has constitutional •authority' to make all laws'necessary ana proper for executing this poorer. attd-I am satisfied that this power.Was.ji.ot been exhausted by any legislation now, oil, the statute books. It is evident, therefore, that evils restrictive of commercial freedom and entailing restraint upon national commerce fall within the regulative po^er of the congress and that a wise ana reasonable law would be a necessary afla proper etcercise of congressional authority to tha end that such evils should be eradicatffj,"-.. ..

I believe that monopolies, unjust dis?riniiaiiuoiis^ -which prevent ..or cicipple. "ompefltion. fraudulent overcapitalization

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Tnorce with foreign, nations ana among the several states" through regulations and requirements operating directly upon such commerce, the instrumentalities thereof and those engaged therein.

I earnestly recommend this subject to the considgragiDn Of the congress with av-yiew %o th^pdsljfcag&J&f a law reasonable fe it»|i i#tpvisions'iana?%f£e%tivfi^iii' its operat^aps^f upon which the questions can be finally adjudicated that now raise doubts as to the necessity of constitutional amendment. If it prove impossible to accomplish the purposes above set forth by such a law, then assuredly we should not shrink from amending the constitution so as to secure beyond peradventure the power sought.

The congress hat. not heretofore made any appropriation for the better enforcement"'. oi,i th# antitrust law.... a.§- it now•Standi. %t| i|8i'6h has been do.ne by the" department of justice in securing the enforcement of this law, but* much more could be done if congress would make a special appropriation for this purpose, to be expended under the direction of the attprney general.

One proposition advocated has beep thereduction of the tariff as a means of reaching the evils of the trusts which fall within the category I have described. Not merely would this be wholly ineffective, but the diversion of our efforts in such a direction would mean the abandonment of. all intelligent attempt to do away with these evils. Many of. the largest" corporations, many of those which should certainly be included in any proper scheme of regulation, would not be affected in the slightest degree by a change in the tariff save as such change interfered with the general prosperity of the country. The only relation of the tariff to big corporations as a whole is that the tariff mokes manufactures profitable, and the tariff remedy proposed would be in effect simply to make manufactures unprofitable. To remove the tariff as a punitive measure directed against trusts would inevitably result in ruin to the weaker competitors who are struggling against them. Our aim should be not by unwise tariff changes to give foreign products the advantage over domestic products, but by proper regulation to give domestic competition a fair chance, and this end cannot be reached by any tariff changes which would affect unfavorably all domestic competitors, good and bad alike. The question of regulation of the trusts stands apart from the question of tariff revision.

Stability of economic policy must always be the prime economic need of this countrv. This stability should not be fossilizati'on. The country has acquiesced in the wisdom of the protective tariff principle. It is exceedingly undesirable that «».is svstem should be destroyed or that there should be violent and radical changes therein. Our past experience shows that great prosperity in this country has always come under a protective tariff and that the country cannot prosper under fitful tariff changes at short intervals. Moreover, if the tariff laws as a whole work well and if business has prospered under them and is prospering, it is better to endure for a time slight inconveniences and inequalities in some schedules than to upset business by too quick and too radical changes. It is most earnestly to be wished that we could treat the tariff from the standpoint solely of our business needs. It is, perhaps, too much to hope that partisanship may be entirely excluded from consideration of the subject, but at least it can be made secondary to the business interests of the countrv—that is. to the interests of our people "as a whole. Unquestionably these business interests will best be served if together with fixity of principle as regards the tariff we combine a system whicfh will permit us from time to time to make the necessary reapplication of the principle to the shifting national needs. We must take scrupulous care that the reapplication shall be made in such a way that it will not amount to a dislocation of our system, the mere threat of which, not to speak of the performance, would produce paralysis in the business energies of the community. The first consideration in making these changes would, of course, be to preserve the principle which underlies our whole tariff j3ystem—that is, the principle of putting American "business'interests at least on a full equality will-, interfefts abroad and of always allowing a sufficient rate of duty to more than cover the difference between the labor cost here and abroad. The well being of the wageworker, like the well being of the tiller of the soil, should be treated as an essential in shaping our Whole economic policy.' There must never be any change which will jeopardize the standard of comfort, the standard of wages, of the American wageworker.

One way in which the readjustment sought cah-be reached is by reciprocity treaties, it is greatly to be desired that such treaties may be adopted. They can be used to widen our markets and to give a greater field for the activities of our producers on the one hand, and on the other hand to secure in practical shape the lowering of duties when they are no longer needed for protection among our own people or when tlip minimum of damage done may be disregarded for the sake Of the -maximum of good accomplished. If it prtwe thiposs^blo-" to ratify the pending treaties and if there seem to be no warrant for the endeavor to execute others or to amend the pending treaties so that they can be ratified, then the same end—"to gecur^ reciprocity—should be JxVfit -bv"direct legislation.

Wherever the tariff conditions are such that a needed change cannot with adyan-

'reciprocity idea, then it can be made outright by a lowering of duties on a given product. If possible, such change should be inade only after the fullest consideration by practical experts, who should approach the subject from a business standpoint. having in view both the particular interests affected and the commercial well being of the people as a whole. The machinery for providing such careful investigation can readily b? supplied. The executive department has already at its disposal methods of c'ollecting facts and figures, and if the congress desires additional consideration to' that which will be given the subject by its own committees, then a commission of business experts can be appointed whose duty it should be to recommend action by the congress after a deliberate and scientific examination of the various schedules as they are affected bv the changed and changing conditions.

The unhurried and unbiased report of this commission would show what changes should be made in the various schedules and how far these chatiges could go without also changing the great prosperity which this country is now enjoying or upsetting its fixed economic policy.

The cases in 'Which the tariff can produce a monopoly are so few as to constitute an inconsiderable factor in the question but, of course, if in any case' it be found that a given rate of duty does promote a monopoly which works ill, no protectionist would object to such reduction of the duty a3 would equalize competition.

In my judgment, the tariff on anthracite coal ,should beremoved and anthracite put. actually, #here it iwy is nominally on-th#free listi.-This'trotild have no effect a.t £il :say in crises but in crises it might Kbe -bf &prvice to the' people. rfttefst .r&tes are a potent factor in biisixrSSs, activity, and in order that these rates' may" be equalized to meet the varying needs of the seasons and of widely separated communities, and to prevent the recurrence of financial stringencies which injuriously affect legitimate business, it is necessary that there should be an element of elasticity in our monetary system. Banks are the natural servants of commerce, and upon them should be placed, as far as practicable, the burden of furnishing and maintaining a circulation adequate to supply the needs of our diversified industries and of our domestic and foreign commerce, and the issue of this should be so regulated that a sufficient supply should be always available the business interests of the country. it would be both unwise and unnecess&r,y. at this ^time to attempt to repon•'struct our financial system, which has been the growth of a century, but some additional legislation is, I think, desirable-

The mere outline of any plaii sufficiently comprehensive to meet these requirements would transgress the ,appropriate lirnits of- this cqmrnunicatigp. .t It is however, that all future legislation on the subject should be with'-'the view of encouraging the use of such instrumentalities as will automatically "sPPPly every lesitirhate "demand' "bf productive Indus-tries-and of^cbmiherce, not only in the amohntv but in the ch'&ractgr of circulation, and of making all kiiislg of money. Interchangeable and, at the will of the holder, convertible into the established gold standard. again call your attention, to' the need of passing a proper immigration law, covering- the points outlined in my message to you at the first, session of the present congress* Substantially.. £sch -a^ bill has ii-Padv passed the house.

JHOW to secure. fair. trgatrr)£jiiv-iMike..I»i laB«r^3n3" for' capital, fyow 'to -ftoId-~m'

chock the unscrupulous man, whether em

ir- «Thcr e\i)s m.tiust SR.* (pkiycr jor-employee without aVeakenmg Jracticsa which injuriously affect ^_in«er- ^^i auai initiative, wlth'oiit hampering state L^j^de can be preyehte^ und^^^tne

anjvcramping

com*

the industrial developmenj

of Ihe country.# is •. problem fra.uffiit with

anu one which it is of

the highest importance to sO}Ve on lines of sanity and farsighted common sense as well as of devotion to the right. This is an era of federation and combination. Exactly as business men find they must often work through'corporations,: and as ifeis a gon^nt^tfend$tfcy"of these qorp'orati:6n&v^gi®w''aS^gefii!%o it if often necessary for labpring men to work iji federations, and thvfse have become important factors of modern industrial life. Both "kinds of'federation, capitalistic and labor, can do much good, and as' a necessary corollary they can both do evil. Opposition to each kind of organization should take the form of opposition to whatever is bad in the conduct of any given corporation or union, not of attacks upon corporations* as such nor upon unions as •such, for some of the, mq^t farreaching beneficent work for our pBppfjS& has accomplished through'hoth' and unions. Each must refrain frbm arbitrary or tyrannous interference with the rights of others. Organized capital and organized labor alike .shpuld remember that in the long run the interest1 of each must be brought into harmony with the interest of the general''public, and the conduct of each must conform to the fundamental-? rules t-otr* ab#(iienp^-, thftr law, of individual freedom 'ana: of justice and fair dealing toward all. Each should remember that in addition to power it must strive after the realization of healthy, lofty and generous ideals. Every employer, every wagework must be guaranteed his lifcerty and hlvfright to do as he likes with his property tir his labcr so long as he does not infringe upon tne rights of others. It is of the highest importance that employer and employee alike, should endeavor to appreciate each the viewpoint of the other and the sure disaster that will come upon both in the long run if either grows to take as habitual an attitude of sour hostility and distrust toward the other. 1 ow people deserve better of the country than those representatives both of capital and labor— and there are many such—who work continually to bring about a good understanding of this kind, based upon wisdom and upon broad and kindly sympathy between employers and employed. Above ail, v/e need to remember that any kind of class animosity in the political world is. if possible, even more wicked, even more destructive to national welfare, than sectional, race or religious animosity. We can get good government only upon condition that we keep true to the principles upon which this nation was founded and judge each man not as a part of a class, but upon his individual merits. All that we have a right to ask of any man, rich or poor, whatever his creed, his occupation, his birthplace or his residence, is that he shall act well and honorably by his neighbor and by his country. We are neither for the rich man as such nor for the poor man as such we are for the upright man, rich or poor. So far as the constitutional powers of the national government touch these matters of general and vital' moment to' the nation, they should be exercised in conformity with the principles above set forth.

It is earnestly hopet} that a secretary of commerce may be created, with a scat in the cabinet. The rapid multiplication of questions affecting labor and capital, the growth and complexity of the organizations through which both labor and capital now find expression. the steady tendency toward the employment of capital in huge corporations and the wonderful strides of this country toward leadership in the international business world justify an urgent demand for the creation of such a position. Substantially all the leading commercial bodies in this country have united in requesting its creation. It is desirable that some such -measure as that which has already passed the senate be enacted into law. The creation of such a department would in itself be an advance toward dealing with and exercising supervision over the whole subject of the great corporations doing an interstate business, and with this end in view the congress should endow the department with large powers, which could be increased as experience might show the need.

I hope soon to submit to the senate a reciprocity treaty with Cuba. On May 20 last the United States kept its promise to the island by formally vacating Cuban soil and turning Cuba over to those whom her own people had chosen as the first officials of the new republic.

Cuba lies at our doors, and whatever affects her for good or for ill affects us also. So much have our people felt this that iri the Piatt amendment we definitely took the ground that Cuba must hereafter have closer political relations with us than with any other pbwer. Thus in a sense Cuba has become a part Of our international political system. This makes it necessary that iri return she should be given some of the benefits of becoming part of our economic svstem. It is, from our own standpoint, a'shortsighted and mischievous policy to fail to recognize this need. Moreover, it is unworthy of a mighty and generous nation, itself the greatest and most successful republic in history, to refuse to stretch out a helping hand to a young and weak sister republic just entering upon, its career of independence. We should ate ways, fearlessly insist ripnn^ our rights 111 the face of the strbng, and we should with ungrudging hand do our generous duty by the weak. I urge the adoption of reciprocity with Cuba not only because itJa? «mineirtly-for .our o.wn..intpreg|$ to qpntt»R •the Cuban market and tijf eyery meShs.'to foster our supremacy in the" tropical land3 and waters south of us. but also because "inrouTa mfuiealr oursist nauonsor the

American continent feel that whenever they will permit it we desire te show ourselves disinterestedly and effectively their friend. 7

A convention with Great Britain, has been concluded, which will he at once laid before the senate for ratification, providing for reciprocal trade arrangements between the United States and Newfoundland on substantially the lines of the convention formerly negotiated by the secretary of state, Mr. Blaine. I believe reciprocal trade relations will be greatly to the advantage of both countries.

As civilization grows warfare becomes less and less the normal condition of foreign relations. The last century has seen a marked diminution of wars between civilized powers. Wars with uncivilized powers are largely mere matters of international police duty, essential for the welfare of the world. AVherever possible arbitration or some similar method should be employed in lieu of war to settle difficulties between civilized nations, although as vet the world has not progressed sufficiently to render it possible or necessarily desirable to invoke arbitration in every case. The formation of the international tribunal which sits at The Hague is an' event "of good omen from which great consequences for the welfare of all mankind may flow. It is far better where possible to invoke such a permanent tribunal than to create special arbitrators for a given purpose.

It is a matter of sincere congratulation to our country that the United States and Mexico should have been the first to use thegood offices of The Hague court. This was* done last summer with most satisfactory, results in the case of a claim at issue between us and our sister republic. It is earnestly to be hoped that this first case will serve as a precedent for others, in which not only the United States but foreign nations may take advantage of the machinery already in existence at The Hague.

I commend to the favorable consideration of the congress the Hawaiian fire claims, which were the subject of-careful investigation during the last session.,

The congress has wisely provided that we shall build at oncfe an isthmian canal, if possible at Panama. The attorney general "reports that we can undoubtedly acquire good title fr*m the French Panama canal company. Negotiatipns are now pending with Colombia to secure her assent to our building'the canal. This canal will be one of the greatest engineering feats, of the twentieth .century ,, a. greater engineering feat than has? yet been accomplished during the history of mankind: The work should be"carried out a:s a.continuing policy without regard to change of administration, and it should be begun under circumstances which will make it a matter of pride for all administrations to continue the policy.

The canal will be of great benefited America and of importance to all the world. It will be of advantage to- us industrially and also as improving our mix-. itary, position. It will be

.advantage to

thai'countries of tropical AAerica^.-Itv is earnestly-to he -hoped.that-all of. these countries will' do as some of them have already done with signal success and will invite to their" shores commerce, and improve their material- conditions by recognizing that stability and., ordtjr ar? tfiej prerequisites of suMfeaaful development. NTo independent America heed nave the slightest tear of aggTessfqn from tta United States. It behoove?? each .one

.foreigners. f-W-henv this-' is SuOhei? .tJ3.n

reStWnred.thset, be they, have nothing tp dread. interference. More and more-

outside npreasof

THE DAILY TRI8UNE: TEPRE HAUTlv WD* TUESDAY, DECEMBER 2, 1902.

and orderly powers to insist on the proper policing of the wbrld. During the fall of 1901 a communication was addressed to the secretary gf state asking whether: permission would bo granted b-y' the president to a corporation, to lay a cable ftciin a point on thte California coasj to the Philippitel IsSgndq J)y way of Hafleaii^-A- statemwst oP^cotfitlitions or terms upon which such corporatioii would Undertake to lay and operate a cable was volunteered.

Inasmuch as the congress was shortly to convene and Pacific cable legislation had been the subject of consideration by the congress for., several years, it seemed to me wise to defer action upon the application uhtil the congress had first an opportunity to act. The congress' adjourned without taking any action, leaving the hingi.i matter in exactlyMhe- sarp.e ,conditiont ,in beggtjjg' which it' sJftjoa the^£ois|rress json^corporations'] vened. "v' "v

Meanwhile it appears that the Commercial Pacific Cable company had promptly proceeded with preparations for laying its cable. It also made application to the president for access to and use of soundings taken by the United States steamship Nero for the purpose Of discovering

much sooner than if it were required to take soundings upon its own account. Pending consideration of this subject it appeared important and desirable to attach certain conditions to the permission to examine and use the soundings if at should be granted.

In consequence of this solicitation-of the cable company certain conditions were formulated, upon which the president was willing to allow access to these soundings and to consent to the landing, and laying of the cable, subject to &ny alterations or additions thereto imposed by the congress. This was deemed proper, especially' as it was clear that a cable connection of some kind with China, a foreign country, was a part of the company's plan. This course was, moreover, in accordance with a line of precedents, intruding President Grant's action in the cafce of the first French cable, explained to the congress in his apriual message of December, 1S75, and the instance occurring iu 1S79 of the second French cable from jSr-est to St. Pierre, with a branch to Cape Cod.

These conditipns prescribed, among other things, a maximum rate for commercial messages and that the company should construct a line from the Philippine Islands to China, there being at present, as is well-known, a British line from Manila to Hongkong.

The representatives of the cable company kept these conditions long under consideration, continuing in the meantime to prepare for laying the cable. They have, however, at length acceded to them, and an all American line between our Pacific coast and the Chinese empire by way of Honolulu and the Philippine Islands is thus provided for and is expected within a few months to be ready for business.

Among the conditions is one reserving the power of the congress to modify or repeal any or all of them. A copy of the conditions is herewith transmitted.

Of Porto Rico it is only necessary to say that the prosperity of the island and tine Wisdom witli which it has beep governed have been such as to make it serve as an exuraple of all that is best in insular administration.

On July 4 last, on the one hundred and twenty-sixth anniversary of the declaration of our independence, peace and arrlnestv were promulgated in the Philippine Islands. Some trouble has since from time to time threatened with the Mohammedan Mores, but with the late insurrectionary Filipinos the war lias entirely ceased. Civil government has now been introduced. Not only does each Filipino enjoy such rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness as he has never before known during the recorded history of the islands, but the people, taken as a whole, now enjoy a measure of self government greater than that granted to any other orientals by any foreign power and greater than that enjoyed by any other orientals under their own governments save the Japanese alone. We have not gone too far in granting these rights of liberty and self government, but we have certainly gone to the limit that in the interests of the Philipjjine people themselves it was wise or just to go. To hurry matters, to go faster than we are now going, would entail calamity on the people of the islands. No policy ever entered into by the American people has vindicated itself in more signal manner than the policy of holding' the Philippines. The triumph of our arms, above all the triumph of our laws -axriJ tfrinciplefe has come sooner than' we had any right to efcpect. Too -much pralse'cannot be given to' the army for what it has done in the Philippines, both in warfare and' from 'an' administrative standpoint, in preparing the way for civil government, and similar credit belongs to tlie civil authorities for the way in which they have planted the seeds of self government in the ground thus made ready for them. The couragp, the unflinching endurance, the high Soldierly efficiency and the genteral kind heartiness and humanity- Qf .four troops have been strikingly manifested. There now remain only some 15,000 troops in the islands. All told, over 100,000 have been sent there. Of "course There have been individual instances of wrongdoing among them. They warred under fearful difficulties of climate and surroundings, and under the

occasional instances of cruel-retaliation occurred.' Every effort has been made to prevent such cruelties, and finally theco efforts have been completely successful. Every effort has "also been made to detect and punish the wrongdoers. After making all allowance for these misdeed3 it remains true that few indeed have been the instances in which war has been Waged bv a civilized power against semicivilized or barbarous forces where there has been so little wrongdoing by the victors as in the Philippine Islands. On the other hand, the amount of difficult, important and beneficent work which has been done is well nigh incalculable.

Taking the svork of the army and the civil authorities together, it may be questioned whether anywhere else in modern times the world has seen a better example of real constructive statesmanship than our people have given iri the Philippine Islands. High praise should also be given those Filipinos in the aggregate very- numerous—who have accepted the new conditions and joined with our representatives to work with hearty good will for the welfare of the islands.

The army has been reduced to the minimum a lowed by law. It is very small for the size of the nation and most certainly should be kept at the highest point of efficiency. The senior officers are given scant chance under ordinary conditions to exercise commands commensurate with their rank under circumstances which would fit them to do their duty in time of actual war. A system of maneuvering our army in bodies of some little size has been begun and should be steadily continued. Without such maneuvers it is folly to expect that in the event 6f hostilities with any serious foe even a small army corps could be handled to advantage. Both our officers and enlisted men

I urgently call your attention to the need of passing a bill providing for a general staff and for the reorganization of the supply departments on the lines of the bill proposed by the secretary of war last year. When the young officers enter the army from West Point, they probably stand above their compeers in any,, other military service. Every effort should be made by training, by reward of merit, by scrutiny into their careers and capacity, to keep' them of the same high relative excellence throughout their careers.

The measure providing for the reorganization of-'the militia system and for securing the highest efficiency in the national guard, which has already passed the house should receive^/prompt attention and action. It is of great importance that me relation of the national guard to the militia and volunteer forces of the United States shtluld.be defined arid that in place of our present' obsolete laws a practical and efficient system should be adopted.

Provision should be made to enable the secretary 'of-^ar to keep cavalry and artillery horses worn out in long perfox*mhan'ce of duty. Such horses fetch but a

them opt to "the misery awaiting1' them when thus disposed of it would be better

ing interdependence, and gPflgjP** wh^n'nictsa^y'to^Tthem international political tions render it iiMumUeE

I ilifiW haaUl

.xwnnil'l

painlessly -to death.

A I

rur tne nrsl time, in our pistory naval maneuvers oxi' a large scale, gre being held under thp.Jmmediate command of-the admiral of the navy.' Constantly increasing attention is being paid'to the gunitery .of the navy, but it is yet far from what,it.1, should be. I earnestly urge that the increase :asked for by the secretary qf the navy fti tne appropriation for improving the marksmanship be granted? In-_battle the only shots that count are the shots that hit. It is necessary to provide ample funds for practice with the great guns in time o1 peace. These funds, must provide not only for the purchase of projectiles, but for allowances for prizes to encourage the gun crews, and especially the gun pointers, and for perfecting an intelligent system under which' alone it is possible to get good practice.

There should, be no halt in the work of building-' up" 'the navyr providing every year additional fighting craift. We are a very rich country, vast in extent of territory and great in population, a country, moreover', which has an army diminutive indeed' "when .compared' with that of any other first class power. We haye deliberately made our own certain foreign policies which demand the possession of a first class navy. The isthmian canal will greatly increase the efficiency:

Erings

are such that

we can take hearty pride in them. No better' material can be found. But the1 must be thoroughly trained, both- as individuals and in the ma§s. The marksmanship of the men must receive special attention. In the circumstances of modern warfare the man must act .far more on his own individual responsibility than ever before, and the high individual efficiency of the unit is of the utmost importance. Formerly this unit was the regiment. It is now not the regiment, not "even the troop or company it is the individual soldier. Every effort must be made to develop every workmanlike and soldierly quality in both the officer and the enlisted man.

Of our rravy

if the navy is of sufficient size, but. jf we have'an inadequate navy then the building of the canal would be merely giving a hostage to any power of superior strength. The Monroe doctrine should be treated as the cardinal feature of American foreign policy, but it would be worse than idle to assert it unless we intended to back it up, and it can.be backed up only by a thoroughly good navy. A good navy is not a provocative of war. It is the surest guaranty of peace.

Each individual unit of our navy should be the most efficient of its kind as regards both material and personnel that is to be found in the world. I call your special attention to the need of providing for the manning of the ships. Serious trouble threatens us If we cannot do better than. we are now doing as regards securing the services of a sufficient number of the highest type of saiiormen, of sea mechanics. The veteran seamen of our warships are of as high a type as can be found in any navy which rides the waters of the world. They ai'e unsurpassed in daring, in resolution, in readiness, in thorough knowledge of their profession. They deserve every consideration that car. be shown them. But there are not enough of them. It is no more possible to impro, ise a crew than it is possible to improvise a warship. To build the finest ship, with the deadliest battery, and to send it afloat with a raw crew, no matter how brave they were individually. would be to insure disaster if a foe of average capacity were encountered. Neither ships nor men can be improvised when war has begun.

We need a thousand additional officers in order to properly man the ships now provided for and under construction. The classes at the naval school at Annapolis should be greatly enlarged. At the same time that Tve thus add the officers where we need them, we should facilitate the retirement of those at the^head of the list whose usefulness has become impaired. Promotion must be fostered if the service is to be kept efficient.

The lamentable scarcity of officers and the large number of recruits and of unskilled men necessarily put aboard the new vessels as they have been commissioned has thrown upon our officers, and especially on the lieutenants and junior grades, unusual labor and fatigue and has' gravely strained their powers of endurance. Nor is there sign-of any immediate letup in this strain. It must continue for some time longer until more officers are graduated from Annapolis and until the recruits become trained- and skillful in their duties. In these difficulties incident upon the development of our war fleet the conduct of all our officers has been creditable to the service, and the lieutenants and junior grades in particular have displayed an ability and a steadfast cheerfulness which entitle thera to the ungrudging thanks of all who realize the disheartening trials and fatigues to which they are of necessity subjected.

There is not a cloud on the horizon at present. There

3eems

not the slightest chance of trouble

with a foreign power. We most earnestly hope that this state of things may continue, and the way to insure its continuance is to provide for a thoroughly efficient navy. The refusal to maintain such a navy would invite trouble, and if trouble came would insure cjisaster. Fatuous self eortiplaceney vanity or shortsightedness in refusing to prepare for danger is both foolish and wicked in such a nation as ours, and past experience has shown that such fatuity in refusing to recognise or prepare for any crisis in advance is usually succeeded by a mad panic of hysterical fear once the' crisis has actually arrived.

The striking- increase in the revenues of the postoifice department shows clearly the prosperity of our people and the increasing activity of the business of the country.

The receipts of the postofflce department for the fiscal year ending June 30 last amounted to $121,S4S,047.26, an increase of $10,210,853.87 over the preceding year, the largest increase known in the historv of the postal service. The magnitude of this increase will best appear from the fact that the entire postal receipts for. the year 1SG0 amounted to but $8,518,067.

RurfU irea delivery service-is no longer i» tne experimental stage. It has become a.fixed policy. The results following its introduction have fully justified the congress in the large appropriations made for its establishment and extension. The average yearly increase in postoffice receipts in the 'rural districts of the cotintry is' about 2 per cent. We are- now able, by actual results, to show that where rural free delivery service has been established to such an extent as to enable us to make comparisons the yearly increase has been upward of 10 per cent.

Oh Nov. 1, 1902, 11,650 rural free delivery routes had been established and were in operation, covering about one-third of the territory of the United States available, for rural free delivery service. There are now awaiting the action of the department petitions arid application^ for the establishment of 10,743 additional routes. This shows conclusively the want which the establishment of the service has met and the need of further extending it as rapidly as possible. It is justified both by the financial results and by the

raetical benefits to our rural population it the men who live on the soil into close relations with the active business world it keeps the farmer in daily touch with the markets it is a potential educational force it enhances the value of farm, property, makes farm life far pleasanter and less isolated, and will do much to check the undesirable current from country to city. .„

It is to be hoped that the congress will make liberal appropriations for the continuance of the service already established and for its further extension.

Few subjects qf more importance have been taken up by the congress in recent years than the inauguration of the system of nationally aided irrigation for the arid regions of the far west. A good beginning therein has been made. Ivowthat this policy of national irrigation has been adopted the need of thorough and scientific forest protection will grow more rapidly than ever throughout the public land states.

Legislation should be provided for the protection of the game" and the wild creatures generally on the forest reserves. The senseless slaughter of game, which can by judicious protection be permanently preserved on our national reserves for the people as a whole, should be stopped at once. It is, for instance, a serious count against our national good sense to permit the present practice of butchering off such a stately and beautiful creature as the elk for its' antlers or

So far as they are available for agriculture and to whatever extent they may be reclaimed under the national irrigation law, -the remaining public lands should be held rigidly for the homebuuder, the settler who lives on his land, and for no one else. In their actual use the desert land l?w, the timber and stone law and the commutation clause of the homestead law have been so perverted from the intention with, which they were enacted as to permit the acquisition of large areas of the public domain for other than actual settlers and the consequent prevention of settlement. Moreover, the approaching exhaustion of the public ranges has of late led to tnuch discussion as to the best manner of using these public lands in the west which are suitable chiefly or only for 'aziiig. The sound and steady development of the west depends upon the building up of homes therein. Much of our prosperity "as a nation has beeii due to the operation of the homestead law. On the other hand, we should recognize the fact that in the grazing region the man who corresponds to the honlesteader may be unable to settle permanently if only

allowed

to use

the same amount of pasture land that his brother, the homesteader, is allowed la use of arable land. One hundred and sixty acres of fairly rich and well watered soil or a much smaller amount ot irrigated land may keep ^family in plenty, whereas no one could get a living from 160 acres ot dry pasture land capable of supporting at the outside only oiie head' of cattle to every, ten acres. In the past great tracts of tho public domain have been fenced in by persons ba*in?

no tlt

thereto, in direct defiance of the law forbidding tlje maintenance or construction of any such unlawful inclosure of public land. For various reasons there has been little interference with such inclosures in the past, but ample notice has now beeii given the trespasses^, and all sources at the command of the government will hereafter be used to put a stop to such trespassing.

In view of ffie capital importance of these matters I commend them to the earnest consideration of the cGngressj 'Siltf* if the congress? finds difficulty in dealing with them from lack of thorough knowledge 6f the subject I recommend that provision be made for a commission of experts specially to investigate' and report upon'the coniplicated questions involved. -, ""1 especially urge upon the congress the nefd of wise legislation for Alaska. It iir, not to -our credit as a nation tbat Ala^st ybit& been

.....-m'c years, sno'»? still have as poof system of laws as is the case. No country hks a more valuable possession in mineral weal til, jn fisheries, furs, forests and also in land avs.lable for certain kinds of farming and Stock growing. It is a territory of great size and varied resources, well fitted to support' a large permanent population. Alaska needs a good land l»w and such provisions for homesteads and pre-emptions as yril.l encourage, peripjjnept settlement. ,\Ae should s)?apfi legislation with. 4 yi^fri^n®t to the exploiting ind abandoning* of tlie territory, but to the building up of homes therein. The land laws should be liberal in type, so as to hold out inducements to the actual settler vhom we most desire to see take possession of the country. The forests o£, Alaska should ,be protected, and, as a secondary but still important matter, the game also, and at the-Mme-tiihe it -is imperative that the settlers should be allowed 'to cut timber, under proper regulations, for their own use. Laws should be enacted to protect the Alaskan salmon fisheries agaihsfc the- gaeed .-wdjich would destroy them. They should be preserved as a permanent industry and food supply! Their management and control should be turned over to the commission of fish and fisheries. Alaska should have a delegate in tlie 'congrefe. It would be well if a congressional committee could visit Alaska and investigate its needs on the ground

In dealing with the Indians our aim should be their ultimate absorption into the b^y

°ur

people, but' in in'any cases this absorption must and should be very slow. In portions1 of the Indian Territory the mixture of blood has gone on at the same time with progress in wealth and education, so that there are plenty of men v,-ith Varying degrees Qf purity of Indian blood who are absolutely indistinguishable in point of social, political and economic ability from their while associates. There are other tribes which have as yet made no perceptible advance toward such equality. To try to force such tribes too fast is to prevent their going forward at all. Moreover, the trjbes live under widely different conditions. Where a tribe has made considerable advance and lives on fertile farming soil it is possible to allot the members lands in severalty much as is the case with white settlers. TheVe are other tribes where such a course is not desirable. On the arid prairie lands the effort should be to induce the Indians to lead pastoral rather than agricultural lives and to permit them to settle in villages rather'than to force them into isolation.

The large Indian school? situated remote from any Indian reservation do a special and peculiar work of great importance but, excellent though these are, an immense amount of additional work must be done on the reservations themselves among the old, arid above all, among the young Indians.

The first and most important step toward the absorption of the Indian is to teach him to earn his living, \ct it is not necessarily to be assumed that in each community all Indians must become cither tillers of the soil or stock raisers. Their industries may properly be diversified, and those who show spccial desire cr adaptability for industrial or even commercial pursuits should be encouraged so far as practicable to follow out each his own bent.

Everv effort should be made to develop the Indian along the lines of natural aptitude and to encourage the existing native industries peculiar to certain tri'ses, such as the various kinds of basket weaving, canoe building, smith work and blanket work. Above all, the Indian boys and girls should be given confident command of colloquial English qnd should ordinarily be prepared for a vigorous struggle with the conditions under which their people live rather, than for immediate absorption into some more Jiighly developed community.

The officials who represent the government in dealing with the Indians work under hard conditions and also under conditions which render it easy to do wrong., and very, difficult to detect wrong. Consequently they should be amply paid on the one hand, and on th^' other hand a particularly high standard of .condpqt should be demanded' from them, and where misconduct can be proved the punishment should be exemplary.

In no department of governmental work in recent years has there been greater success than in that of giving scientific^ aid to. the farming population, thereby showing" them how most efficiently to help themselves. There is no need of insisting upon its importance, for the welfare of the farmer is fundamentally necessary to tbe welfare of the republic as a whole. In addition to such work as quarantine against animal and vegetable plagues, and wah-ing against them when here introduced, much efficient b^Ip.bas been rendered to the farmer by the introduction of newplants specially fitted for cultivation under the peculiar condition? e?qgting in different, portions of the'country. Netf cereals have beAi established in the semiarid west. gor instance, tbe practi cability of producing the best types of macarpiij wheats" in regions of an annual rainfall of- only ten inches or thereabout has been conclusively demonstrated. Through the' introduction of new rices in t-ouislana and Texas the production of rice in this country }ias beep made to about equal the home demand. In "the southwest the possibility of regrassing overstocked range lands has been demonstrated in the north many new forage crops have-been introduced, while in the east it has been shown that some of our choicest fruits can be stored and shipped in such a. way as to §nd a profitable market abroad.

I again recommend to the favorable consideration of the congress the plans of the Smithsonian institution for making the. museum under its charge worthy of the nation and for preserving at the national capital not only records of the vanishing races of men,,b.ut of the animals of this continent which,-'like the buffalo", will soon become extinct unless specimens from which their representatives may be renewed are sought in thtir native regions and maintained" there in safety.

The District of Columbia is the only part of (iurtrrti tofy -'in which'' tlie"1 national government exercises local or municipal functions and where in consequcrice the government has a free hand in reference to certain typeS of social and ceo nomic legislation which must be essentially local or municipal in their cha/ddter. The government should see to it, for instance, that the hygienic and sanitary legislation affecting Washington is of a high character. The evils of slum dwellings, whether in the shape of crowded and congested tenement house districts or of the back alley type, should never be permitted to grow up in Washington. The city should be a model in every respect for all the cities of the country. The charitable ?nu cprrectional systems of the District should receive consideration at the hands of the congress to the end that they may embody the results of the most advanced thought in these fields. Moreover, while Washington is not a great industrial .city, there Is some industrialism here,and our labor legislation, while it would not be important in itself, might be made a model for the resit of the nation. We should pass, for instance, a wise employer's liability act for the District of Columbia, and we need such an act in our navy yards. Railroad companies in the District ought to be required by law to block their frosrs.

The safety appliance law. for the better protection' j( the lives and limbs of railway emplovees, Avhich was passed in 1893,.went into full effect on Aug. I, 1901. It has resulted in averting thousands of .casualties. Experience shows, however, the .necessity of addjtional legislation to perfect this law." A' b'itl to provide for this passed the senate at the last session. It is to be hoped that some such measure may now be enacted into law.

There is a growing tendency to'provide for the publication of masses of documents for which there is no public demand and for the printing of which there is no real necessity. Large numbers of volunjes are turned out by the government printing presses for which there-is no justification. Nothing should be printed by any of the departments unless it contains something of permanent value, and the congress could with advantage cut down very materially on all the printing which it lias now become customary to provide. The excessive cost of government printing is a strong argument against the position of those who are inclined, on abstract grounds to advocate the government's doing any work which can with propriety be left in private hands.

Gratifying progress has' been made during the year in tha extension of the merit system of making appointments in the government scrvice. It should be extended by law to the District of Columbia. It is much' to be desired that our consular system be established by law on a ba^is providing for appointment and promotion only in consequence of proved fitness.

Through a wise prpyision of the congress at its last session the White House, which had become disfigured by incongruous additions ana changes, has now been restored to what it was planned to be by Washington. In making the restorations the utmost care bas been exercised to come as near as possible to the early plans and to supplement these plans by a careful study of such buildings as that of the University of Virginia, which was built by Jefferson. The White House is the property of the nation, and so far as is compatible with living therein it should be kept as it originally was, for the same reasons that we keep Mount Vernon as it originally was. The stately simplicity of its architecture is an expression of the character of the period in which ft was built and is in accord with

th$

purposes

it was designed to serve. It is a good thing to preserve such buildings as historic nionuments wliitfh keep alive our 's6nse of continuity with the nation's past.

The reports of the several executive departments are submitted to the ^"!S communication. THEODORE BOOSEV^.LT.

Adams Breaks Out.

At the dinner of the Economic Eeagtie in oBston last week Charles Francis Adams startled his listeners by declaring that he was sorry the coal strike had ended. "Because," said he, "we would then have been able to discover substitute for coal, and I for one 'Wijuld fiive been Willing to suffer if by so doing we could- be released: froiri the reign qt.Kfns Anthracite." .y.**- "K

Young men should buy building lots at Glass Park. Easy terms. Sale ejwh dbp this week at 2 p. m.

illSlI

UNPRECEDENTED SUCCESS UP TO'THE PRESENT TIME

IN THE SALEOJF LOTS IN GLASS

PARK

THE BEAUTIFUL NORTH-EASTERN PART OF TERRE HAUTE// WHERE LAND IS

"j'.tV/f

Vs. „v "i

A Good Investment for Anybody Who* Has Faith i/fc.jRealiJ5state—It vfcp Is a Safe Investment.

MfO'! •'."i'"..

There is no abatement, in the size of^j the crowds that are in daily attendancq upon the aucti.oji salp of lots in Glass J^ark. This is positively one of the best,, investments in Teire Haute today. Tlve mere fact that the factory interests seem to congregate in that neighbor: hood makes the property very yaliiafyle. Houses must..be built to acconiiftodatfr(. this increase in populations, ,_di aw!i hither by the .varied industries repre.-.^l^ sented. This makes property in such neighborhopd worth a gieat deal, for it will soon be in great demand for build- ,. ing sites, etc. It is but a few blocks from the street car liuej thus- njaking access to the city 'veiy ea-^y. Then again the terms are so easy, in fact you can almost make them yourself. A little ready cash .and you .can be put g^into a position wfcpj-o 'the .int&rQpt on"^$ your money will actually inci'ea^e so rapidly that you stop and wonder how.j|\5l it can accumulate so fast. Real estate investments are always good and the, present time is the ticst in liich to buj^. You can make no mistake by buying property in Glass Park. The growth ojt this northeastern part of our city hti9 been phenomenal and will steadily continue to grow until in a few years every inch of ground will be covered "wit^ .... HStfi J.y.T- ,0'C! 1 l'i

„\r

Itt'J I

bUll(llTl2Si JJ ff" Remember' 'ano'tlicr filing, "tlie s'aft^ continues "at 2 o'clock every day this week. Make' it your business to there, whether you buy or not.' Get'a^ coupon and be in when the presents are given awav. You can not afford to miss it, so mal'e Tip mind to come, rain or shine, and see how rapidly the*e real estate bargains are taken up by investors. Remember., sale eveiy day thi^ week at 2 p. m. and terms easy.

Hi.

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FURNITURE

for&«'^ '-v' '"lit 1*

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CHRISTMAS.":

T.GET FIRST rr'ijf fh ,•)•

1,1

^-."CHOICE NOW

Nothing, li|e the stocK we show

this year ever in Terre Haute

beforeJ -•*i

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fSSi

Painless Extracting 25c

Positively Harmless. Nos@()re Gums. n.

A GOOD SET

OF ,T££TH fti

11.00'

a"4 Giv.|,

MofiPaiffissDeiitists

629Vs

Ave'

if you have anything to «r tra!®

Just put a few, line*-In the Tribunal

OnCent a Word Column.