Daily State Sentinel, Indianapolis, Marion County, 11 August 1868 — Page 2

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■ PAHiY SENTINEL.

R. <1. KflfttfeVT* Proprietor.

OmOB: 161*2 E. Washinerton Street, Sentinel Building.

,n * *ppoi Colamb

I JM ■ lie people in eooordenee wit

ntmente,

W(in«!

coaatoy^wil,

for pnrtr or party triompii, Putlortno

prog pent v of tha pooplg.

ilmnbun, HRrthotomew CMtatr. on W«dn#« 4 ^ lUrnH?*burf, Moiroe donatx, on jAiniedejr, waa

Tnaadajr Mornlua, Ananat 11.

DEMOCIATIO NATIONAL TICKET. ron PRIMIRKRT, HORATIO SEYMOUR or Now York, rod YH’K PREMIDF.NT, General FRANCIS P. BLAIR, Jr., or NIlMtoiirl. DEMOCRATir STATE TICKET.

For Gorornor, Thomnn A. llrndrlrka, of Marion. For Llentonant Governor, Alfred I*. K.lKorlon, of Allan.. For Foerotury of Ktnto, REUBEN C. RISK, of Boone. For Auditor of State, JOSEPH V. BKMUSDAFFER, of Franklin. For Tronaurer of State, JAMES B. RYAN, of Marion. For Clerk of Supreme Court, NOAH S. LaROSE, of Can*. For Reporter of Supreme Court, M. A. O. PACKARD, of Marahall. For Superintendent of Public Instruction, JOHN R. PHILLIPS, of Daviess. For Attorney General, SOLOMON CLAYPOOL, of Putnam. For Electors at Large, JOHN R. COFFROTH. of Huntington. BAYLESS W. HANNA, of Vigo. Contingents, JASON B. BROWN, of Jackson. WILLIAM M. FRANKLIN, of Owen. For District Electors, First District—Tboinas R. Cobb, of Knox. OouUbgent—R. S. Sproule, of Vanderburg. Second District—Jonas 0. Howard, of Clarke. Contingent—G. T. 11. Carr, of Dubois. Third Diitrict-James Gavin, of Decatur. Coiltuigeul -Elhanuu C. Devore, of Jennings. Fourth District—Beninniln L. Smith, of Rush. Contingent—Robert H. Power, of Franklin. Fifth District—John M. Lord, of Marion. CoaUngent—Cas Bylkdd, of Johnson. * BinUi District—Ambrose B. Carleton, of Lawr *Con'tingenk-Samuol R. Hainill, of Sullivan. Seventh Dtstrlct—T. F. Davidson, of Fountain. Contingent—B. B. Daily, of Carroll. Eighth District—James F. McDowell, of Grant. Contingent -Janies A. Adrain, of Cass. Ninth District—John Colerick, of Allen. Contingent -Samuel A. Shuaff, Of Jay. Tenth District 0. H. Main, of Elkhart. Contingent—K. Van Long, of Noblo. Eleventh District-Thns. J. Merrifleld, of Val* paraiso. Contingent—Major George Burson, of Pulaski. Democrat Ir rongrcnNlonitl Nomina I Iona First Distriol—William E. Niblack. Second District --Michael C. Kerr. Third Distric ’"lllinm 8. Holman. Fourth Distr din S. Reid. Fifth District- t W, Keightley, Sixth District—D,. icl M'. Voorhees. Seventh District—Mahlon D. Manson. Eighth District—Nathan O. Ross. Ninth District—Robert Lowry. Tenth District-Andrew Ellison. Eleventh District—Muliord K. Farrand. ('oiiKroweional Dletrlct NfaMU Nlwlluffw. The Democratic State Central Committee lias appointed mass meetings in each of the Congressional districts as follows: hkht HHtrnirr. Princeton. Gibson county, Wednesday, August

If.

Speakers--Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, Hon. J. C. Kobinseu, of Illinois, and lion. James II.

Ryan.

Tel! City, Perry county, Wednesday, Septem-

ber h.

Speakers Hon. Alfred P. Edgerton, Hon. W. E. Nioiaek, Hon. William 1. I’arreit, Peter

Maier, Es'|.

BKCfiSIl titSTRICT. Orlcalis, Orange county, on Tuesday, August

25.

/Speakers—Hon. B. W. Ilannn. Hon. John S. Davis, lion. 1. M. Browne, Hon. Jonas U. Howard. Or. Elijah Newlatid and Hon. .M. C. Kerr. Jettersoiivlile, t larke county, Tuesday, Sept inner 1, eoiiunenciiig at ten odock a. m. Speakers- llyit. Thutnas A. Ileiutricks, Hon. M. A. O. Packard, linn. .Inlin H. Cotlroth. Hon. Sol. Claypool, Hon. John S. Davis, Hon. M. C.

Kerr.

Tittnn iitHTttti'T. North Vernon, Jennings county, Thursday,

August 13th. „

Knterprlw, BwltMTlaid Coiaty, o*i SatmtUy

August i5tn.

Evansville, Vanderburg County, on Monday, ^Slmunt'v^rnon, Po*ey County, Tuesday, Au-

gust imh.

Princeton, Gibion County, on Wednaeday, Au- * Greenc'astle, Putnam Oxffity, on Friday, Au-

gust 2 1 st.

Knights town, Henry County, on Saturday, An-

gust SMs

Medora, Jackson County, on Tuesday, August ^IHjamsport, Warren Connty, on Saturday, Jeffersonville, Clarke County, on Tnesdey, "eptember 1st. ..... All these appolntmenu are for 1 o’eloek r. u..

^asn

WorklBvmen'a Meetlagra. Hon. Riehard Traveliok will addreee the Work-

Convention, held in New York July 2d7 leW. at the following time und places, commencing at

oisli.t o'clock p. m. :

Fort Wayne, Thursday, August 13. Logansport, Friday, August 14. Laportc, Saturday, August 15. Lafayette, Monday, August 17. Groencastle, Tuesday. August IS. Terre Haute, >\ ednesdar, August 19. Flvausvllle, Thursday, August 20, New Albany, Saturday, August 22. Madison, W ednesday, August 26. Richmond, Thursday, August 27.

John W. Kilookr, H. J. Marshall,

C. Kelly,

td Committee Workingmen’s Association.

Colonel J. Y. BemnMlnfrtr,

Democratic candidate for Auditor of State, will

address the people as follows: Rochester, September 12, atl r. M.

tember 13, at 1 r.

Peru, September 13, at 1 p. m. Marion, September 14, at 1 P. M.

sf*eeoh; of

HON. D. W. VOORHEES

DKI.IVKRKD AT

Terre Haute, Indiana, August 8,1868.

My Fritmlt nml tWIoic Citixen*: Tho position in which I stand before you at t his time is not of my own seeking, and brings with It many nersohal embarrassments and personal regrets. I never expected to appear again in your presence as a candiclate,

ed mein the past far beyond my merits; and my gratitude to the people of this district will only cease when my heart Is

Tft<

good and through evil

light up the pathway of my

August 20.

Spcttke

»pertker«—Hon. R. W. Hannn, Hen. John R. Uoifroth, Hon. F. T. Hortl, Hon. \V. S. Holmnn. GrccnsouiB, Decatur county, Saturday, August

15.

lion. J. R. (’otTrotli, Ibm. J. K. McDonald, Hun. Sul. C'Jaypool, Hon. W . S. Holmun. vm itTit otsTRirr. Conuersville, Fayette county, Thursday, August at. apewHcrs- Hon. Goorgc 11. I’eudliTon and Hon. Jonu it. Jcup, tin German.) tucumuioi, A ay in Time not fixed. UruunueHt, Uuueock cuuuty. Time not tixcd. nt ru ntssTRit r. Groencastle, Putnam county, Friday, August

21.

Speakers—Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, Hon. Austin .>1. 1’iiott, Hon. Jotin W. Kuiglitley. Franklin, Johnson eounty, Saturuay, fteptem-

ber 12.

Speakers—Hon. B. W. Hanna, Hon. A. P' Etlgertun, Hou. Jolin A. Matsuti, Hon. J. W. Kuiglitley. SIXTH DIKTRICT. Torre Haute, Vigo county. Time not fixed. Speakers—itnn. ihumas A. Hendricks, Hon. J. G. Kobinsun, ot Illinois, Hon. D. W . ^ oorhues, lluu. Samuel H. iiuskirk, lion. John A. Matsu n. Gospurt, Owen eounty. Time not fixed. Speakers—liuu. TUuuias A. lleudricks, Hon. J. C. Alien, of Illinois, Hon. ftamuei 11. iiuskirk, Uon. D. W. Toorhees, iiou. John A. Mat-

cold and atilf in the grave. The memory of their personal devotion to me through sunshine and through storm, through

git evil report, will forever thway of my life. Young

and iuexporfenced when I entered Congress seven years ago, I do not claim that my serviees were worthy the attachment and support which I received at your hands. I claim nothing for my public services except a sincere and earnest desire to promote the prosperity of the people, and to sustain and uphold the union of the States and the liberty of the Constitution. Conscious before Ood of this high and holy purpose, I was willing to let my humble record stand, while I voluntarily retired to the private pursuits of my profession, and sought to give this portion, at least, of my life, to the pleasures and duties of home ami friends. The love of ofllce is not one of the passions of my heart. Strife and contest for place and position are not elements of my nature. I have seen enough of the world to feel how its honors cheapen and fade away as we come near them. But a duty belongs to each one in the struggle for correct principles which now agitates and shakes this mighty country. Those to whom I owe more than a lifetime can repay have assigned to mo my duty. They bid me carry their banner in this congressional contest. They place in tty hands the colors of conservatism and tei' me to defend them and cause them to wave* in tho evening of the battle over a Held of victory. I accept the charge in obedience to their command, and invoke the candid consideration of an enlightened people upon the principles which will guide me if I again become your repre-

sentative.

1 n presenting these principles I have marked out for myself a line of conduct from which 1 shall under no circumstances depart. I shall present them in kindness to all. Those who show me the courtesy to hoar me, shall receive courtesy iti return. Invective is not argument and convinces no one. Passion is a bad guide to correct conclusions, und a Christian people should discard it from their counsels. If there have been asperities in the past they will not bo revived by me, nor will they bo noticed if revived by others. lam In the midst of friends and neighbors, and there is not an olllce in tho world which I would ac•pt at the expense of their respect. I concede to nil who may differ from me, the same purity of motive and the same love of country which I know animate my own breast. “Come and let us reason together.’’ If then we can not agree and on decide against me, I will cheerfully ow my head to the will of tho people.

seventh district.

Time

raw

not Uxuil. Speakers—Ifnn. John S. Davis, Hon. Jason B. Brown, Hon. sol. Lluypool, Guuural M. D. Man-

■on.

\V illiamiport, War re a count}', Saturday, Au-

gust 29.

Spoukers—Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks and Uuu. inuiuas Dowling, General M. D. Munson.

EIGHTH DISTRICT.

Logansport, Cass county. Hor John CMtiutgnausun tin Oerinti

NINTH DISTRICT.

nc not tlx

Time not UxoU. TENTH DISTRICT.

Kendallvillo, Noble county, Saturday,

fust ft.

e>p«uk«rs—Hon. A. P. Edgerton, Hon. John R.

CoUrota, Colonel A. S. Blake,

Warsaw, Kosciusko county. Time not fixed. Speakers—Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, Hon.

Jason Brown, 1. time not

Newcastle, Ilonr.v county. Portland, Jay county. Tii

Jusun B. Brown, John

man).

barnighausen tin Uer-

ELEVKNTH DISTRICT.

Laporte, Laporto county. Time not fixed. —Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, Hon.

Speakers

Jueon V. Brown, John

nun).

baringliauseu tin Ger-

Vuiparaiso, Porter county. Time not fixed. Speakers—Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks, John

Satuighuuson tin German).

Public fipeit'.inir in Uecntur Connty Colonel J. V. sdaffer, candidate for Auditor of State, a lonel James Gavin, Presidential Eloctor foi 3 district, will address the cituons of Decatur county as follows, vis: At Milford, on F.iday, August 21, at one o’clock, f. m. ^ , At 1’owner School House, near Newburg, same

evening, at seven o’clock r. >t.

, At ClarksDurg, August 20, one o’clock v. m. Concord, same evening, seven o’clock p. m. At Smith Crossing, August lit, one o’clock, P. M. At Newpoint, sumo evening, seven o'clock, p. m.

William Merk, Associate Editor of the Cincin

knfreunU, will address his German fel

iow-citisons, in their native tongue, as follows:

Joint Isiat'UfcftiwM in (tcvcniii ISinlrlct. T. F. Davidson, Esq., the Democratic, and Captain R. W. llarrisun, the Republican Electors for the Seventh Congressional District, will hold *joint discussion of tho political issues of the campaign, at tho following places and times : WUliamspdrt, Tuesday, August 11. Covington, Wednesday, August 12. Speaking at each place will begin at half-past aoveu o’clock P. m. Mum Mooting nt Coiiiiubns, Unrtholomow ioiinly. The people’of Bartholomew county will bead

dressed by

Hon. Thgmah A. IlENtintcKs and other speakers, on the political issuos of the dag, at Columbus, on Wednesday, the 12th day of August, _ Speaking in Uermnn. John IL Jeup, Pklitor-in-Ohlef of the dnolnnatl V»tk*freHnd, Will nddrcHH his German fellow-citizens, nt the following times ami places: August 12, Indianapolis.

14, bhelbyvilie. IAM Mere, Assoc

cinnuti Volkxfrrund, will address

ow-citi

Peru, Thursday. August 11. Batesville, Ripley county, Thursday, August 13 ■Mkfcot Meeting at Broad Ripple, Marlon County, Aagunt IS, nt one o'clock ■*. M. This 'Democratic and conservative citizens of Marion county will hold a grand basket meeting nt Broad Hippie, on Naturday, August 15, at one o’clock f. m. IUft meeting will be addressed by the ttotf. John W. Kelghtly, Hon. Samuel E. Perkins, Hon. Joseph W. Nichol, W. A. Lowe, ^sq., Lewis Jordan, Esq., James :B. Kyan and others. Let everybody turn out and hear these able gentlemen discuss the political issues of the day. did Colonel R. J, Ryan WM address the people upon the live issues of the day at Frankfort, Clinton county, Wednesday A,ugust 12, at 7 f. m. • Mi$hlg*ntown, Clinton county, Thursday, August 13, at 7 f. m. Lafayette, Friday ^August 14, at 7 p. m. ThJ belt of Vermont through which tho Focflojad und Ogdensburg Railroad will pass Is the richest portion of the State. TtHPliiUfMOUPtles on thfe line of the road oontMR Uve stock worth 98,600,000, and I worth 1600,000,000.

debt war

nion.

that no

one of those

whom John P.

part of your debt was tl thieves and plunderers

Hale described in tha fc _ endangering the government and liberties of the people more than the armed y in the held, yet tt wohld in po,

enemy in the Held, yfft It wohld in pty way affect or defeat the purpose I haveMn malting this statement. I wish the peo-

owe, and what they have to pay with 7 They will then be better able acuLprepared to appreciate the criipes that have been commuted against them during the last three years by the Congress ox the

closed, ' own

pie in the first place to plainly where they stand, how muc

United States.

war clot

I have she

W^hen »,

and a mountain of debt as

lay upon the bended shonlders of honest toll, what policy on the part of your law makers was so strenuously called for as the policy of economy—close, rigid, searching economy? with one-sixth of your lands and their harvests, one-sixth of your flocks and herds, and every sixth day of your labor under mortgage fbr a puDllo debt, one-halt of which was the result of robberies on the treasury by

- *7

contractors and other birds of prey, it was not wonderful that ft-om every Ikrm and work shop, from every hearthstone where Industry presides as a household god, there went forth an appeal for retrenchment and reform such as never before arose from the hearts and minds of the American people. I ask you what answer has been made to this appeal? Has Congress cut off useless expenditures and lowered your taxes? Has the Government returned to the simplicity and economy of your fathers? Remember that all the responsibility Is withCoagress, for by a two-thirds vote all power is in their hands. I arraign Congress therefore. Every dollar you pay has to be sauctioned by Copgress In an appropriation bill before the tax gatherer comes for It. Congress fixes the annual amount and sends the collectors. How then has the radical Congrfes* administered your interests and disposed of your

money?

EXTRAVAGANT EXPENDITURES. A short time since an investigation and publication were made by a radical gentleman of the name of Wells, In Washington City, with a view of answering the charge of extravagance now made from every mouth against Congress. According to hts own estimate, since the surrender of Lee up to June 80th, IHttS—a

Till-: Fill NCI FI,EM

THE

INVOLVED CONTEST.

I need not, my fellow citizens, seek by strong expressions to enhance and magnify the importance of the questions to be settled by you at the approaching election. They* are tho gravest, the mightiest nml tho most commanding that were ever submitted for decision to the ballot ot freemen. The great and original principles of free government are all at stake. Tho sacred blood of the revolution cries to you from the ground to save the great charter of lilierty for which it was sited. The whole frarhe work of the Government sways to and fro with an uncertain and uiieasv motion. It’s various departments no longer move in harmony, but crash and jar in angry and dangerous collision. The laborer no longer enioys the fruits of his toll, but is daily robued by the unrestrained hand of plunder, and uneqnal and nnjust taxation. Since Adam went forth from the groves of Eden—tho founder of the laboring man’s party throughout tho universe—tbo chief and paramount duty of every government has been to protect its citizens In the enjoyment of their own hard earnings. That govern mont which fails to do this is on the swift sure road to ruin and decay, Let us take a survey of the facts on this point, for which the radical party is re sponsible to the people. The best tost of the capacity of a party tobring prosperity to a country, is its use of tho public money. Tho radical party has had entire supremacy In the legislation of the country for many years past, and must stand or fall by the record It has made. THE VAST PROPORTIONS OF THE PUBI.JC

DEBT.

The amount of our national debt is known to be about two thousand six hundred millions of dollars. This is a sum so vast that the public mind scarcely grasps it at a more statement, and yet it is highly necessary that every citizen should fully comprehend and measure its gi gantic proportions. This debt exists as a (terpelual mortgage on all your property, and on all your labor, and on the property and labor of your posterity. According to the policy of Congress, it is to be banded down from father to son for the next hundred ye-trs, darkening every door-

s. Has

nerythlng is covered

d ye-trs, darkening every

way with its Jnexecrable demands

it fully occurred to you what proportion this debt bears to your possessions out of which it Is to be paid? A careful estimate of nil the property of the United States subject to taxation, would show a value at this time of about fifteen thousand millions. Thus you will see that

more t ban one-sixth of evi owned by the American people Is

and absorbed by their national debt. This Is a plain fact that a boy at school can demonstrate. Whore, in the history of civilized nations, was there ever before such a debt in proportion to the means of pavniont? I challenge the annals of mankind. Other nations have tithed their people—taken a tenth of their productions, out such instances have heretofore been cited only as bold illustrations of audaoiotus despotism. You are nearly double tithed, and the radical Congress

gives no sign nor promise of relieL

the close of the great Napoleonic wars of Europe, in 1816, England found her debt to amount to about three thousand five hundred millions of dollars, but|to meet this liability her taxable property reached the enormous sum of fifty thousand millions of dollars, making her debt bear the proportion of one-fourteer»th to her ability to pay. Your burden, therefore, la more than double that which lay upon the shoulders of the Englishman. Yet British statesmen found It necessary, In order to relieve their people, to reduce the rate

of interest on their bo;

half and three per cent., thus making a reduction of one-half of the public burdens. Shall the American laborer be less an object of care and kindness on the part of his Government, than the subject of the British monarchy? Shall a crowned head be more tender and considerate to the demands of labor than an American Congress? Shall the old tyranny of King George, against which our fathers drew the sword, become CONGRESS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE DSBT. more tolerable to the taxpayer than jour own boasted asylum of the oppressed? But while looking at this question of your national debt let ua not forget that your liabilities do not atop there. ]t is perhaps impossible to ascenalq the exact amount of tha State, olty and eounty debts which are owed by the people of the United States, but their amount will at least double the national debt which la known and ascertained. X trust the

at these 1m

for all evils and injusticetbaltylal*.

dred and seventeen thousand and fortythree dollars, and for a navy, “as Idle as a painted ship upon a painted ocean,” the sum of one hundred and thirty-three million one hundred and nineteen thousand two hudred and seventy-six dollars, making for warlike purposes and prepa- ' * ‘ irfect peace, the id and flft; and thirty-seven thousand three hundred and nineteen dollars. This, for a period of three years, shows an average annual tax upon the country of over three hundred millions of dollars for the army and navy alone! Is this to be ‘ borne? Who will vote to continue such a fright ful curse? Three hundred millions a year for the army and navy! Before the war the expenses of this Government, including everything, never reached over eighty-five millions per annntn, and when they arose to near that amount during the Mormon war of Buchanan’s administration, the people were aronsed to fury bv radical leaders who now calmly behold the army and navy alone costing nearly four times that amount. No one need hesitate to denounce this atrocious crime against the labor and the liberties of the country. During the first year of the war, while mighty armies Were being raised and great battles fought, while McClellan was In command, the army coat you only one hundred and sixty'millions one hundred anti fifty-seven thousand seven hundred and ninety-four dollars, and the navy twentynine millions eight hundred and eightynine thousand one hundred and seventysix dollars, making in all one hundred and ninety millions forty-six thousand nine hundred and seventy dollars. Thus It appears that war was not as expensive as peace has been under the carnival of madness and misrule which has reigned at Washington. But extravaganee nml corruption pervades every other depart incnt "as well as the army and navy. The revenue collected by this Government, and every dollar coming from the pockets of the laborer at last, during the year ending tho :4()th of June last, roachen the stupendous sum of four hundred and seventyone millions seven hundred thousand dollars. Where does this mighty sum go? Does it reach the coffers of the Treasury? We are at peace with tho world, Scarcely even a speck of Indian war appears oh our borders. There is no reason why our expenses should reach a hundred millions a year, exclusive of interest on the debt, and pensions; and yet from the :40th of June, 1H07, to the ‘30th of June, 1»>8, a radical Congress levies and collects of the people’s taxes an amount of money al most equal to the whole amount expended by Pierce and Buchanan both, during eight years of administration! If the people will submit to this most extraordinary and unblushing profiigaev, and elect inon to office who uphold an<( justify it, then, indeed, is bankruptcy and despotism upon tho land. FALSE PROFESSIONS OF ECONOMY AND

VIRTUE.

One of tbo resolutions of the Chicago

Convention is as follows:

“The government of tho United States should be administered with the strictest economy, and the corruptions which have been so shamefully nursed and fostered by Andrew Johnson call loudly for radi-

cal reform.”

With this false pretense of virtue and economy in their mouths every expenditure has been steadily increasing and the scheme of reconstruction upheld by tho army is costing forty millions more than It did a year ago. How is Andrew Johnson responsible for this? He can not spend a dollar that is not appropriated by Congress and he has steadily opposed all those measures which are enforced upon the country by Congress and which are crushing you to the earth with taxation. We have then the radical definition of the “strictest economy” as practiced in the legislation of the country. It means an annual expenditure of nearly five hundred millions of the people's money in time of peace, which never before cost you over oignty-flve millions. If this is the “strictest economy” of that party It is time the economy of some

other party should be tried.

COST OF THE FREEDMEN’s BUREAU. As additional evidence of the economy practiced by a radical Congress we find the sum of (11,746,060 dollars) eleven millions seven hundred and forty-six thousand and fifty dollars appropriated for the support of the Freeumems Bureau. This miserable institution has also been extended again by law for another year, with increasing cost to the people. It was created in March, 1805, ana has, during each year of its existence, been more expensive to the tax payer than the entire administration of the whole country was forty years ago. The annual revenues of the administrations of Monroe, John Quincy Adams, and the first term of General Jackson, were not equal to the annual burden which this system of snp-

■oes jn the South imposes

mumnstf

ELBC-

omy.

The su

of COnfrightful t to econ-

premacy of the negro In of theHouth has been

established by Congressional reconstruction. His balefttl influence has been aamsw;:.? ss: rars your country, as I shall yet more fully ibflBfi Bureau supports him witnout work, and the Union league makes htma riotous and dangerous politician. Bartd the minds of radical Congressmen he has not yet sufficient advantage* M your expense. A bill passed the radical Senate a few days before adjournment, to distribute to the “loyr.1” citizens of the various States of the Union two hundred and forty-six thousand “rifled muskets of calibre fifty-eight, with accoutrements complete.” The avowed object of this atrocious measure was to place arms in the hands of the negro during the present Presidential canvass. It is true that provision is made to arm those whom the radical leaders term the “loyal” people of all the States, and thirteen thousand of these rifled muskets are to come to Indiana. But I will not do the masses, the plain, honest people of any party the injustice to suppose that they would wish to inflame a civil war here In the midst of our peaceful homes for the purpose of carrying an election. It is obvious, therefore, to mv mind, that this bold and startling warlike measure is mainly aimed to secure the permanent dominion of the densely ignorant negro, and to render the fertile and Inviting regions of the South a land of African barbarism, wherein no white man or white woman can dwell. I will here cite the section of the bill which makes this alarming provision. It is as

follows: ; ; -

“Section 9u And b« it further enacted, That the Secretary of War be, and ho is hereby authorized and required to deliver to the Governor of each State represented In the Congress of the United States, at the seat of government of such State, as many serviceable Springfield rifled muskets of calibre 58, with accoutrements and equipments complete, as the Governor of such State shall require for the use of the militia therein, not exceeding the number hereinafter specified for each State, namely: Maine, 7,000; Now Hampshire, 6,000; Vermont, 5,000; Massachusetts, 12,000; Rhode Island, 4,000; Connecticut, 6,000; New Y r ork, 33,000; New Jersey, 7,000; Pennsylvania, 26,000; Delaware, 3,000; Maryland, 7,000; West Virginia, 5,000; Ohio, 21,000; Indiana, 13,000; Illinois, 17,000; Michigan, 8,000; Wisconsin, 8,000; Iowa, 8,000; Minnesota, 4,000; Missouri, 11,000; Kansas, 3,000; Nebraska, 3,000; Nevada, 3,000; California, 5,000; Oregon, 3,000; Kentucky, 11,000; Tennessee, 10,000; North Carolina, 0,000; South Carolina, 6,000; Georgia, 10,000; Florida, 3,000; Alabama, 8,000; Arkansas, 5,000; and Louisiana, 7,000; and the same shall be delivered only upon the certificate of tho Governor of such State, showing to the satisfaction of the Secretary of War that the regiments and companies for which the same are required are duly organized of loyal citizens of such State, under the laws thereof; and said muskets, accoutrements and equipments shall remain the property of the United States, subject to the control of Congress," Tneae “rifled muskets, with accoutrements and equipments complete,” cost fifteen dollars each, making in the aggre gate a tax gatherer's bill for you to pay by your daily toil of three millions, six hundred and ninety thousand dollars. It Is true, the bill did not get through the House, and become a law, for want of time, but it passed the Senate by a party vote, receiving the earnest support of all the radical party leaders, anti now stands ready to be taken up and acted upon J>y the House in Septeinlter, when Congress is again to meet, out of time, ami for extraordinary purposes. There was a time when the deliberate and avowed purpose to spend nearly four millions of the public money, in the purchase of arms wit h which to "control an election uftd perhaps bring on a civil war, and a war of races, would have consigned a party to an infamy, deeper ami blacker than the combined "and concentrated depravity of all the crimes in the calender. Nor will 1 believe that such a measure of wickedness can fail of a terrible condem-

nation at your hands.

TOP. UNION OF THE WORK I No M EN. Where, T ask, arc these profligacies and plunders to end, unless von Fisc now and rebuke them? What limit'isjthcrc to this carnival waste ami riotous use of your money, unless you call the plunderers to an account? Will you extend their license by your support ‘of their policy? If so, you become the instruments of your own oppression, ami can only reproach yourselves when your property is advertised and soitl for taxes. You are paying double what they once cost for all tiie necessaries of life. A high pro tective tariff for tho benefit of the titaat cm capitalist, makes you pay three times their former prices for all Sfou buy at the stores to clothe yourselves anti fatnilies. A few davs since i saw a statement made by a workingman, which was so truthful and just, that I make tho following ex-

tract. Ho says;

“For four day's work in 1K'.0 I could buy a barrel of excellent flour. For an equally good barrel now, J have to work

eight days.

"For one (lav’s work in 1N5U I could

buy five pounds often. For the day’s work I can now buy

pounds.

“For one day’s work then I could buy thirty pounds of sugar. For a day’s

work now J can get but liftecn pounds.

“For a day’s work in l85!t I could buy eight pounds of tobacco. For a day’s

work now I can buy but three pounds."

•‘For a day’s work in 1K>!* I could buy fifteen pounds of coffee. For a day's

work now 1 can buv but live pounds.

“For one month's work in l.s‘»!* I could nearly or quite clothe myself and family ft year. To do the same now I am obliged

to work at least three months.”

And such facts as those might be given to an almost unlimited extent, showing that the wages of the workingman have not in creased in proportion to prices and tuxa tion. Y’ct where is the “strictest economy’’that has been exercised in his behalf hr tho party in power? Do you find it in tiie collection of nearly five hundred millions of dollars a year from the pockets of tho people? Do you find it iti the establishment of a vast poor house for the able bodied negroes of the South at tho expense hf at least fifty millionu since the date of its creation by law? Do you find It In the keeping of a standing army for tbo puri>ose of enforcing negro sutfrnge at tho poiyl of the bayonet, at a greater expense to you than any entire administration cost before tho war? Do you find it in the support of a navy in perfect idleness, which is costing you more than during the.first year of the war, when we blockaded the entire Southern coast? Do you find it in the purchase of “ rifled "muskets^” with which to enable tho mad dened and deluded negro to turn the South into a bloody and blazing Pander

tnonium?

small things yon can Judge or greater, and by its fruits you shall know the tree. This official table shows that eaeh mem

her of Co

that he did not get all of these articles. They are bought and paid for with the people’s money, approved by tho Committee on Accounts and comfirmcd by the House itself, and somebody has them as so much unwarranted plunder. Can yon look for retrenchment and economy from these speculators and jobbers in Congress, or from those who uphold

them?

MORE RADICAL EXTRAVAGANCE. Another mode of spending your money

is also worthy of notice in this connection. Congress is in the habit of having a largo number of special committees on e*ery subject that ever entered the brain of man. They are very expensive. P is made the duty of the Sorgeant--at-A.ro s, an officer of the House, to attend them and summon witnesses and execute their process. He Is allowed ten conts per mile as mileage in traveling over the country in actual or constructive attendance upon these committees. I find by an examination of the Clerk’s report, January 1st, 1868, [26 Mis., Doc. No. 31, 2d Session Fortieth Congress] that for the preceding year this officer of Congress received over twenty thousand dollars on account of mileage: that he charged and received pay for having traveled two hundred and eight thousand four hundred and three miles! It is computed that the distance around the earth is twenty-four thousand miles. This radi cal official, therefore, with the sanction of the radical House, receives pay at ten cents a mile for oomrteting eight trips around the globe, and >eing sixteen thousand four hundred and three miles on his ninth journey! These are solemn official facts, supported by solemn official figures. And at the same time he receives a stated salary of|2,592,

and his ’ ‘ ‘

annum lor tne aiscnarge or their duties. No one will attempt to deny a sin

Manic

but two

port for idle negroes in the on you laboring men of

rntti

the North,

Every vote on your part given for the radical party, and especially for its candidates for Congress goes to endorse, approve and prolong this infamous ana oppressive legislation. Is there one man in the Sixth Congressional District who earns his living by labor who will vote to uphold a party which spends from ten to fifteen millions a year of the public money for tho support of Southern negroes? Is there one man in this district willing to work for tho support of the idle Afrf can who is the ablest and most robust la borer In the world? If there Is I would like to see him. I would like to hear his reasons. I woqld like to hoar him explain his vote in the presence of his wife and children, who look to him for tho necessaries and comforts of life. I would like to hear their comments upon a system of laws which robs and Cramps them in order to sustain $s public beggars the lazy able negroes of the South, I will here give, as a specimen, one of General Howard’s own estimates, who, as you are aware, is Superintendent, under‘the radical Congress, of the Freedmen’s Bu-

reau. “It is

147.500 82 800 oa'.ooo

He says:

s estimated that tjie amount required for the expenditures of the Bureau for the fiscal year commencing January, J86d, will be eleven millldns seven hundred and forty-fly®thousand and fifty dollars. This sum is (requisite for tiie

following purposes;

Sslsrie* of Auirtant apd Sab-Auintant Commimionera ^,...6 Salaries of clerks. Stationery and printing

Clothing for dl*tribution. , .'.'.'.V.!’.!’.‘ , .'..'..'.V.'..’'. 1.740,000 Commissary stores : 4,106,250 Medical Department 600,000 Transportation 1,900.000 School Super! n ten donte...... 21,000 Sites for schools and asylums 3,000,009 Telegraphing - 18,300

Where la the laborer in any one of the

nine counties of this Congressional district who, looking »t these flgufep, Yhl°b he baa to help pay, will vote for a map who approves the assessment of such taxation? I call upon the formers god the mechanics, and I call upon their wives

man and the black woman? Yet what lesa la this Freed men’s Bureau ? Congress la your master in. the interest of the negro, and makes yon work for his mainUinanoe whether you ave wUUpg tp do so or not. And this is the “strictest economy,” as laid down in tha Chicago platform and carried out by • radical Congress, sad, approved of by ths radical can-

TIIE PERSONAL

EXTRAVAGANCE OF ORES8.

But, my countrymen, what relief can you expect from a Congress which itself engages in the wholesale corruption which it has Infused into every department of the Government? What reform will spring from the work of. those whose hands are full of plunder? I have some official figures from which I Wish to show what kind of economy bus been practised by the present Congress in view of your vast ana overshadowing financial burdens, I wish you to see how they indi-. vidually spend your money while you” are here at home earning it. The ex ponses of the House of Representative! in 1864 wore 353,630 dollars, I do not csti mate at all tho pay of members. That is another matter entirely. I only speak of what Is called tho contingent expenses of the House. In 1864 every article needed was at as high, if hot a higher, price than now. Gold was at double its present premium, and everything was in proportion. Yet in the year ending June 30, 1868, the present year, we find the House spending for exactly the same objects, 725,555 dollars—almbat "doubling the contingent expenses of that economical body in tiie space of fonr years! The intervening years also between 1864 and 1868 show a steady increase In expenditures for tho support of a reckless and extravagant Congress. In 1865, 481,884 dollars; in 1866 462,438 dollars; in 1867, 502,081 dollars: and in the present year, seven hundred and twenty-five thousand five hundred and fifty-five dollars, as I have lust

Total.

your

two

we will aupj lars—one in The aoldief

to present rates of discount. The bom holder walks off with the soldier’s hundred dollars, and forty dollars beside— shouts for the radical ticket, and thanks

God that he is a “loyal” citizen.

THE CLAIMED SUPERIOR SANCTITY OF THE

BONDED DEBT CONSIDERED. j‘‘

But there seems to be fit the minds of some an impression that there were some things connected with the original pur-

chase of your bonds, which mak

moral equities in

assistants from $1,440 to $2,160 po for the discharge of their duties

lei

iorted try Congress,

mpt to deny a single

statement I here moke, and yet the Chi-

supp

speaks of the duty of “conorny and grows

cago platform,

virtuous against frauds!

But a few ino.-e instances of radical economy. I speak from official reports. In 1864 the horse and carriage hire and cartage of the officers of tho House amounted to $6,504. It 1868 It cost $14,213, being an increase of seven thousand six hundred and nineteen dollars—more than double its former amount. In 1864 for hauling documents you paid $1,653. In 1868 you pay $6,101, being an increase of four thousand six hundred and forty-one dollars. In 1864 for private horses and carriages for the officers of the House j'ou paid $2,465 25. In 1868 you pay for the same purposes and for the same number of persons $6,152 84, being an increase of more than double. Even for a member of Congress to die at Washington makes an occasion for speculation and plunder. Upon the funeral of a member, I find the Sergeant-at-Arms charging and receiving pay for twenty-five dozen and a half pairs of kid gloves, amounting to seven hundred and sixty-two dollars; also for six hundred and fifty dollars’ worth of scarfk and sashes. Not six pairs of these gloves were ever worn at a tuneral, nor a single scarf or sagh, except, perhaps, by the pall bearers, and yet such charges as these are passed by«the Committee on Accounts, and ordered to be paid by the House in

its appropriation bills.

Hero let us pau.-« in this work, not from lack of material, but other points urge me on, ami 1 can do no more than lay specimens before you, from which you can judge of the general tendency of your affairs at Washington. Do you see any gleam of hope in that direction? The very air is filled with pollution, and the very stones prate of the whereabouts of nubile plunderers. Y'ou are robbed every hour by those who cry loudest of their love of country, their loyalty, and their devotion to economy. 1 call upon you t :> make a change. Y'ou arc on the het dlong course to bankruptcy and ruin. Will a party which prey.-t wpo i you, as I have shown, redeem the bind from .he clutches of the tax gatherer? Is it a safe cus'odian of the money of the people? Do you employ a man with stolen property In his pockets as your trusted business agent? YViU you vote for a man who indorses a Congress thus convicted of squandering your money from the smallest sums up to thousands of millions? HAVE THE PUBLIC BURDENS BEEN EQUALLY AND JUSTLY IMPOSED UPON ALL? Now, if we have up to this point obtained some clear idea of the amount < f our indebtedness, and the objects which the public revenues are lavished, and the wholesale extrtvagance of the legislation and of the legislators of the present period, let us next ascertain whether the duty of bearing these great burdens has l>een equally and Justly Imposed upon all. Has the party in power created any privileged classes In this country by law? Is there any one man in the United States who has top..y out of his substance more than any other one man in proportion to his means to meet the demands ofthe Government? If so, then Much enactments should be torn down and the party that fratm d them bo

detuned at the ballot bo.c.

PRIVILEGED CLASSES CREATED BY

CAL LEGISLATION.

I have already shown that th« amount of the National debt t.i one-sixth of tho entire possessions of tue whole people. But it will l>e said in answer tha. Gore is no danger of the one-sixth of your possessions being disturbed or taken, as we are simply paying interest on the debt and waiting for a Is-ttor day to pry the principal. Paying heavy interest "is - dangerous experiment td individu da or nations. You are paying to tiie nondholder, on our enormous debt, an it terost of six per cent, in gold. This is nearly ten per cent, in greitibacks. Henr j you are paying the high rate of between nine and ten per cent, inte-t-st in such money as you have, for go d is not for the people under radical rule. Then if y( u own a farm worth ten thou end dollars, and would take one-sixth c.f it to pay your part of the National Ueb*, will it no. take even moro th«n one-slip a of its proceeds, its income, Us interest we will say, to pay your proportion of this exorbitant interest on theNational debt? You are paying in gold over one hundred and forty millions of dollar^ interest without making any reduction of the principal. Directly or lndirectly every dollar lias to be produced by the working man, and goes, wet with his sweat, into the colfer t of privileged wealth. But L will be said that this is a sacred debt, and not to pay the interest would l>o repudiation. J am against repudiation in all forma, but in the language of lie noeratic platform, laid down In plain words at New Y'ork on

the 4th of July, I am ft r

“One currency lor the t iovernment and tho people, the laborer and otlioe holder, the pensioner and the soldier, the pro-

ducer and the bondholder.”

I would pay all creditors alike. The

pensioner is forced, by a radical Congress, to receive the monthly wages of nis pain, blood, and mutilated limbs, in depreciated paper inoiioy. J. would pay no bondholder qpon enrth in any better currency than! would nay yoinlt r soldier, leaning on his c -It tos. Tfuqt is a plank in the radica; ificago platform which warmly complimrqis ’ho sol Ueis and sailors in tfie latb war, and proceeds to say that “the bounties and pensions provided by law for these brave defenders ofthe Nation, are obi ij* tidonn never to he forgotten. Tho widows and orphans of the gallant dead are tho people’s wards, a sacred legacy, bequeathed

to the Nation’s protectirtg care.” These are fine sounding words, but how

cheap and deceitful] Those who spoke them compel these brave defenders of the Nation to receive their bountietj apd pensions in an inferior kind qf money, while the shoddy contractor, vim amassed mll.ions during the war aitd never saw the smoke of battle, is paid in gold. If the

to the amount of ’ annum. But the mon»r. the

which make all the vor of the holder. On

the contrary, it is a well known foct that when most of these bonds were put upon the market, fifty dollars in gold changed into currency would buy a hundred dollar bond, which is now held at par over

your heads, and for which payment of

principal and interest is demanded in gold. They were the greatest speculation of the age. If there was any patriotism in their purchase it Was only invoked by bribes of millions. The bodies of men were drafted when they were needed for the war and placed in front of the cannon, but the support of the money changers was only to be obtained by golden usury, which now grinds the faces of the poor. The original cost of many of the bonds

has already, by this time, been paid off

by the amount of interest received, and it will be but a short period until all that you pay upon them will be a clear speculation to the holder—will be giving something for nothing on your part—will be a bounty, a pension paid by the toiling masses to the lords of wealth and. the favorites of radical legislation. Talk not to me about breaking contracts. Talk not to me of the superior sanctity of an obligation

because it was made with one class of

men rather than with another. When the law which made greenbacks a legal tender was enacted, tne whole country was full of contracts, to be executed in jold. But the farmer or mechanic who lad loaned his gold to a neighbor, and taken that neighbor’s note or bond for the repayment of gold was informed that the legal tender act broke his contract and forced him to take currency, when ten thousand dollars In gold was worth twen-p-five thousand in paper. If a law of bngress can annul contracts between citizens, what respect can those citizens entertain for an alleged contract between Congress and the bondholders? If Congress assumes to step between private parties and say that you shall take hen your contract calls for gold, t be at all wonderful if the people shofiffT assume the same power in order to £ive one and the same kind of currency ‘to the Government and the people, the laborer and the office holder, the pensioner and the soldier, the producer and the bond holer.” Let the public debt then, principal and interest, five-twenties, seven-thirties, ten-forties, and all, be paid as fast as they fall due in the lawful money of the country. On this platform I stand before you to-day, and if I again enter Congress as your representative I will support no financial plan which gives to you one kind of money as a legal tender, and to the bondholder another and better kind. Let this be understood by all. I will not vote to give the rich man bread and the poor man a stone. Jefferson’s motto shall be mine! “Equal and exact justice to all men*and exclusive privileges to none.” If the working men of this distriet approve my position on this point, I can only pledge them in return for their support, that if elected, it shall be faithfully carried out with what-

ever ability I possess.

EQUAL TAXATION—THE CHIU AGO AND NEW

YORK PLATFORMS UOMPARED.

But there is another questiou iu this immediate connection on which I must also be plainly understood. Property of

ds must pay an equal taxation, •e taxed on everything you touch, directly or indirectly. Yet the man

whose wealth is in bonds on which he collects from you all, from the crippled soldier and the widowed mother, six per cent, in gold is especially by a law of Congress exempted from taxation. You are paying higher taxes than the people of Great Britain or tho subjeets of the French Emperor, and yet this party now in power allows a favored class, holding one-sixth of the whole wealth of the country, to escape the visit ofthe tax gatherer. " There is no answer for this party here. If they are in favor of taxing bunds, as some claim, why have they not dime so? Congress has all the power over the subject, and yet they are to-day not taxed, and your property is. There was no taxation in the funding bill which recently passed. It was simply a bill providing that a man who held a bond paying six per ceut. in gold might exchange" it, if ho wished, for one paying only four per cent. This was called at Washington reducing the rate of interest on the public debt, while it was left entirely to the present holder of the bonds to determine whether they should lie exchanged for four per cent, bonds or not. This delusion uuu snare, this cheat and fraud upon the people, was laid before the President for his approval a few minutes before the adjournment, aud it was very properly not signed and did not become a law. Nothing therefore has been done for you on this great aud vital question, nor will there ever be until you (■hange the political character of Congress. The Chicago platform has this deceptive

plank:

“It' is due to the labor of the Nation that taxation should l>e equalized and reduced as rapidly as the national foith will

permit.”

But the bondholder and the bondholders’Congress say that “the national faith” will not permit equality of taxation—that while j'our property i‘s taxed, theirs can not be, without violating “the national faith.” As to the reduction of taxation, tho offlci il figures show that you are now l>aying more by over a hundred millions, than you did at the close of the war. Thus it ia plain that you have nothing to expect either from' ihe promises or the practices of the party in power. It does not mean to give you relief. It is opposed, as shown Iw its" recorded laws, to the same kind of money for all classes alike; and it will never allow a Federal tax gatherer to cross the threshfiold of a bondholder. Listen, however, to the plain ringing sentence which constitutes the fourth pjank of tho Democratic platform, aa laid down at New York:

>nn,

“ Equal

and fifty-five dollars,

shown.

Besides the above amount, the pay of members is to bo added. This amounted during the year ending June 30, 1868, to one million one hundred thousand doliaj». making Congress itself cost you during the past year the sum of one million eight hundred arid “

then than now. Yet during that year Congress spent for stationery the sum of thirty-eight thousand dollars for the uae of Us members, while during the year that has just closed, it has spent by ita pwn official showing for exactly the same purpose, the. sum of ninety-nine thousand six hundred apd fifty dollars! Thus it will be seen that the letter paper, envelopes, pens apd ink ot the present Congress cost the people sixty-one thousand ahd fifty dollars more than they did four years ago. But4her&..are some secrets covered up under Abp general term of stationery, which you may aa well be apprised of. aa you ha*e them tp. pay for. J find the foociwlng strange table compiled from House Miscellaneous Doc,, No. SI, 2d session 40th Congress, Clerk’s Report i rNSttf. 7®* ffOM 42,900 96 a), a ;•»' i ■' ■ J”. ' ••SIC!. • • li ' > ' WN

one-armed or one-legged pe doner is entitled, by law, to fifteen doU -.rs a month, they pay him in currency, worth about ten dollars, and repudiate the balance. But tiie bondholder gets fifteen dollars whenever the bond says fifteen dcUerj. That is the difference made between these classes by Congress. Tho same amount of the widow’s and orphan’s pension is repudiated by Congress in the

same way. ^

It is claimed that tho bondholder invested his precious mono, at the call of the Government lu Its hour of need. Is it not equally true that the soldier invested ms flesh and blood—that the w»fo invested her husband in the nomine of lile to come back to her po more % er, that tfie child who ia now making its orphan pilgrimage invested its father? Whose investments were the most sacred iu the sight of God and man? Yet Comrrcss makes tfle distinction against life, wiuowhood and orphanage, fti'.cl tells Fhyloek that his bond must be enforced even

though if takes the p' und of flesh

the heart. When did evetr a radical Congress or a radical national convention declare in favor of paying “the pensioner and the soldier, the prodneer and the bondholder,” in the same currency? On this point you can net be deceived. Congress created these bonds, made them a speculation for wealth, and has had unlimited power over the question tf) the present flour," ft has appropriated about forty millions a year wUb which to pay pensions to crippled soldiers and sailors,

orphans of the

Rant and honored dead. But there has >en no gold paid them. Greenbacks at a discount for gold of nearly one-half has been considered by radicalism a sufficient payment of these sacred debta. If the poor pensioner should want gold for a special purpose, there i» one way ha might obtain ft. qs imagifi* tfle lawa

id down at

taxation of every species of

property, according to its real value, including Government bonds, and other

public securities,”

What music there is in that glorious sentence! It is tho clarion call of redemption to the laboring millions. It bids the sweating face look up and hope. It proclaims that day is breaking, and tflat the night will soon be gone. You have been told that the New York Convention was controlled by tfle bondholders. Yet, in a voice vflear, direct, unequivocal -and high above all other voices in tho ears qf oppressed labor, that Convention proclaimed one currency for all. Lawful money for the bondholder aa well as for you, and equal taxation of all property, according to its real value, including Government bonds and other public securities. I take my stand on these great maxims of truth and justice. Never before in all the history of parties inthisomny otfler eounty were the interest of tfle iaporing men, the tax pavera.ao distinctly recognized and defended, as by the New York Convention. Its position is so plain "that fie that runs may read, and the wayfftring man, though a fool, may not err therein.” It is the embodiment of the hopes, the wishes, the interests, and the prayers of every son of toil from one ooesu to the other. Elect a Congress to carry the immortal principles into the practical legislation of the country, and every branch of industry will spring into a newness of life, as our decaying oodles in the final day will arise at the trumpet tones of th® resurrection. It is the magna charta of the tax payer, tfle nafisdinm of the working

masses,

INJUSTICE OF THE REPEAT. OF THE MANUFACTURERS’ TAX. I have already called your attention to the language of the radical Chicago platform in reference to the reduction of taxation, and I wish now to return to it for a moment in order to show how Congress has in one striking instance proceeded in this business. By the act of Congress passed March 31st, 1868, the tax of three per cent, on manufaetured goods in the hands of the manufacturer was stricken off, and the manufacturer thus left free, to that exeat, of taxation. Tfle amount of revenue of wflicfl the Treasury ia thus deprived ia about sixty millions a year.

— - —— — — per cent, tax was always heretofore charged up to tfle purchaser in tfle price of the articles whiefl fle bought. This ia an admission of what I have always claimed—that you consumers paid the Eastern manufacturers’ tax and yopr awn besides. But do nqt for a moment cherish the sweat delusion that anything flaa been done for your interests by tflU legislation. When the measure was under discussion in Congress tt was said that when this tax was remitted to the manufacturer the tariff on foreign goods should also be cut down an equal per cent. Had this been done the manufacturer, in order to compete with imported goods would have been compelled to lower his prices. His protection to sell at the present high rates would have been taken away to the amount of three per cent, Jfot whUe Wa tax ww abolished the tariff was not lowered, and fle is now protected against competition from abroad Juat aa much as he was before, Before getting msrohandise into our market, the importer from Europe haa to pay an average of about forty-five per oent* To tMa extent; this enormous extent, the Eastern. maanfe.

31, is a free gift to the manufacturer, and the agricultural and other laboring interests of thq country are compelled to , replace it / In the Treasury of the United States. This is a plain proposition. The law and the facts speak fbr theifiselves. They are easily understood by all. Who is in favor of this mode of reducing taxation? Read the law for yourselves. The manufacturer’s tax is reduced three per cent.; all there was on his manufactured articles; sixty millions are thus taken out of the treasury; you are called upon to make up the loss to the revenue, and all the time you pay the same high protective tariff prices for all the necessaries and comforts of life. I might pause and denounce this wicked fraud ana iniquity, but I will not. It denounces itself with more power than I could. The mere statement of such a stupendous wrong calls out against the guilty perpetrators like avenging blood from the ground against a fleeing murderer. Its voiee will never cease until justice is executed upon the betrayers and oppressors of the people. THE INTERESTS OF LABOR SHOULD BE

PROTECTED.

I have thus far, fellow citizens, dealt in very plain and simple terms upon the great interests of Labor. Every financial system is based upon your toil. He who discusses with you the expenditures of your Government and its methods of taxation is talking to you about each hour of your daily labor; about all the comforts as well as all the privations and wants of your homes; about every dollar that you owe and all your embarrassments for •want of means to pay; about all your cares for the future, your hopes and anxieties for the prosperity of your children when you shall have closed your eyes on time and opened them on eternity. It is tiie mighty, momentous question of the hour. My interest in it is a part of my nature. I inherit a sympathy with those who eat their bread in the sweat of their faces. I know their ways, their wants, and their cares, and should I be chosen their representative in Congress, the protection of their interests would be to me as the protection of my own blood and kindred. THE EVILS OF CONGRESSIONAL RECONSTRUCTION CONSIDERED. There are other vast questions of national import which I will more fully discuss soon before the people. I have arraigned Congress and its supporters today mainly upon a single issue. My views upon its policy of reconstruction are familiar to you all, and I shall have many occasions again to repeat and enforce them. By that policy it has surrendered to the negro a region of your country more vast, productive and fertile than any of the proudest kingdoms of Enrope. It has blighted the fairest fields of wealth and national revenue the dews and rains of Heaven ever descended upon. The radical leaders are not content with negro equality. They have established negro supremacy in ten of the States. Once Henry Clay" asked, in accents of despair, “Who shall rebuild this glorious Union if it is once broken?” The leaders of radicalism ans\yer him, as he sleeps bis honored sleep at Ashland, by exclaiming, "The negro! the negro!” He is to resurrect fallen States, and, by his wisdom and intelligence, restore their delicate relations to the Federal Government. In the hands of a few more negroes in the South than there are voters in Indiana has been placed the control of ten States, and virtually the election of twenty Senators, and fifty members in Congress. Under radical rule the political power of one negro, under the sway of a standing army, and sustained "and fed by the Freedmen’s Bureau, is equal to the votes of ten white men in Indiana. The barbarism of the African, which never since the dawn of time established a government, is made to outweigh and overawe the civilization of the white man, both North and South. He is thrust into the arena of national affairs, clothed with ten times the power that is given to you under the Constitution. His votes are to count ten times more than vours in the election of President. In ‘the interest and under the leadership of wicked and evil minded partisans, the unlettered, densely ignorant negro of the South holds the balance of power in tins country, and will be made to dictate its future policies and mark out its destiny. By the State constitutions recently framed in the South by the blacks and their vagrant white allies, every Northern man who does not indorse negro equality in its widest bearings, is excluded from the right to citizenship if he should wish to settle in those inviting lands. In all the recent negro constit utiona yon will find a clause like this, which I read from the Constitution ot Arkansas: “All persons, before registering or voting, must take and subscribe the following oath: ‘I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I accept the civil ‘and political equality of all men, and agree not to attempt to deprive anv person or persons on account of race,‘color, or previous condition of any political or civil right, privilege or immunity enjoyed bv any other class of men.’ ” Art 8, sec. 5. NEGRO SUFFRAGE. If, then, radicalism is defeated in its attempts, so often made, to force negro suffrage on the people of the North, at their own homes,yet it compels the Northern man to swear that he will support it forever, and never attempt to abolish it, before he can live as a citizen in any one of the reconstructed States. Last year the radical leaders made negro suttrage an issue in Ohio, and were beaten fifty thousand; yet a citizen of Ohio can not be a citizen of Alabama, unless he take an oath to change his principles. Again, the attempt was made to establish negro suffrage last fall in Kansas. It was defeated by eight thousand, Yet a citizen of Kansas can not move into the neighboring State of Arkansas, and carry with him the right to vote or hold office, unless, in the most solemn manner, he first repudiates the public will of his present home. But a few months ago Michigan drove negro suffrage from her borders bv forty thousand majority; yet, in order to be clothed with citizenship in ten other States, her people are called upon to re verso this powerful record. Thus s. barrier is raised against emigration from the North to the rich fields of the South. The doors are open only to such as are willing to alfliliate with'the negro, and to swear tflat they will never attempt to disturb his absolute equality with the white race Are you, who are living in the descending waters of the Mississippi Valley—those channels which nature made for your communication, trade, and social intercourse with the South—are you willing to be halted on the borders of Tenriesse, Arkansas, Mississippi, Alabama, or Louisiana, bv.a negro sentinel, and made to swear allegiance to the policy of negro suffrage? You would repudiate it bv a hundred thousand majority in Indiana, vet in one-third of the boundaries of tiie Republic, no one of you can be a citizen who dues «cvt embrace it, and seal his degradation by an oatli—an oath reaching to all the future, and excluding in advance every reason which might dictate a change hereafter. The whole South is thus to be Africanized, her civilization destroyed, her fields of cotton, sugar, rice, corn and tobacco, made barren and unproductive; her capacity to assist you in paying the taxes of the country stric'ken down, and all her fruitful lands and mighty rivers denied to you and your posterity, I am no foe to the black man. I woqid make the Government a blessing and hot a curse to him. In the work of his own hands he should eat his bread, and I would protect him in the fruits of his industry. Nor would I tax him, save for the education of his children. But from all participation in the affairs of Government, I would exclude him in all the States us you do here in Indiana. Tho examples of the Almighty, tho teachings of all nistory, and the deep philosophy of human nature, all denounce the commingling of separate ?and distinct races. It is an unimaginable curso to both. Prosperity never ulessed a land that attempted it. Every age and every dime in tfle annals ofthe human race, proclaim this great fact. I am therefore for the supremacy of tiie white race aud the rule aud Government of the white man. He alope, of all the tribes aud kindreds that have peopled the earth since the stars first held hi^h jubilee in the sky togeth r, has shown himself capable of self govornmept. Into his hands, and his alone, would Ijcommit the mighty mission and the lofty, destiny of my country. And sooner or later to this doctrine will wo all cootQ! with one mind and one heart, regardless of party ties or party names. Then will our country rise from her distractions and calamities, and present her bright forehead without spot or wrinkle to tfle gaze of the nations. THE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES. On these principles then I am willing to stand or fall at the ballot box. Horatio Seymour stands upon them, and I support him as a lofty unsullied statesman. Party rage may assail him, but his record brightens as we behold it. He saved the army of tfle Union at Gettysburg, and for it received the personal thanks of Abraflam Lincoln and Edwin M. Stanton. This recorded fact is the solemn key to flia whole conduct during the war. To save the Union and save it on the principlas of civil liberty has been the guiding motive of his life. On such a platform as we presented at New York he will be carried higher by the American people. And another name is with him worthy to hs there. The intrepid leader, whether in the council or the field, tfle brave, cflfvairio Frank Blair—whose services are more conspicuous, whose escutcheon brighter with honorable action? He is charged with revolutionary designs. Was ne a revolutionist when in the dark opening hours of tfle rebellion fle held

corps he fcraght'his Way w the sea?' No; nor fa he ®ow. He asks that public judgment may be invoked against unconstitutional laws, the usurpations and the crimes enacted under the name of reconstruction, and that then suefl wrongs will cease. I too invoke the public judgment on this subject. Public opinion is a power. When uttered at the ballot box in a free country it must be obeyed. Governor Morton cries out that we mean wax, and seeks as usual to alarm the timed with visions of blood. Nobody dreams of war but himself. Who 4s making preparations for war except himself and his friends at Washington? Who is buying rifled muskets at your expense and seeking to place them in the hands of partisan organizations? He voted to purchase and distribute two hundred and eighteen thousand at a cost of nearly four millions. Where is the loo he is to meet? Where is the armed enemy? Not in the North. Not in the South. It is too late to practice upon the prejudices or fears of the people w r ith the outcry of another rebellion in that region of abject submission and hopeless poverty. It is a thrice told tale, aud falls dead upon the intelli-

gent public ear.

And now, citizens of Y’igo county, and of the Sixth District, in conclusion, as in the beginning, my gratitude to you is the paramount feeling of my heart. You have upheld me in days gone by. To you I owe all, and into your arms I once more cast myself with ‘an unfaltering trust. Errors I may have committed in the past. You will not, however, believe them intentional. You will ratliei believe that my heart has ever iieeil true to you. You have known me too long and well to at-

uaiiuweu. vy min aimii be the only witness I will call of my fidelity to you. And now, in the fear of God, and with a profound sense of an eternal responsibility, I assert before you my devotion to my Country, her Union, her Liberties, and ‘her Constitution, in the past, in the present, and in the future, until 1 shall lay down to that sleep that knows no waking.

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