Daily State Sentinel, Volume 14, Number 4445, Indianapolis, Marion County, 19 January 1865 — Page 2

ABQLITiON OF SLAVERY BY CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT.- ;

HtmarUx of llou. Utorzt 17. IVn tlttton in the llonc of Iltpnitixtnllvcfij Jan, 1H0.1. Mr. Öpetker, I ehall not detain ilie IIuue lon to dy. Wbea ihn eoject aa under dicti.ija at the 1 t cation of Co2j;re, I er.learorci to mmia bj argcmcct that three fourths of th tatca 2iJ cot r,oea3 coDititutiotiil fiowtr to thi imeo.I.T.tnt. I hi J arm ed t thtl con cluiMoa after mature deliberation I bate litru. eJ with fcreat altcation to the opinions of tlemen co tfce other t!d of the Iluue who dmgree .with me. I bare hear the entieman from Iowa, Mr. Kanon, and the cn.tle man from M rjUodMr. Creiwc!!. ttiJ I Lf elistexel to the awepinjr, declaratiwu of my coMenr:e Mr. Cox, of Ohio, who sir hefcioJ tue. 1 hTe cr.dcavoreJ to weigh irajvartiilij the argamenn which they bare adduced in up port ot their opinion. I an coaatrainei t aj tr.at I hire heard nothing which baj in the least decree weikened my faith in the co&cluion at which 1 bad arrived. It i became I cannot fro hefond this question ut jxwer. beciuM I am cot at liberty l ootj-iier auy other quratioos, that I aba'.l coufioe ruT?e!( eicluiie!y to iu conxideration I wiil not do ray colleague from the Toledo district Mr. Ah!ejthe i:.ju.tice to uppo that a Iii argumeDt on Friday he intended to ' make a complete reply to the proposition which I endeirored to autaia at the Iat csion. I UDdertaci, Mr. Speaker, the ri'ht of revo lution.. J krow nhn are it limitations acd iu firic::nrn 114 onziu is uui iu uuuiau iusuiutions; in atciisL are uot ia pcinl eatctiuccit. V It tum is la the hurun heut; iu origin ii in the a(.r4:ioiia of mn for propres; it sanction U the ultimi ratio from whose dread judrr.ci.t there ii no apj-el. The minority of the people mar, it they ca. r-uhrrt thii coLfcderati-m, acd fetlablUa ia iu ate-! a cortaoliJtU; J unitv. Much mure my a uiapritj. Three fourths of the Utes ray aWli-5 thn republican frru of poTernment, and, to use the illustration of my colleague, Mr. Cox, J my elect the king of Dt . homey to be their autoent; and then, r(ponir.e in the re-en t only to nation and to (tod, and re por.V.ble in the future only to the ues and t ciriiizilioo, they may draw their t word, and if they Lave tLe tower irnpo-e that form of ror--Tum upoo 10 diitUiJK uu-m. Hut J beg mjr colle.gue Mr. Cox an I Mr. Ashley to remember, and I heg gentlemen who differ from rr.e to remember, that the riht of roliatacco is an perfect; th.it the duty of re-istauce Is more abso!nte; find that the rsu-e of tho-e wh reit is tacit! in the eyes of God ;iad mm, and will, if they ate uctc.lul, cemmaud the ad miration of the worlJ, and crown thetn with the firc which belonrs to catriota and heroe. Bat. sir. we r not discu.inz that tiirht of rerolution, nor yet the right of all the stit- to amend this constitution. We are discuing the powera of change which are granted by th;s written constitution. We are discussing ttn powers of change which by this instrument are ciren to the majority, and the obligation of obe dience Süd 'iiieic:ce which is impo-td on the minority. I Mippoo it will be admitted a a roxira, subject to r. coiitrovery , tht wheievtr .there is constitutional power in the nnjoritr to ciunge tlie constitution there h a coreu tire duty upon the part of the rn.ooritr, Htlentlr. pe.iceiul ly and immediately to acnuiece htreter ' there is the right of residence in the minority, there is no right of aruendmcr.t in the mnjorit.v I bare endesrored to m li'itivin that the right of amendment granted by this cou-titution is limited in two ways. First by the letter of the constitution iltlf, and i cxt by the sprit and inteut and scope of ihu instrument, au 1 by the Ue which underlies it ail us 11 foundation. My colleague who pita behind me. Mr. Cox J and my cullcigue truni the Toledo diirict, Mr. Ashler admit that the power of amendment is limited by the iet't-r of the constitution itself, but they inser; thit it ii limited br tlMtruIeonlj, and no other. I neg gentlemen to remember that this is not a question of revolution or of . physical force; it is not i question of abstrac t right or of natural justice, but of power dtlepsted by the written text of the constitutioa itelf. From th time of the ancient prophets he was an honorable and upright man who htoodby his word though it led to his own injury. Now I desire to a;k, gcntleme.u," whether it is true that the power of change in that coiif-ii-tutioa is limited enly by its w ritten "hnguage? There are but three points ia wbich that cotistitution, bj its letter, could not be changed. The first was the right of importation of jlare- before lSOi; the KCMaJ wa the rule of taxation, acd the third was the equality of represrntuti n in the Senate. The prohibition ofchaure ia one article wa ncceirily limited by the article itself to the ear 10. My. collengce from tins Toledo district, in the speech which he made the other day, toll us with reference to this point: "K I read the constitution aright and understand the force of lanusge, the section which 1 hive just quoted is to-d ay free from all limitations and conditions sire two; one of which pro rides that the sufl'rage of the several states in the Senate shall be equal, and that no tate shall lose this equality by any amendment of the constitution without its co'ent; the other relate Li tti ttiitn. 1 h r th on! r condition und limitations " I deny it. I aert that thero is another limitation stronger erea thm the letter of the constitution, and thit it is to be found in its intent and its spirit and its foundation idea. I put the question which has been put before in this.debite: Can three fourths of tho states constitutionally change thi rovciLtrent, and make it an autocracy. It is a t prohibited by th letter of the constitution. Mr. Ashley. Did mr colleague understand that by my speech I meint that Mr. "Pendleton. I understood exactly whit the gentlnann claimed, and I am endeavoring to rua to its extreme the rerjes upon which the geatlsmao tUuds U-day in order to con rince him of the weak point ia his argument. Mr. Ashley. I said in mr speech that aur atuecdmcut republican in its character 'Mr Pendleton. I will come directly to the limitation which the gentleman put upon the power. 1 need not ask mr coile igue ironi loiedo d. strict what question, because

answer lie will make to tb.t: not maae mv.-eii cieariy uniicrsrooa in me propI hare it tiiieadv. Ho would ! option that I was arjjuinc- I was considering

say No : tint change' is not w ühin the e of the power of amendment j;ir;i to thr o four:'. of the aUtes." Why? It is Lt forbi Men. It does not iMtne withi.i the two c?a-.-ri of limit ttiorn and cou.titions averted by triy C(1!e.ru Why is it that this change canuot b- he made t I w:!! tell you why. It is because republicanism lies at the rerr fotin lotion of oor sr-em of government, aud to overthrow that is not to aim ; I, but to subrert the ontitnti n of the Uuited S'ite- ; and I ?ay thit if threi fourth oj th? sta h-:;l undertake to piss an amra imetit of tint kind, and Khode llan alone tli-.-entt.t. woulj hare the rgbt to resist by b rv-c lf woui i f c her duty to resist by fnce ; at. her ciu-e would be o red in the eyes of just iu"n, and sanetiti J iu the eyes of a just God Let me co on a little further. Can three fourths of the Stnte mike an amendment to the constitution of the Ui.ire 1 States which shall prohibit the Mate i f Ohi from having two houses ia its legislative aembir. Mr collesgue would r.ot aree ta that Why not? It is cot prohibited in the constitiiti-vi The letter of the Constitution i n -t again-t i:. It is an amendment which nur b republican i i form ; its contravenes tenet of repubiicar.ism that a legislature shall be cf ore houe only. Way could not this bo done? Uecause t'ie eaal itr of the state lies at the verv foundation of ocr system, and a! le'sus the control of the täte over their intern il affairs are tqua'.ly at its f.u;.d atijn Ar.l I krow ny col.eague tK well to suppose that h-e would not jo?"i w,:h me ii avi:: that such a usurpatiou ot power on tu pirt of three fourth. of the ttc would jt:t:fy otr owu state in drawir.; the swerd. Sir, can three fouiths of ti.e states prorkle an amendment to the constitution by which one foorth hou'd bear all the taxri of this goierri raeut? Il is not prohibited. To be -ure there in a rule iu the cöititution that taxation 'ball be uniform, but that provision, according to the ti?wry of my fr.cnd from Ohio, i? revokable sod changeable as the rest Ti e gei.t'.erasn knows that that amenmeüt woutd i ot r, wth:n the co ot the power granted to three fourths cf the stites, an i that it wou',1 ju-i'.r? reance Can three fourths of the statte, by an amet.d- ' Rent ef thi ontitutioi.. subrert the s-'ate i;orcrnmets of one fourth acd diiiJ their trrtyry lanr? the rrt? It is not forbidden; I rea i no croh.b:tIi ia the lin-ruageof the ont ti.tioti . lid i?t ni coü'i.'ue would r-jt CO' tend tha: Ca'd be do-e. He would justify rc.-itane. Caa three fourths of the states so amend the a-obsUtation of the states aa to make the coTtbern

täte of th! uvon tUrch h!in? täte? The ceT:!rrnn fr-T If:nr Irani Mr. TLajrr J at the Ul e; u -i I tht'in hit judgment it might be tl.-i I k? w thit tb majority f thi hr,a-e

repu.'.nre t' t d-K-trsne. I wotild repdi. t'c it ra-elf. Uff'ieriug. 1 d , that the ledcrt c jcrr.tn''i.t eau no more make a alare thaf it cn mike .1 kirg, I Lr one would be ready to resit it to the hst extremity. Mr. -Th4er I -hfsk tft jjefi:ewr. from Ohio dor4 ii: reci'fly quote tl e nr 'er that I t:aC V the q jtioa that l.e haijut rcfrrel to. If .1 reoolit-ri rightly tfce aaier which 1 care t the queti -n Uj'-n te occasion referred to.it wm hatso far a slrtrj could.be tendered lawful, a contitntional prorfmn making it lawful in all parts of the United btaUs would tare a bird m 2 and !egl effect u;cn the 1 to pie of the Uniu-1 State. Mr. Penilcton. I understood that to be lie portion of the geatlerniii from Pennsylvania, ar.d if I express! nirw lf clearly I niBnt to rerreent him i-r-rrectlyUnd I mear;f in behslft-f myelf to repudiate that proportion, for I d :. t belierethat it lies within the p-wer of thrcfour:h.i of the itatcs to give to the fleTa! govetnmcnt the power to make the c'Auzls of 1 ute slares w.thin its juridicUon. - Mr. Tbayer. The gentleman ntill. I think, fails to apprehend the character of the arswer which I gire to his question- I have never cooceded that an amendment or a law of the b-uh 1-ro-i character ugCted by the question , .woui 1 hare a moral force or a mofjl obligation ujk:j the people of the Unite. State. Hut what I id. in an wer-tu the qoelion of the geollcuim from Ohio wa., that it would have the force of law, the force of an amendment of the constitution; that the law, if it was opposed to the inalienable rights of thepeop'eof the United States', would be, if I may u-e a contradictory expre.-ion, an unlawful lw, a law whieti rou could not enforce, a law cor.travcning the inslienable riglits of the citizens of this country. I hope, sir, that I have male myself understood. 1 do not wish to be placed iu the position which the last remaik of the gentleman from Ohio assigned to me, of saying that either a law of Congrenj ur anv amendment of the contitu tiou which could be adopted by the people of the United States could introduce ularcry into a state, but 1 siy that io far "as it would have the effect of law it would legalize it. Mr IVo lietori Mr Speaker, I would not d injustice to the gentleman from Pennsylvania, a I btfiicvo le well knows. I go a (step. further than he does. I say that it would not be binding in morals; I say that it would not lie binding in law. It would be illegal. It would be void. It would hare r.o more sanction than that which the power of tho-e who chose to impose it would be able to gire to it. It would be binding on thuse who would come within the power of the sword of lho.e who made it, and on no other. Mr. Wilson. Will the gentleman permit me to aik him a question? Mr. Pendleon Certainly. Mr. Wilson. Mr. Speaker, if tint be the posiiiuii which the gentle-man designs to oc.npv, I should like to h ive that gcatlemaa inform the Hou.-'C where any portion of the people of this ccuntry porti n dtrited the power to make any other of the people .la?c iu the nrst in Ht.iiue. Mr. Pendleton. Tber did not derive it fiom the constitution of the United States. . Mr. Wilson. I ak where they did derive it? Mr Pendleton. They did tot derive it from the constitution of the United States. They did not give to the Constitution, or rather to the gorerumeut of the Uuited State, which the constitution formed, the right to iuterfere with it whete it existed. I will not now be drawn into a discuioi. with the gentleman as to tLe origin of ?! iverr, uor.to the law, which lies behind the constitution of th? United States and behind the gavemuientsof the states, by which these people are held in slavery. When that subject is pertinent I will not hesitate to enter into thedebtte. Perhaps he and I might not differ about that. Iljt I am di.-cuising the quc?tin which is put forth so ostensibly bv the other side of the House, that u ud er the constitution not br the riht of revolution under its clauses and provisions, there tiLti the power to make this anuudiucD'. Mr. Karson. Mr. Speaker The Speaker. Does the gentleman from Ohio yieid to the gentlemau from Iowa? Mr. Pendleton. Certainly, bir. Mr. Kasson. Mr. Speaker, I rose a moment ago, as the gentleman knows the esteem in which I hold his ability on these questions, to sta:c this to him, and to make an inquiry. It pceras to me that he has taken the extreme ground of the extreme abolitionists, so frequently denounced by his politital associates on thia floor and at the other end of the capitol, of a higher law than the constitution itec'.f. I etite that as a preliminary to the inquiry which I propose to make. lie is referring every proposed amendment to the individual opinion of a man as lo whether it accords with the spirit which underlies the constitution and irrespective of its letter. If that be so.it is a direct appeal to and an n loj)ion of what has been obnoxiously styled the higher law as maintained by extreme abolitionists time and again. ' Now, I wish to ak on this identical logical point to be derived from his premises, did rot those who framed the constitution affect the subject which he declares now to be incapable of amendment, when they prohibited every state from increasing its interests in slavery br any importation of the people from abroad who could increase it, and in what respect this amendment differs in kind from that incorporated In the constitution itself, which declares to the states they shall not swell by one, after the year Ii"", the slaves they then had within their borders? I sk him on principle, not on detail, on kind, not in degree, what the difference is. Mr. Pendleton. Mr. Speaker, it is well for gentlemen to understand exactly the position which their antagonists occupy before they go into a discussion of the kind supce.-ted by my friend from Iowa; and I would like him to answer the question whether or not he believe', with the gentleman from Pennsylvania, Mr. Thayer. that the adoption of an amendment of the constitution, such as I alluded to, would legillr carry the institution of slavery into the l orthern states. Mr. Kason. I will answer that question directly the gentleman frankly and clearly answers mine. Mr. Pendleton. The gentleman says ho will answer my question us soon as I answer his. I siv to hi tu that I was very unfortunate it I did i the powers guirar.tied by the ittrumect itself. 1 was considering only those powers, ano I f xrrcssjT distinguished between the right of revolution and the right under which gentlemeu claim that they hare the power to make thi amendment. For all purposes of this argument 1 have only ought to place mu-clf on the constitution of the United State.-, and not to invoke the authority of any law that is higher th in it. I hare taken extreme c$es. I told my colleague (Mr. Ashley) that I intended to take extreme cases, because it is only by extreme cases that the souadnes of principles can be measured. Mr. Wilson. I desire to ak the gentleman from Oh'o, (Mr. Pendleton,) in order fully to understand the theorv upon which he ii conducting this argument, whether he believes that the ftates, actirg in what he calls their sovereign cxpacity, hare the power or the right to make a onion of the people of the states slaves? Mr. Pendleton. That is a question which I willdiscasg with the pet.tlemin from Iowa, ; Mr. Wilson) whenever it is rertinent the subject in ban 1. Mr Wilson. I wns going t suggest to the trcntleman tiat 1 uroertooi nn tiieorr to in clude that, lfl misunderstood him, th?u J ak his pard u. Mr. Pe: d!efn. The, question which we are d sous;r.g to car is r..' goierntnnt lo decide within it b-iundare. the L-cr resern-d in st the power of the s'ate the status of tt .e THV ie Mat the nuet!on is as to tf is compact of c-vifeJer at.oii lo its cjnstitueLts, whLh are the stitcs. Mr. Wiisou Mr. Sj oaker Mr. Wadsworth. 1 object to the entlemxti from Ohi 'Mr. Pendleton) rie'din the tljor to aiv further interruption. Mr. PrndleU'ii. ! hope mr freiid will not object to nny question until I do The breaker. The Chair will cic the rule to be re 1 . Tho Cletk thea read the fallowing rule of the Hooc : While a member is occupying the floor he cay yield it to another lor explanation of the pending measure as well as for personal explan atlon.' . I h Speaker. The rule is a verv broad or e The Chair tes not see how the gentleman from Ohio Mr IVi-ileton can be limitei in his right t lifVt the floor to any member who may de?ire to rk him a Question. Mr. Boatw:i. 2 understand the gentleman from OLio Mr. Peadletoa to say that be dis-

dented from the Jot trine that the power to amend the constitution i an unlimite! powT. I wish to ssy that I a'.!o iient from' tbtt dec.rioe I do not agree tint an ler the article of hr contitation authcri.r,,; amendments we hare the right to smcci the ccc:itution po a U c?'ab!i?h flu err. or to inrite th k?ng fd Dahomey to ru'e ore r th:s cnr.Try. I think tfce limitation, if the jrrr.tlernm from" Ohio Mr. Pendleton will bssAT with n;e a moait-i.t lu:.cr, ia lour.d in the preamble, 4 fo'l'iws :

"Ne. tic ieo;.eol ti e Lt.: ted iLj.m cr Icr to fwrm a mor? perif ur. or, es'avi-n ju tice, insure d orac-t c trarq'ii'ay, pro .-de for the common dclct.-c, promote ' - gHier.d welfare, and feenre the bles-Ings of liberfy 'fo ourelres acd our posterity, do eiiai:i r I e-tibh.-li: this con-titution." ( )i c f rovi-ion ( f lb cor it'.itioii is that in a certain war it mar he amended. Whenever it is amended it mmt bo amended, in order that it I ruay hav f.o'.h rr.orul timl 'r-il force, in rcnlor i mity with the objects lor l.hi il e cvntl'.tio:i I w is frame J, as set forth in tb presmbie. At.d j an muTid merit which ter: J-j to "a m- re perfect I union, to . utatlisL jis titCrf. to .insure domofti: ! tranquility, to rrovidf? fcr the commou i!e.'ene, i ffj promote the geieril weltaie, and to ccure the blessings tT liberty to our sei es and our pos j terity," is an amendment which, when made ac I cording to the form prescribeil in the constitu- ; t.on. is botli morally and legiliy binding .pij I the people of the country. Hut if it be in ide in M;oitioa of these g;e it et jecta, althocgb U may be legally operative, it has no in-.ral force The argument woul 1 be. in my mind, that the amend ment we now advocate is hi onformitr with those objects, w hile an ameudmeut to etb'ih slavery would be contrary to them. Mr. Pendleton. I see that the centleman j ffwm sMa-sichSetts jMr iioutwellj appreciates very weil the argurotut I am now making, and fcfrhas ft parated himself from iqt Colletgnefrom trie Toledo district, Mr. Ashler and my colleague who ?its behind me Mr. Cox and other gentlemen who have preceded me in this debate, in drawing the distinction as to the character o' the amendments to be made. He repudiates the doctrine which those gentlem ui hare averted, that the prohibition upon amendments is limited only to the letter of the constitution itself. Mr. Ashley My colleague, Mr. Pendleton will do me the ju-tice to ?;iv that 1 was earclul to make the limitation that no amendment could be made nnti-rcpuMican in its character. Mr. Pendleton. I will do my colleague no injustice. 1 was repudiating the doctrine of the right or co.i-titutioiial power ol three fourths of the atates so t amend the constitution ;u'th.it they may- carry the institution of elaverv into the-e northern states. I was s ekii: to impress upon gentlemen the argument that there were other t rohibitions than those which were contained in -tlie letter of the constitution. I declued my belief, and I repeat it, that it is not w ithin the power of three-fourths of the etites to impo.-e upon the dirst-nting dates such an amendment. Autboiity over the status of iti.own titiieim belongs to each stitc. It cannot be deprived of it. Mr. Ou'jci:. I will ftk the etit!eman from Ohio (Mr. Pendleton) whether, in Iiis opinion, the men who made the constitution could, at the time they made it, h ive prohibited the in.-titu-tion ol slavery within the United State:-? Mr. Pendleton. In my judgment ' the constitution ot the Uuited Spates wonhi never have been ratified by nine of the states with such a provirion iu it. Mr. Oooch. That is no my question. I sk the gentleman whether in his opinion they could have prohibited slavery without violating any of the eseu'ial an 1 fund mental piiueiples of the govtrnment? Mr. Pendleton They could bare prohibited it, it would have been binding upon those states which ratified it, because it was in the power of each state to give up to the federal government the decision of the status of its people; but the other 6tates cannot claim to make that decision except by express grant from each state. Mr. Ciooch. I would ask the gentleman a tili further tjuestiou; whether by the adoption of the state constitution and lie amendments to it the states have not eonleried that power upon theeon-ditutioaal majority, or upon tint poser w hich they have authorized to amend the constitution. Mr. Pendleton. I think they have not, or else I would not have been denying the power for the list half hour. I have been endeivoring to show that the limitations in the letter of the constitution wire not the only limitations upon tho power of amendment. And I have done it for the purpose of letding gentlemen of "this House to a conclusion which I am prepared to take, following the line of argument that I have done, showing that you cannot, under the power of amendment, contravene the letter and spirit of the constitution; that you cannot subvert r1 publicanism; that you cannot destroy the liberties of the states; that vou cannot de -ide the status of the citizens ofthestitcs. I would lead thcra to the conclu.-ion th it there is no power on the part of the federal government on the part of three quarters of the state, I intended to say say to adopt the amendment, that is now pro posed rand that if you do it, if you ttempt to impose that amendment upon the dissenting states by force, it will be their liht to resist you bv force, and to call to their aid all the powers which flod and nature have given them to make that force effective. Now, sir. I do not intend to do my colleague from the Toledo district Mr. Ahlev the least i'.ju-tice in stating his argument. He felt the force of the suggestions whtch I hare endeavored to present. They occurred to a mind accus tomed to anticipate the objections which may be made to the position which he assumes. Having laid down in the broadest possible terras that the conditions and limitations imposed upon the power of amendment are onlr thoe which are ex pressly declared in the constitution, he follows it up by a declaration that, " in kit judgment, congress may propose and three-fourths of the states may adopt any ameudment republican in its character anJ consistent with the continued ex istence of th nation, save in the two particulars jut named." Why does he impose those two further limitations? There is no puarantee in the constitirion that the fclera". g vemment sh II be republican in form. There is no prohibition of a chance of the federal government to a dif leren t and anti republican t rm. The gentle man's own admission overthrows the found ition noon which his arumcr t rests. And I would like to know from the zentlcmin where there is a prohibition upon the rights of toree-foutths of the States to dissolve the confederation. He says that any amendment must be "con sis'it.t with the continued existence of the na tiou " I deny it. I s y that three fourths of the 8taes can dissolve the con fed erat ion. They Can unnul the constitution Thev can di o!ve the union, but they cannot tike aw i y from tho coti-tuueat rates those Lowers which are arc reserved, t.ot oniv bv the letter, but by the tpirit and thy intent and dt-ipn of the instrument it--elf Put this speech of my c l'egi;e contain - an other rem irk ibie statement, to which I delicto call his -tt'cntioi. Folhjwinc the line f rtrur.icr.t whL'h seems to have been adopted bv the gentleman from M ls-schusetts, (Mr Oooch, in the question which he put to me just now, my eol!esiue sa: "Mr. S;ker, I presume no mn, not even n.v col'eigue, will deny that when the thirteen colonies or stues assembled by their reprose:.! iti ves to make the present national constitution they might have abolished slavery at once. Or, if the theory of the oldpirties is true, that a repub lieui government m ay .authorize or rermit the th e-u-! iv ment of men. whi h I deny, thev colI 1 have povided f r the crnan. ipation of ali slaves in twenty or fifty years, if they had seer, fit; and if the j eople of nine st ite s had vo'e 1 to ratify such a constitution, slavery could ;-ot, after the period named, hive existed br are liw U; I indehmce ot the national constitution, either in o:;e of the old thirteen states or ia any ore of the stites a luii:tcl into the union .'nee its adopt-on ' I) 't tJo cer.tienim mn to stv that the rati ll.M'ion ot r.'.ne states would have prohibi-d the institution of slavery in the thirteen stites? f) e the gentlcmin mean to - ly that the ruifieation of nine states would have etide the constitution tiiri.fn? upon the thirteen? If that is the centieunn's view, then I a-k by whit auth- ritv such a r.uiEcaiiou would i.aie had such an effect? I reid in th constitution iteif tliat "the ratif.catin of ti e Cvr.ventior.s of i.ir.e states shill he ultic!er.t t'r tre establishment of tros coniutuion t-et eeu the tte.s k ratilving the sime " Does the ccr.tlera in still contend" that the pruvi en of the Coüstitntloa rat.ücl bv iine tates would hare been bn 1 n j nn-n the thirteen? Mr. Ahley. I intended, Mr. S;c,kr. to ay ths; That the ratif cat', n of the constitution bv t.ioc flates ! the eld ctn,fe.ierat;on practical lr m de them a n iti n It is true the cliu-e of the c.rititu:ion quoted by my colleague de ! res that noLe but the states ado, tir.g it rou! i be bound by it. Yet, practically, if adopted by cine of the thirteen it made the whole witi ail the

territory bf-Ionging to them, a cation. Undoubtly the f rarr-eri cf tv coes'itution heilere! that il it w adopto by &'no states iSe pnctical effect would be to f rce the o:hr fjcr t adopt it. I hare r.o doubt such was ti e und rtir.diitg of the tncrrS"r3 of the coarent' o,an i certaialy such was the practical effect of it. Mr Pe.ndleton. Vt ell, Mr. breaker, that is a mr-; extraordinary proposition. It m't;ht be true .that, ia the course of time, and by the power of c,;;:.j:;et, nr ly tn w.ral i:i flufnCCit which a goreruacat comrwuei ot n-se s'ates would hare exertcl. tfceet r fta'e i ri 1 1 bare f'cea persui je-1 to c .nie into t'ne ;uuu, but'I deny tlt any ot. s:ie would hare been b"und by any ratifjcailon except th-t pu-ceedtr.? from the state ite!f. The theory uhith the tcritlemm ha? explair.e I to v.a j-.-. rrw, sr.d whfrh, a containe-I in his,jc.ch as tr'' fd in The (liube. I honestly thought in my simplicity to be a mi-print th s theory explains what the centleman means when he tells us that the federal conti'ution does not clothe any ef the st iUs with ti e attributes ol sovereignty. Of course it does net. Nobody ever pretended that it did Mr. Stevet s. Suppose that nine eures had at that timeritif.i 1 the conMitu'-bn, w hile the other four did t.ot; would those other four have been members of the union? Mr. Pendleton. No sir. Mr Sjterens. So I say. Dot suppose tint thne fourths of the Utes now ratify an amendment while the remaining focrth do not, are the htites iclusir.g to ratify -till members of the union? . Mr. Pendleton. That will depend upon the character of the amendment, aud whether it is in pursu nce of the authority gnnted. Mr. Stevens If the amendment should be adored by tl.ree fourths of tie states while tUe other fourth refuse to ratify it, do U non-agree in: sta'es jroout of the Union or remain in it ? Mr. Pendleton. If the amendment be without the scope of the power granted, legally they remain in the Union, ar-1 other states go out. Laughter. J Nob iy pie-tends that the states aro clothed with the "powers of soiereignty by the federal constitution Nor doe that iDstrbtpeatnecessarily s'rip them, of the sovereign rights w hich they had before the cou-titutioti was made. The states have sovereign power to day et cept so far as that constitution, by their voluntary act of adoption, has taken those powers from them They do not derive power from the federal government. It inLe res in them, and I would like to it:q lire of tny eol'eg'.e from the Toledo district, Mr. Ashley. il he denies the sovereignty in the states because they have agreed to suspend, or, if you please, to delegate certain powers o! wmeieignty which would otherwise- belong to tlum, upon what basis can he pretend theic is. sovereignty in the federal government, which has not now and never hid. any authority except that w hich is expressly delegated to iVby these states themselves. But, Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Ohio Mr. Ashley J is led by his anxiety to piss this amendment into the declaration of another doctriue. which although not entirely novel, is some what new upon this floor. He holds to the doc trine that ordinances ol secession destroy stale, governments, but do not affect the relations of the st ites, that is, of the territory and the people to the federal government. He holds that an act of secession is an abdication by the people of their rights but not a release from their duties; th t it desttoys, not the tie which binds them to the Union, but their form of government, leaving the subject to the jurisdiction of the federal government and its absolute sovereignty with all the rights of local government, and ho deduces from this the conclu-ion that the seceding states luv.no voice on this amendment, but are absolutely bound by it That doctrine was promulgated b a senator from Massachusetts Mr. Sumnerj neatly three year? aso in a series of resolutions presented to the Senate, and my colleague will remember th tt they met with no more indignant response than from the honorable, able, lctmed, and patriotic gentleman from Mass.achuse t- Mr Thomas' who then had a seat upon the floor cf this House Tho gentleman from Ohio took the instance of Florida. Florida, owned by the federal gov ernment as a territory, brought up from a condition of infancy to th it of maturity is admitted into the union So ill wc claim that Fioiida may on the instant, by the passage of ausrdiiian:e of secession, separate herself fiorn this union and declare all iter union-loving citizens traitors if they adhere 10 the union? Docs the gentleman forget that he docs not strengthen his argument bv citing the instance of a state made out of territory which belonged to t nonfederal government? When Florida bee me a state, ehe became a state with all of the powers and authorities, with all of the rights, all of tho dignities, all the for ereignty which Virginia herfelf had. Yet the gentleman declares that ueh a state, admitted into this compact bv the act of the federal government and of the state itself, does not occupy the position of the original states, but that it, more than they, is remitted by the act of secession to a couditiiiou of pupilage, and that its people, more th-tn oVhers, arc ooliged to obey the constitution, in whoe amendment they have no vote, which thiee fourth of the Ktite states represented here may impose upon them. Mr. Ycaman, Will the jrentlem in yield to me for a moment? Mr. Pendleton. I will yield if I have time. How much time have I? The Speaker. Fifteen minutes. Mr. Pendleton. I will yield to the gentleman for a momeut. He will see the necessity for beinjr brief. Mr. Yearuau. If the Constitution as an original compact of government was binding only upon those who did ratify it, thin I ask whet Iter by ratification they did not give the amending power to three fourths of tho states Mr. I 'end It ton. 1 have been endeavoring for three quarters of an hour to answer that question. Mr. Ycaman. What number of states can amend the constitution? Mr. Pendleton. In some particulars, where the power is granted, three-fourths of the states can. In other particulars it cannot be done except br the concnt of all the states bound by it. Mr. Teaman. That brings me to the question I wish to ak the gentleman, and that is, to point out specifically where the power to amend the constitution is to he found? Mr. Penllfton. Tue doctrine of the pren'.Ienun from Ohio, Mr. Ashley to which I have just referred, is as larce iu its operation, though 1 th nk hardly as logic or conoluo've. as the position nkeri by the gentlemau from Pennsylvania. Mr. S evens. That ge'itlerain is famous more lor a sledge trammer power of logic than fur its scholastic accuracy. He j;tys thi we are in a condition of war, and thit war absolves all compacts. It deprives the citizens ot seceding states of their rights under

the federal government, and absolves the federal government and the people of the adhering states from the obligation- imposed by the constitution; an therefore, he odd us, and with an emphasis w e could si! understand, that no state should be readmitted into the Union unless it came back carved by the federal government out of teiti j torv conquered by the swrd. No?, 1 would ak the gentleman from Per.n j sylvania Mr. Stc 'ns to be careful how he as ! serts that dectrit: o tar. He would co unon I I c-" - r t the maxim that wii .tij broken in one thing is ; broken in all. IWrta in una J'racta in rtm- ' bun." Let him b3 careful lest he may find that j it will disso're the t;e which bind these northern 1 st.tte? cte to the- cth.tr, and they be remitted to j their original etate ol independence. Let him be caieful, lest when the passion of thee time be pissed awsy, and the historian sh-.H go back to ; d -scover wLeie was the origin 1 infraction of the : the constitution, he mir fct. J th t sin lies at the ; door of others than the people now ia arm. j Mr. Jenckcs. May I interrupt the gentleman I to a-k him aqucs;:o? j Mr Fendleioa. CerU'nly, if the gentleman i w i , 1 i. it cor.su me b much of my limited time j Mr. Jenckcs. 1 understand the gentleman ; fr..m Ooio to say that wi.tti the history of this ; Urne chu.d he wr.tien that the siusufad the! vau-eof this rebellion might be hid to the doors id others thm thoewho are new i.i arms agiinst , the n; ublic. 1 .k hm iu th i re-ence ot this; Uu... üiid of the Auar can peo; le, at Le coors th tt sin sh t!i be laid, w herein tint sin consists, at. i by whom i: was commit te 1 ? Lt the, gentleman place it on he rt-c ris of the hi-tory ' of this country. j Mr. Per. lleton. 1 am nt surprised thit the gentleman is t.ucbv-d by tvhit 1 haTe sid up n . this subject. I rxiht be he misunderstood somewhat the etict force of the wor Ii I u-e-1. lat there have been in the neighborhood ol the gentleman, there have been within bis own etate ' or r.eir it. there hare ren in the northern State, within the free t:tes, tttemyts constantly to in- i lr.ct this constitution ; andihs? I believe, as I Oeiieie I surd here to dar. i Mr.Jencke N nie the men. Mr Pend!etj3. I canld do so, but I did not j ? that the s;q of thi rebellion mi.ht be laid at '

the door of otter people ; I said to the gentleman from Pennjylrania, Mr. Sterens, and if the gent'etuan from Rhode Island ttands beside hiaa he too may regard it I said to him, let bim bewire how bepeshed the doctrine that a cotnpict broken In one part is broken in all, lest it might be found that in the past the compact of confederation may hare been broken elsewhere than in the South. Mr. Farrsworth. Will the gentleman yield to trip for a morsest? Mr. Pendleton, I must decline for the pres ent. I should hare concluded what I had to say but fr these interruptions. Mr. Farnswortb. Just ose moment. Mr. Pendleton. " WeM, I will yield to the gen tlcman Mr. Farc'worth. I find in The Congressional Ok be of lGl-fl a proposltrca taade, I think, from the committee of thirty-three to amend the constitution by interfusing this article: - "No amendment shali be made to the constitutioa which w:ll au'harize or give to congre-s the power to abolish or intercfere, within any state with the domestic in'titutions thereof, including that of persons held to service or labor by the lawa of said fUte ". On looking over the yeas and nays upon that amendment 1 End that the gentleman from Ohio voted for the amccdmant. .- I wish to Inquire of him 1f, In the winter of lGO and lt-61, it was Decessary to amend the constitution by paring into it an articie thereafter prohibiting such an amendment to the constitution a would interfere with slaverv, why it fs, that we cannot now adopt an amendment prohibiting slavery? Mr. Pendleton. The gentleman ought to know too we 1 the history of that period in which 'be wf an licjor to ak 'me that question. He was, as I a member of this hous at that time, and he knows that charges were made upon the republican party that they designed to do what iheir history has shown that thky bare done, to interfere with the institution ot slavery in the states, and that proposition of amendment was offered, I think, by a gentleman from Massachusetts Mr. Adams to test the good faith of the republican party. Several Members. Oh, no; you are mistaken. Mr. Pendleton. Was it not offered by Mr. Adara? Well, it was offered at all events to test the goud faith of the republican party. Here tho hammer fell, the hour having expired Mr. Ashler. I more that the gentleman Lave Itave to proceed. Mr Pendleton. I desire but five minutes more. Uy unanimous consent the leave was grauted. Mr. Pendleton. Mr. Speaker, I will not trespass upon the attention of the house. I had desired iu concluding what I bad to say, and in vindicating the motivesof myself aud my friends iu making the opposition to this amendment that I do, to place myself upon grouuds which I thought would command the respect at least of tho.-e w ho are opposed to me. I was saying, sir, that it is to me a matter of no consideration whether gentlemen from the slave holding states agree to this proposition or not, whether or not It is against the tide of popular sentiment, whether or not we who stand opposed to it are in a small minority. Mr. Frnswor'h. Will the gentleman yield to me tor a moment ? (Cries of "Ok no.") Mr. Pendleton. Well, not if it is to press the point, whi Ii I have already answered. Mr Farnsworth. I do not think the gentleman from Ohio has answered the point. Mr. Pendleton. Sir, I will hear the gentlen, in Mr. F.tmsworth. I understand that at that tinie the power to amend the constitution t-o as to interfere w ith slavery was not denied. I find thaf the vote of the gentleman from Ohio for this amendment of the constitution which should prohibit and prevent further amendment of it allowing us to legislate upon the subject of slavery in the plates was an admission by him of the power of congress and of the people to so amend the constitution. If it was not, why did he vote for the amendment? M.'. Pendleton. As I said before, the gentleman ought to know, if he does not know, that tho power of aniendtnent iu this particular wrs not then admitted by tiny body who agreed with me. Some gentlemen claimed it; quite a large body of men claimed it; but I will venture to sav that he will not find in the debates that preceded the vote on that amendment the admission of any j member who sat upon this side of the chamber, i or of a dozen men w ho sat upon that side of the I clumber, that the power resided iu three-fourths j of the states to make this amenament. Thev deemed that the prohibition was necessary; but, j admitting that there was no power, they did j agree, inasmuch as it was not expressly stated in the constitution, ro vote for that amdnement, j in order that in all future time it might be the subject of no question whatever. Mr. Farnsworth. Nobody at that time, I think, denied the power of Congress and the people to amend the constitution in this re- ! gard. !

Mr Pendleton Upon that point we differ en tirely The gentleman sat here and so did I. We bid our own views of public policy, as we have now. It miy be that we understood differently the positions which various geutlemen and parties occupied at that time. Mr. Cox. I will simply say in answer to what has fallen from my colleague, that at the time those resolutions were peudiag th s question of power was discussed, and for one, I held then as 1 hold to-day, that we had the power under this amendatory clause to reach slavery pro or con, and the only question is whether we pball use that power as then for the benefit of the country or whether abuse it as now it is sought to be abused. Mr. Fransworih. The gentleman is correct in regard to that, and, as I have said before, nobody denies the power. The slaveholders upon the floor of Congress at that time themselves ad mitted the power and were constantly charging that we intended to exercise that power. For the purpose of quieting their fears in that regard, the committee of thirty-three was raised, who reported this article,mnd it was passed through the House by the requisite two thirds rote. It was done for the purpose of quieting the fears of the slaveholder whi were then threatening to dissolre the Union because they charged us with the intention of ' interfering with (.la very by an amendmeut of the constitution, which they all admitted we had the power to do. Mr. Pendleton. I dissent entirely from the proposition of ray colleague, as well as from that of the gentleman from lllinois,Mr. Farnswurtb The gentleman ami I differ about it. We cannot settle it. I say, and I am prepared to show by the debates which took place at that time, that the 8 me clim was made theo w hieb I make to day. It was because it was believed that that opinion wa3 not assented to by the extreme gentlemeu who bad just then come into the administration of the government, that it was deemed nece-sary by themselves to put forth this declaration confirmatory of the absence of power on the rart of three-fourths of the States. PfUt my colleague from Ohio, Mr. Ashley and the yei.iiernan from Pennsylvania, Mr. Stevens and the gentleman from Vermont, Mr Morrill differing on many particulars, agree in this, iut the power ot their logic is such that no hoi est nun can disrent from their conclu-iou, and that those wbo uo nt intend to rote with thf m for this amendment nie actuated cither by sympathy w iih si iverv or by sympathy with the rebel lin. Sir, I recei with indignation the insinuati'.n; I re: el it with thit ho.iest waruith whi.-h i- consistent with the personal re-pect whi .h th se gentlemen know I fiel personally for them 1 siv it is. i;nwor:hy of them; that it is unworthy iheir hib character, unworthy of their iNtsiuon in this House It i the act of the demagogue to ascribe unworthy motives to an act which mat iu itself be honest The constitution detnmds the highest admiration of my intellect. It has received the pro found homage ot my hert. The oath which I h tve t tktn com m uids rue to perform that dutr which mr intellect and my heirt impose upon me; arid I intend, through evil and through good report, through whitever storm of oopuiar disfavor, t.t stand by it, even to the end. I love my whole country north a well as south and it is be cue I love il that no act of mine shall retard the re-dor itiou of peace or the reconstruction of thit union which has m Je it nil mv country . I am a nonhern man; I have their prejudices; I love my section; I love the people; I love it institutions; I am jeal . .us of its honor, and no act of mine ?hall stain the lutre of the fame of its C..mJ fsith. I am a cit'en of Ohio; it is the home of mv ftthrs, as it is the home of my children, ar.d I will stanl by this constitution because I wish to preserve forever the rights and d";r;.t'es of my state, and maintain forever the hhertie of ih citizens I am t ot influenced, therefore, by aay peculiar lore for the pe-ple of the south; by any pecuhir regard fjr their institutions. I stand unmoved by the considerations wbich bare been addressed to us. It is nothing to me that gentle

men fro-n slareholllrg tates approre this amen Jrcer.t; it is nothing to me thit the tide of the popular aer.limeut runs i:i fircr of it; iti nothing to me that we of the nortrcrn stitrs wbo bclierc as I do, f tied alone, if !-r.e we rou-l stand. I intend to do nTcuivsI ur. dtr-tmd

it. and I am prepared for the resequence, b? . tber what thev in a v. nut, Mr. Sreaker. if I were intlaeneei by thmotives which gentlemen on the other side at tribe.? tn me it wvid he esT fr me 1 1 fill hto the rnrrent i.f OliMiC ol i.'lioil h'ch i Cirriir?! them sorat iJIv away.. It is b-rcau.-e I am rot that I occupy the ,pof-irn I to rlay . The timeisfast pa-inj aw ay when under the influence of roar policy and ynr lilation th? outhern tates or people will have the let interest in your laws. Your legislation ha turne 1 to ashes the gulden fruits of your military success. Vuur policy lus rerified the alleged riurs of scei r Gentlemen must not be misled by theatre: tiers thit come up to them from the capture! cii.' f the South. Tbey woo you but to ru-:.. If vco misunderstanl them they wiil lead you as will ing victims upn qnicksands an 1 rook. If yuu drive the southern people by your mil itary power to tho last extremity, and "superadd, as the majority of this Hou-e desire, emanci pation of slivcs, confiscati-ui of, r roperty, destruction of I o! gorernroeiits, destruction of State constitution divi-ion of territory if that he your . policy, they will liberate the!r slue, they will arm their ne groes, they will break down the only barrier that separates theui fiom the sympathies cf all Kurope, and, aided by the morjl force, if not the material power of Enr.q e. they w ill establish their independence, and yeur union president will sign ,he treaty of itis-olution. And then, in exchange for free Maryland, with her slsves enfranchised and her white eitzn en dared; in exchange tor fre Missouri, with her slaves enfranchised and her white citizens dec! mated by the vengeance of the guerrillas, we will have givH up the uuioti, with all its benefit, and have ubierted a form of governmiut the fairest and freist, the most bountiful in bless ings iw th past, and the mot hopeful of Messing in the future, that God, in His mercy, ever vouchsafed to man. DAILY SKNT1NEL. THKTXION- IT HCST BS Pkf.SÄItVFlt.-IJacasn THFJtSDAY MORNING. JANUARY 19 Legislative. The dry detail of legislative buires were interrupted in the House yesterday, as will be noticed by our necessary brief report of the proceedings, which caused no little excitement. The occasion was the defense of prominent democrats against the assaults, mem and spiteful, of narrow minded and arrogant partisans. Oce Kiloore, a representative we believe from Delaware countv, not knowing in what other way to obtain notoriety, undertook to assail Tiik Sentinel. He was was mo-t happily and effectually answered by Ma. Dt mi am. Tho questions of the individual from Delaware were turned upon him bv Mr. I), to his discomfiture. The republican side of the House evidently felt that the wind was taken from the pails of the a-sumed republican champion. Mr. Dunham remarked that he was a peace man, and had used his infi-.ience to preset ve the peace at all times, but if gentlemen expected him to remain süeut when bis political frieDds were assailed, they were mistaken. Speaking for himself ho said he would defend the right, under all circumstances; regardless of consequences. All true men will respect Mr D for thus vindicating his personal and political friends from assaults wbich have their origin in miserable partisan prejudice and animosit'e. AMUSEMENTS. MBTROPOIjITAX TliBlTi. Corner of XVnthinqlon and Tennettre Strrrt. Tliinnfrer... Tlr. YV. il. ICIIry. Thursday Evening, January 19th. Mil. Is. V. BARRETT. Positively Last night of ROSED ALE. Pricks op .Vmhsiok. Ir Circle and Tarqctte, 50 cents; Private B.f, for mx person., JS Oti; (JrcLstra 8ats, Tj cent; r,liery and Familj Circle, 35 cent; Children in arms, fl3; all reserve.! peats "5c. Doors open at a quarter to 7 o'clock. Performance commences at o'clock precise.lv. PARTICULAR NOTICK. The How Carn leave tba Theater every evening at the close of the performance. People living at aditance can rely on thi. Amateurs' Charitable Association. Thi Society will tfva their I TiintD c;kd r.x ri:uri nENT j AT THE TABERNACLE, COURT HOUSE SQUARE, oxFriday Evening, January 20th, 1865. "Two Great Pljy" will be preLted, comnenciiijr with the Chatte and Hiktr' juic Drama entitled THE MAID OF CTtOISSY, And conclude with the ama-ing and excitfng Comedy of OR THERE IS XOTHIJC IN IT. Performers exclusively amateur. "Nett proceed ror Soldiers t-amilie. Tb Tabernacle tu beta fitted up taclasivcly for this Association, and iniprovetaf-Ms made within thf pat few days render it a comfortable as any plaoe ol amuemeat in the City. Admission ZA cents. Children under 12 years, iiceutn. hWfrved seats can be procure4 of the Treasurer, at the ofllce rt the Singer Srwiuuf Machine C-inpany, No. 4, Ka. Wahhin?ton Meet i"7Ior. open at 7 oc!t i. Trrf jrm:ice t comrnnca at a quarter of H o'clock. jaoH-d?i LÄT RUE'S GREAT WAR SHOW! The Wfn-Wful Stratopateticon, or Wa'king Anny. m m the TkrM TüriTi, aorro. POSITIVELY FIVE NIGHTS ONLY, COMMENCING Tuesday Evening, January 24th. ino-t th-i;ii') cf ail modern miracle, en bracinir i an astouiidiL coiubinabon of yO.K'O M'jvir. an ! Actirg firftirp.- a:d J!tdel- of Mc, II'rj-e, A-iiuiai Ship, i'.., vividly re enaftiii tLe princ'pal Lattl-s, t.oth by sra and lard, of ibe r-t fou'.berii Kt-ellin. Mr. f) C. LA RUF, the pr-a'si of li.icg Lunjor:t, will arpnr at each eihibi'i'-n. in his very atau-injc and UusbaL'.e cottic irkr eu'ertaitmeLt, eLlitiel 'VA RUK'S OLIO OF OLIüTlEi." mm. Adrr,'fion 2. ( er.t. fter ed M'.ti () ftLt. l) ct open it6';; to commerce at ". TTAn Afternoon Etf.i' itin w'.:i be tr;v-n -:i nl urda) January 2s, at 3o'c!, fr the arcotninodation of I a !is an 1 Children. A(im si..n to matinee J ceut-; Children 1 1 cLt. Janl"-dlO! masonIc. 4 TTEXTIOXMr. KX GUTS! Tlre be a p-cla: t tneetiDir. of kaper C .rrmn(!ery, No. 1, thi. (Tburda ; evn:r., at 7 o'clock, f.r w.ira. Y. tol.r TOCK, K. C. Z7 PRJNTI N C, &C. Ca. W. HALL. C. r. BCTCBIObOa. IIA LI. V II LIX II I I LAI5 AND OkSAUKXTAL STEAM BOOK AND JOB PRINTERS, Mrrolrpfrs and Itooklindrrt, No. 16 1-2 East Washington Street, INDIANAPOLIS. 1XW.VNA. lifBlax.k Book of every Uecripyfa Bkde U order.

NOTICE. X I'd II II 1U. I -I 1:1' . ' mm . -IjUilUIj BKXiyr. SOLD MI IST, U sr HI TDt LtTS F T.M OT E. C. lIAYIIKWaVCO., Idfvrftoie.ireUMlaralStoWiy c rr.ft4 wl-b cr in:retH in, th cw c-i&carn fj;j, Majfcw a i a dit-Jjt be tnlfirwd from U tlt. I w..u d ao ftk't tlM I have l'-HCr Mt rr rm In xhr rrw 1 cülir; on Meridian Street, just North of the Fitzibbon Block, Ar.J tut a few tp. fr.m tl old ta; !, wt?r I inteaJ to vprn.aluttU Ic th cf IVh'uarj, A prür. stock nf BOOTS V SHOES, All frta frrra tb Tmrnlmcvrm. r f tfee ltet ail feet tjlr., and wbich try pt rnicce tnMe r.o to b3T far Ch. IiTir ben in tba bi!r.e in U.: !tj fer te years, rfarin wbich t!m 1 hav mal tb eui.r paret) fur tbe flrn and ictnarM all It a?lr, 1 (rl eotrm of raj aHlür to nit tar former ruimar M tiie4 an! r-urthaeri ef ur tin f c xvln t?iTiV.j, m'.l k wLon w-.U t vsoH o- rt a!!f wrlcw4 at ny t'-w u t rncit deiratle Iwcatiuo. e. c. .ii a yiii: v. Jnlfl-J3w-TpOR KKST Two 5w luo Hur In tke Nortb- ' at prt of th CHj, la a p!.it t. g b ho rb .!, with tiri Kom, hJ Cellar. HH and WHd-HoB to acb. Sbnihbrry In front kr.t f JO pr mrjb. STAXTrtN A LI SULKY, JaDl9-d.1t X: h K. Wablr.rt3 fret. DRY COODS. CLOSIITG OUT SALES -AT THE Trade Palace 26 &, 28 WEST WASHINGTON ST., HUME, LORD & CO.' WS ISHLXG TO KET1KX FKOK BUS1KS HOW otTer their Urjre and iplendld atock of cda worth S2.(H)!D7(ID! At New Tork wholesale prk en, and man y wifi inncb le. Keeling under obtiration to th public fr tb er j lare patronac we have received, we have concluded to adept tbix nie Hi od of closing out oar prenet stock, ibereby s-viiiK them the advautae of bujinf their god aa low as the same can be boucbt at net wholeale prkesin Ea-tern eitle. Tbl Is no tictiteun cry, at.d w ill cntinue the aale until the whola ttork i rlo ed oot. w a have now In store the largest and best selected toe ever brought to thin city, consisting of Worth of S X H- ES. S , Comprising rjr grade, from the mot cattlj aa4 beantiful Moire Antiques, To tbecheapest PLALN SILKS AND SATINS, Which will be hold refardlastof tLt recent freat 4 aocea. FNCY DRESS GOODS, I jrret rariety. Oor boyer being at the hea l of tka market duricjc the sprinir, hai aoale extra efforts to pro cure the Oneht and rooktfaabioaable in tha market, compriaingall the late JParis Novelties, MERRIMAC PRINTS, SPRAGUE'S PRINTS, PACIFIC PRINTS, AMERICAN PRINTS. DUNNELLS PRINTS, DOMESTICS, FLANNELS, SHEETINGS, HOSIERY, GLOVES, EM HKOIDEIt i ES, HUME. LORD & CO., j ajwaiw va Wit lI)IA!VAPOL! jooe2-!tr WHOLESALE GROCERS. To the Public. Har hg parcnaeed of A. A II. fkbnulJ tbeir entlr etock of jrroceriea. we will continue t h'leale trr-K ry trade at their Id tand, corner of Maryland en MeriJian Ureet. Our itock will be ke?4 fall at a'.I times, ar.d, by dilijrence and attention o taias, w hope to merit a share f the trade. CKO.LANI, MAOCIP.K 4 Ca . J. A.CKOSSI.AXD. IKJUGLASS II A GUI RE, 8 C. UASSA, W. J. GILLEMI E. Card to Our Patrons. navin olJ onr entire stock of gr'ceries to Mes.sr. Crossland, Minitre k Co . we would rettira te enr pa'r'ns oar thai. k fr the liberal patrncere given a- d a.-k a C 'ntintitr.ce of the .atne to out we,rs, whom we take pleasure ia recommend. aar a. gentlemen worthy ot entire cor.fi &ce. Oar oRica will be kep at tb- ojd atatid, where we Will be p',ea! to aee ail our cu'toraer. a. II. Cll5CLL. WANTED. rANTKI A r'X'd raa ft wait upon a ck reroo. Goed a will be pai 1 a ti nor Inhalte Ü tT . HOL Sr. SALOOJT. Jaj9-Hf NOTICE. TIL M AH COTTKFLU THE ICLY AUTHORif I. szed Trea-ore r of the JWaib VTari LoaFuB!. will ordrr- to tLoe La te a!;eadT paid in th'ir ubscpption, ar.d to ail o'hT i;tsrnter upon the payn,enr of obscr t lor., durr f buire. h at the oCcw of C'ttrell k Kr.icht, No. lw tvutb Ilaware tree, aod! from 7 loll o'clock ery t-u bt. Jaals C3l .REMOVAL. DA. R0HLE9. ARCHITECT. HAS UK MOVED HIS . cKlte trum lUa .Lina li. dm ae )dence. j Writ Uhi atrael, between MerUiaa aa4 ll.in;.. Ja-1" (13m DOARDINC. AFF.W GKNTLF.ME5CA5 F1SD PLKASUT BO Akte at So. 194 Sörth Peaaajrvanl atzvet. Jaa)8KUw

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