Daily State Sentinel, Volume 10, Number 3749, Indianapolis, Marion County, 7 October 1862 — Page 4

ADDRESS TO TUE PEOPLE !

The Democracy of Wisconsin. ADOPTED IN STATE CONVENTION, AT MILWAUKEE. SEPT. 3d, 1862. We i Jre you in a time of prcit tri.il and calamitr. .W d Ire jotx in a time of national uflerin and iorrovrinjr. We uMrt. oa in a crijn of farfnl peril to tbe Union, and to the free institutions established by our fathers in the wrreral States. We do k with a aolemn sense of the rofionsibilities resting upon us in common with the whole American people. We do hi with the single detiu of contributing all our aid to the prcjcrtation of the Union, the Constitution and the Liberties of the State. And we propose to do so, according to our light, fearlessly and openly, let whatever new power frorn ujon the ancient American birthright of freedom of fpceclu Our State Constitution, awerting the inriolable right of liberty of litical discussion, adopts an American maxim as old as American independence, when it declares that "the bl"inn of a tree government can only be mal n tain et 1 by frtrrucnt recurrence to fundamental principles." And whosoever, in whatsoever position, asserts that there has come a time in. American history, when freedom of peech should be suppressed, when the safeguard of prditical oppeaition should be abandoned, and the voice of all parties", except one, should be silenced; when the Administration of the Government should pas uncensured and unquestioned ; when loyalty to the institutions of our country should give wav to paVtve submission to our rulers, has little 'rympatliv with the spirit of the liberty won bv the valor cr our father?, or of the fire institutions t-atabiiaht-l by their w 'axiom. In a free country the freedom of the people abwies in !eace and war, in domestic tranquility und civil dlicoul. The Constitution of the United States, and the Constituions of the several States, provide alike for all the exigencies of jn-ace at home and abroad, of foreign war, and of domestic insurrection. The Constitution of the United State?, and the law enacted in pursuance of it, are the supreme law of the land in all conditions of the country. The Constitution is inviolate in all circumstances of the jeopIe and the government. State necessity has no jower to suspend the Constitution or abridge the freedom of the "people. . JStale necesMty, at an excuse for invading popular liberty, has been in all history the tyrant s plea. When popular liberty succumb to the cry of State necessity, the laud hai already ceased to be free. Loyalty, in America, u the franchise of no office or officer. American loyalty is uuc to the Constitution alone. Fidelity to the Constitution is loyalty to the Union. There is no Union outside the Constitution. The Constistution is the Union. And whatever nun, officer, or party, assumes to be true to the Union, and not. to the Constitution as our forefathers made it, and our fathers enjoyed it, is di.-Ioyal to both. Blind submission to the Administration of the Government, w not devotion to the country or the Constitution. The Administration U not the Government. The Government is established by the Constitution, and ret.i in its provision. The Administration is as subject to the Constitution, and as responsible tor its observance, 'as the people. The Administration may err, but the Constitution does not change. And when the Administration violates the Constitution, loyalty to the Administration may become disloyalty to the Union. Devotion to the Constitution is the only American loyalty. In times of peace and prosperity, there is little danger of the loyalty of the pooiilc forsaking the Constitution for the principles of a Earty, or the policy of an Administration, lut in diys of civil discord and convulsion, tbttre is danger of patriotism being blindfolded, mistaking the objects of its faith, and transferring to the servant of its altar the devotion due only to the altar itself. And in stich days it is the duties of all parties to consider well their position, and to determine how far their loyalty to the Constitution is consistent with their support of the Administration of the Government. Almt as old as the Union, founded in the bro.ul principles of the Constitution, identified with all the prosperous history of the United State?, the Democratic party has no new principles to enunciate, no new loyalty to pledge. It has always been, as it is, the party of the Constitution. In all its career, the Constitution has been its onlv creed. It has been depressed bv defeat and elated by success, and has at times mistaken the true path of duty. Ii tit it has never lost sight of the Constitution, or wandered far from its ways. Its history chronicles a demotion to the Constitution, an J a sympathy with the spirit of the K"OpIe, as jn-t ami steadfast as human devotion and sympathy can attain. If not always right, it has not been often or long wrong. Human history can say no more lor any ;urty, in any age or couatry. The Democratic party needs to-day no platform but its history. But in this unprecedented and terrible crisis, it beciKiies us to consider the application of old principles to new conditions. Tin Democratic party has outlived many ! anta;onists. The Federal party, the Xatioual j Kepubhean partv, the lug jurty, have successively struggled with it, with varied success; but have successivelv di.appenrt d from history. This was not accidental. The Democratic party was as subject to accident a its rivals. It has been frequently defeated. But it has survived all its defeats, while its ancient enemies liave not survived occasional success. The reason is apparent. was founded on the true principles of our Government, and guided by true sympathy with the spirit of j American institutions. 'Vhey rested in a nar- j rower comprehension of the genius of the American ieople, and in mistaken views of j the principles of the Constitution. They died the death of error; it lives the life of truth, j The history of the country is the his'ory of the Democratic jiarty. With occasional" in- ! term:sions, it has administered the National ' Government and guided the mark of Ameri- ' can hi-tory. Under its influence, the true j spirit of the Constitution displaced the nar- 1 row and un-American comprehension of our system of Government which originally pre-! vailed, ami gave tone to the Administration of the elder Adams. Under its influence the j commercial and economical interests of the j country were emmcijated from the hot house system of taritfs and currency, wLich bound . American energy and ikill in the chains of European theory. Under its leadership, the American lias was carried in glory through i war, and sent in peace floating in securitr over ; all the seas of commerce. Under its leader- ! ship the area of the country was almost doubled, and new Sehls of enterprise were ; populated by prosperous American communities. Under the guidance of no other partv j was any great stride made in civil or commercial prosperity, was a war ever waged with a foreign enemy, was an acre of territory ever added to cur vat domain. The Democratic party led the country from its feeble anil joor condition at the beginning of the , present century, to the great and glorious J empire of freedom, the unparalleled political and material prosperity, in which it met with j its last defeat in the Presidential election of lro. Such defeats of the great Iarty of the country never before carried with them er- j manent evil to the nation. The old'opjoni nts i of the Democracy took the Administration of the Government upou its defeat, and Mirrendervd it again upon its success, the Constitution and the Union remaining unimpaired. The ancient antagonists of the Democracv, whatever their sins of doctrine or action, were

national parties, resting opon no sectional policy, representing no cction.nl constituency. When in power, they adminletered the Government upon the policy of a majority of the irho'.c country. When in optosition they 9 poke for a minority of the whole country. They were loyal because they were national. The Union was safe, because they were loyal. Their success was harmless to the Constitution, lie cause it was the defeat of a constitutional party, and not of the spirit of the Constitution itself. Tf defeat of the Democratic party in I860 has been followed br the revolt of several of the States from the Union, and by the present terrible civil war, because it was defeated by a sectional arty. We reprobate that revolt, as unnecessary, unjustifiable, unholy. Devoted to the Constitution, we invoke the venfreane of God upon all who raiac their sacreigious hands against if, whether wearing the soft gloves of peace or the bloody gauntlets of war. But we adinn that the revolt and consequent civil war were a long foretold and probable result of the accession to power of a sectional party, because their success was the defeat of the pptrit of the Constitution. In so vast a union of States, of such differing interests, habits and institutions, the danger of sectional parties to the peace and permanence to the Union, was early foreseen by the fathers of the Constitution. The Father of his Country, him.-elf, gave voice to these apprehensions in his Farewell Address in 1 796. lie passed a eulogium upon the Union, which no tongue or pen lias since improved. He urged the unity of the Government which constitutes us one eople. He impressed upon the nation, that it was "a main pillar in the edifice of our real independence; the fupfwrt of our tranquility at home; of our power abroad, of our safety, of our prosperity, of the very liberty which we so highly prize." In a spirit of prophc cy, he cautioned the ieople and their jiosterity against the dangers it might encounter, and with his parting word invoked m "indignantly to frown upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any jortion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now linked together the various parts." He enlarged ujon the mutual dependence of the various iarts of the country, Sörth and South, East and West; he warned us against parties founded on geographical discriminations whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views He foretold tliat 'one of the expedients of party is to acquire influence within particular district., is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts." He forewarned us that 'we could not shield ourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings which would spring from these misrepresentations, which tend to render aliens to ea-di other, those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection." Fearful prophecy, fearfully fulfilled! How the great spirit of the illustrious Wasliington would have mourned had he been able to foresee the lull and terrible measure of the danger he foretold, the insane and terrible disregard of his holy advice which has accomplished it. There was no reason why the several States ot the Union should not have abided together in harmony for all time. Their domestic institutions, their social condition, and their habits of life, differed indeed from the beginning. And, in the language of General Jackson, thu difference was unavoidably inCreased bv the varying principles upon which the American colonies were originally planted; principles which had taken deep root in their social relations before the revolution, and therefore, of necessity, influencing their policy since they become free and independent States." The progress of all the States was great, but frequently in different directions. But tho Constitution left to the several States the exclusive control of their domestic concerns; and had the spirit of Constitution prevailed, differences of domestic institutions would never have disturbed the peaceful relations of the States in the Union. The slavery of the African race formed from the beginning the most important and dangerous of these differences. The Constitution was a compact of compromises, and in no instance more wisely or gene ready so than in relation to the institution of slavery. And had the several States ot Union abided in their politics by that necessary and magnanimous spirit of compromise, the Union would now be undisturbed, and ancient harmony and prosperity would reign where civil war now rages. Fanatici-m is the bane of harmony. It has 'disturbed manj States and overturned man v governments. It is one of the most diffi

cult sceial evils to deal with. It is a growth of prosperity, and yet gains strength under persecution. It orten appeals to t he most generous prejudices of humanity; it often wears the garb ot religion and morality; it has wonderful jower8 of proselytism; it has great capacities to make wrong look like right, and to deck cnors in the robes of truth. It is a terrible apO'tlc of evil. Discord follows its lead, and revolution too often is the end of its career. Unfortunately, among many elements of good and greatness, fanaticism emigrated to this country. From time to time, it has played its part in marring tha record of civil and religious liberty in American history. It has, from time to time, sent forth various heretical dogmas of polities. It has asserted a higher law, above the Constitution itself. It has in recent memorable words, sought to do in the name of (Jod what could no: be done in the mmc of the Constitution. It finally found employment fatal to the jeace of the country in political abolition. The North had rid itself ot the incubus of slavery. The North was as responsible for slavery in the South, as the South itself is. But fanaticism becann offended with Southern slavery; and overlooking home evils and home reforms, it devoted itself to the discussion of the evils of African slavery, clamoring against its criminality and urging its abolition. It disregarded the Constitution, and denounced its guarantees of the rights of slavery as a compact of sin and shame. Many of its teachers openly advocated disunion; and many more proclaimed an irrepressible conflict between the domestic systems of the North and the South, arguing that the States of the Union must become all free or all slave. These dangerous and revolutionär- doetrines have always been combatted by the Democratic party. The Democracy has no a.iolojrv to make for Southern slavery. We regard it as a great social evil. But we regard it as a misfortune, not a crime. The crime is in the presence of the African race upon the continent. This is a crime of the ast, not of the present. And even in the past, it was less the crime of the South, than of those who grew rich in the slave trade.and who now clamor for the abolition of slavery which they themselves planted. We hold this country to be the possesion of the white race, and this Government tobe instituted by white men for white men. We commiserate the condition of the sdave; but we are unwilling to violate the Constitution in his behalf, or to disturb society by emancipating four millions of an inferior race in a land po.-scssed by a superior race. It is ths sin of history that the African race is here; once here in gnat numbers, the proper tomlitlon of the African was subjection in some l"rm to the white. Kouality was impossible. Nature has m ule social equality impossible without fatally , sinning against her laws, and without social ciua!ity political rtvaality is impossible. Nature never placed the races together: when brought together, the servitude of the inferior is the lest condition for both races: a necessanevil resulting from the violation of natural law in bringing them together. . Bnt fanaticism did not ?o see it. Fanaticism at the North, unembarrassed by the presence of slavery, did not see .slavery as a necessary evil, but only as an abstract wrong. It could make no allowance for the condition of the South, and had no toleration for the compro

mises of the Constitution, or the safeguards which it extended t the institutions of the .Swath. For a long time the abolition party was a weak political minority ; but it was from the beginning aa energetic and dangerous apostl? of unconstitutional doctrines, and of sectional jealousies and distrait. As long ago as 1837, the warnor statesman, Andrew Jacluonin'his Farewell Address, warned us against it- Hi nuoted the warnings of Washington, and said: "The lesions contained in this invaluable legacy of Washington to his countrymen, should be cherished in the heart of every citizen to the latest generation, and perliaj at no period of time could they be more usefully remembered than at the present moment. For when we look upon the scenes which are passing around uj, and dwell upon the pages of his parting addrcs, his paternal counsels would seem to be not merely the offspring of wisdom and foresight, but the voice of prophecy, foretelling event, and warning us of the evil to come. The. Federal Constitution was then regarded by him as an experiment. The trial lias been made. It succeeded beyond the proudest hopes of those who framed it. Every quarter of this widely extended nation has felt its blessings, and shared in the general prosperity produced by its adoption. But amid this general prosperity and splendid success, the dangers of which he warned us, are becoming every day. more evident, and the sign-i of evil are sufficiently apparent to awaken the deepest anxiety in the bosom of the patriot. We now behold systematic efforts publicly made to sow the seeds of discord between different parts of the United States, and to place party divisions directly ujon geographical distinctions; to excite the South against the North, and the Sörth against the South, and to fore? into the controversy the

most delicate and excited topics, upon which it h impossible that a hrge portion of the Unioii ean ever ieak. without p tron eniotions. Appeals, too, are constantly made to sectional interests, and the Iossible dissolution of the Union has at length K'comc aa ordinary and familiar subject of discussion. 44 Has the warning voice of Washington been forgotten, or liave designs already been formed to sever the nation? Mutual suspicions and reproaches may in time create mutuil hostility; and artful anl .designing men will always be found, who are ready to foment these fatal divisions, and to inflame the natural jealousies of different sections of the country. Delude not yourselves into the belief that a breach once made may be afterwards repaired. It the Union is once severed, the line of separation will grow wider and wider, and the controversies which are now debated and settled in the halls of testation, will be tried in the fields of battle, and determined by the sword. The Constitution cannot be maintained, nor the Union preserved, in opposition to public feeling, by the mere exertion of the coercive powers confided to the General Government. The foundations must be laid in the affections of the people; in the security it gives to life, liberty, character and property in every quarter of the country; and in the fraternal attachment which the citizens of the ieveral States bear to one another, as members of one political family mutually contributing to promote the happiness of each other. Hence the citizens ot every State should studiously avoid everything calculated to wound the sensibility or offend the just pride of the people of other States; and they should frown upon any proceedings withiu their own borders likely to disturb the tranquility of their jKlitical brethren in other portions of the Union. Each State has the unquestionable right to regulate its own internal concerns, according to its own pleasure. And all efforts on the part of the jcople of other States to cast odium on their institutions, and all measures calculated to disturb their rights of property, or to put in jeopardy their peace and internal tranquility, are in direct opposition to the spirit in which the Union was founded, and must endanger its safety. Motives of philanthropy may be assigned for this unwarrantable interference, and weak men may persuade themselves for a moment that thev arc laboring in the cause of humanity, and asserting the rights of the human race; but every one, upon sober reflection, will see that nothing but mischief can come from these improper assaults upon the feelings and rights of others. Rest assured, that the men found busy in this work of discord, are not worthy of your confidence, ami deserve your strongest reprobation." So spoke one of the greatest and wisest patriots of American history. Counsels so sacred and warnings so solemn, were disregarded by the Alolitionij-t; and the Abolition party continued to teach its treasonable doc trines, and to preach its crusade against the j i?ouMi ana its institutions. The results so wisely foretold, necessarily followed. The denunciation of the South at the North, was met by denunciation of the North at the South. Hostility in the North to the institutions of the South provoked ho-! ttlity in the South to the people ot the North. The jreat ma$s of the eople of the South were loyal to the Union; but a chss of pub- j lie men in the South hal lor some tune been tainted with disloyalty, and aimed to separate all the Southern Stafes from the Union, whenever an opportunity should arise tocarry the people of the South with them. These men zealoudy contributed to foment the Ab olition excitement at the North, and exagger-i ated its power and importance at the South. Thus faction begot faction; and the Abolition party at the North produced the disunion partv at the South. The spirit of Northern Abolition and ot bouthern disunion insensibly I grew together for years, until the period oft the last Presidential election, when a bitter j animosity existed between large and powerful factions in the North and in the South. In the meantime, in 1854-0, the Whig party most unhappily abandoned its organizations, and the present Republican party was founded on the basis of the old Abolition party. The best and mo-t enlightened patriots of the Whigs refused all alliance with the new sectional jutty; but the vat 1k1v of the Whip surrendered their national politics to its narrow and sectional bigotry. The great leaders of the Whig party were gone. The mighty voice of Webster, which always spoke for the whole country, and never uttered .a actional dogma, was silent forever. The ! great head and heart of Clay, whose statesj manship had served to save the Union from more than one peril, and was as broad as the ; Union itself, lay low in death. Had these great lights of the Whin partv survived, we fully believe tliat they would have saved their party from the shame of prostituting itself in the unholv embraces of a sectional and revoj tionary organization. 15ut they were gone; I pigmies sat in the seats of giants; the Whig j party went out of being, and the Republican ! party wa ingrafted on the Abolition party, f It is true that the Republican party avows j its abolition tendencies less manfully than the ! old Abolition partv. They assume to interI fere with slavery in the Territories and other I places subject to the jurisdiction of the United ; States only, and not in the Suites, This thin 1 disguise of their real policy, is fully exposed i by the uniform tone of their . discussion of slavery, by their resistance of the fugitive ! slave Law, by their avowal of an irrepressible conflict Wtween the institutions of the North i and the South, and by the whole tenor of ! their legislation wherever and whenever they J have been in power. That a large ami rej sectable body of the party have no sympathy I with its abolition proclivities, is perhaps true; , but there is no room for doubt that the aboli tion element in that tarty is its largest, most energetic, and influential element. With the strength and induence of the Republican party, grew the strength and influ

ence of the party f secession. Both were National; lo'.h were revolutionary. It would be idle to how the revolutionary chiracter of the secession party. Its revolutionary purposes were avowed. The Republican larty was no less revolutionary-, though its revolutionary tendencies were less nuanifesL It is evident, from what has already been seen, that Washington and Jackson, fit representatives of the tAts and patriots of the revolutionary and. succeeding eras, regarded sectional parties as revolutionary. Under our system they are essentially so; for no sectional party could accomplish any end, except by the severance of the bonds of fraternity and unity between the different parts of the country upon which the Union rests. It is not we who say, it is the sages and patriots of the pat who have said, that in American politics eveiy sectional party is essentially disloyal to the Union. In almost every State of tho Union, in which the Republican party hail the power, they enacted laws impeding the execution of the laws of the United Stated Such laws were passed by them in this State. A Republican judiciary for this State nullified acts of Congress, assumed to overrule the decisions of the Supreme Count of the United States in cases arising under the Constitution and laws of the Union, disobeyed its mandates, and sanctioned by judicial decision the forcible rescue of prisoners held under the judicial process of the United States. But not content with this measure of dislovaltv, the Republican Legislature . of this State passed in 1859, and Las ever since refused to rescind, resolutions setting at defiance the authority of the United States, and asserting the doctrine of secession as broadly as it has ever been asserted by any Southern State. This is well understood at" home, by Democrats and Republicans; but to avoid the suspicion of exaggeration abroad, we here insert two of these resolutions in full: "Resolved, That the Government formed by the Constitution of the United States was not mode tho exclusive riht or final judge of the extent of its powers delegated to itself; but that, as in all other cases of compact having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of ltEDUESS. uIleso!veIf Tliat the principle and construction contended for by the tarty which now rules in the councils of the nation, that the General Government is the exclusive judge of the extent of the powers delegated to it, stop nothing short of despotism, since the -cretlon of those who administer the Government, and not the Constitution, would be the measure of their jiowers; that the several States which formed that instrument, being sovereign and independent, have the unquestionable right to judge of its infraction; and that a positive defiance of those sovereignties, of all unauthorized acts done or attempted

to be done under color of that instrument, is the RIGHTFUL UEMEDY. These resolutions had relation, not to the acts of the executor of the United States or even of Congress, but to a solemn decision of the Supreme Court of the United States upon the Constitution and laws of the United States. This is the doctrine cauuht from se ceding. South Carolina by Republican Wisconsin, and repeated by the Republican party of Wisconsin, in full communion with the Republican party of the north, to justify secession in every dislovarState in tne JSouth. Thus the Republican tarty, as well as the secession party, was revolutionary. And these revolutionary parties grew in numbers and intluence down to the Presidential electional of 18G0, when the Democratic party was defeated by the sectional influences of both. " The sectional party of the South succeeded in intruding some members into the Democratic Convention ; and when defeated there, by the steadfast loyalty of the true Democracy, put in nomination a renegade from his party and his country. The sectional -arty of the North put in nomination a distinguished gentleman, the author ot the doctrine that the several States must ultimately become all slave or all free. The Democratic paaty nominated as their candidate a statesman, now no more, of great experience and ability in public affairs, of great energy and integrity of character and life, the author of the only just and pn.ctical solution of the question of slavery in the Territories, whose whole public life was devoted to the maintenance of the Constitution as it is, and the Union as it was; and whose zeal for the preservation of the country sacrificed his life in its prime. The history of the Convention which nominated Mr. Douglas, plainly shows that the champions of secession had no hope to carry the people of the South with them, save by defeating the candidate of the Democratic party. The whole tone and temper ot the Republican leaders and press at the North, before and during the session of the Convention, plainly shows that they had no hope of electing their candidate, save by diverting the South from the Democratic candidate to the Secession candidate. Thus the action of the two sectional parties tended to the same result of the Presidential election. Had Mr. Douglas been elected, secession could not have prevailed at the South, and the several aims of loth sectional parties would have been alike defeated. The result was the defeat o Mr. Douglas, and the election of the Republican candidate. We have no personal objection to the distinguished gentleman who now sits in the seat of Washington. His election was perhaps less mischievous than that of any other prominent Republican. The evil of his election belongs to his tarty, not to himself. The good he has done is in a great degree personal to him. Republican as he i?, he has not forgotten his old national patriotism. If he has not always, he has often, resisted the abolition element in his party, and stemmed the tide of its revolutionary course. In tliis he has done the country immeasurable service; and we hope that he will continue to stand as a barrier as well as against the most destructive faction of his own pirty, as against thearmed enemy of the Union. The responsibilities of his josition are such as might awe any man; and in all his efforts to sustain the Constitution against revolution and innovation, he has our hearty sympathy and support The election was tilt rignal lor the movement of secesnon. It was no excuse for the ruilt ot disunion. The insincerity and bad faith of the leaders in the movement is demonstrated by the fact tliat in both Houses of Congress there was a sate election ; and that they wanted and uied the

majority azamst the Republican party. But i Administration is the child of the Constitution, j the truth is, that the apostles of secession j and the servant of the people. The child j were traitors at heart, independent of the must not reject the authority of the parent, j

election only as a lever to precip.tate the! I he Constitution and the laws give the AdSouth from its allegiance. They duped the j ministration ample power to protect itself and South into the belief thai the entire neonle of ! enforce its authoritv in the loval States: and

the North were infected with the leprosy of abolition. As it was, we fully believe that the majority of the whole Southern people stood loval to the Union, and tliat in no seceding tate, ex

cept South Carolina, was the ordinance of se-j pending OTer us. We respect the Adminiscession fairly carried before the people. j tration too much for such an apprehension. The election of Mr. Lincoln, though effected j But if uch times are upon us, we must play by a minority of votes, was carried in all the I our parts like men, and not disavow our prinforms of the Constitution, was obligator- upon ciples "and opinions like cowards. Loyal to all the States and people thereof, was no pal-1 the core to the Constitution and Government liation for the unhallowed act of secession, i of the United States, the Democracy lias was no ground for the risks, sufferings, ho ! nothing to fear from the assertion of it prinrors, and ruin of the most shameless aiel de-J ciples, and the discussion of iL political views, testable civil war known in the history of civ- j Allowing much of minor evil to pass unitized man. ! noticed, in view of the difficult part which the

Hie ftandard of revolt was raised, and civil war began. Whatever may have been the relative guilt of the two sectional parties in the causes which prepared the South for revolution, the sole guilt in the war itself re?ts with the Southern party of secession. Congress has declared the war is waged by the Government of the United States, not in

the spirit of conquest or subjugation, nor for the purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or institutions of the States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, equality and rights of the several States unimpaired: and that as soon as these objects are accomplished, the war ought to cease. Thus carried on, the war is not onlr expedient, but necessary; not only justifiable, but holy. It is a defensive war. It is a war of self-preservation. Disunion, once successful, would be a recurring evD; and instead of leaving a Northern Union and a Southern Confederacy, would continue its destructive career until all of the States would be broken and dissevered, until the whole country would be distracted by petty sovereignties and wasted by petty warfare. We cannot calmly contemplate disunion. We know and love the blessings of Union, but no human eye can 1enetrate the dark and terrible future which ies beyond the grave of the Constitution. The war for the preservation of the Constitution has all our sympathies, all our hopes, and all our energies. But we have a right to demand, it is our duty to demand, and we do demand, that this war be carried on by the Government for the Constitution alone, and under the Constitution alone. To that end, amongst others, we retain our political organization, and will use our best efforts from time to time and at all times, to regain for the Democratic party, under tho forms and functions of the Constitution, the control of the legislative and executive departments of the Government ot the United States. In the meantime, the war must be carried on, and sustained with all the energies of the United States, and the teople thereof. No blood or treasure is too dear a price to re-purchase the Union inherited from our fathers, and to transmit unimpaired to our children. It is not our province to relate the history of the war, or to criticise its movements. Many hundreds of thousands of our loyal brethren have patriotically gone torth to battie for the Union. All have done nobly, all have suffered nobly, many have died nobly. The angel of death has made bloody vacancies in many a Northern home. Few have escaped without the loss of some near or dear friend. American liberty has been re-baptized in loyal blood; and hundreds of thousands of loyal men arc now in the field, or hastening thither, to conquer or die for the Constitution. We owe it to the memory of the dad, we owe it to the living hosts in the field, we owe it above all to the Constitution, to rcsjxmd with cheerful alacrity to every constitutional call for men, to submit to every constitutional exaction of treaure. We owe all that we have, and all that we are, to the Union; we must pay the whole debt if it be necessary. Rut war is not our whole duty. We owe a political debt to the Constitution, and that too must be paid. We adopt the language of (Jen. Jackson, that war alone cannot preserve the Constitution against disunion. War can, and we hope speedily will, subdue the armies of the revolted States. War can, and we hope speedily will, disarm every traitor, pos-

j sess every place of strength, and uphold the grand old nag on every llag-stati ni the L nitcd State?. But when war shall have accomplished all that war can do, the Union will not be fully restored. The participation of the revolted States in the Government of the Union must of necessity be voluntary. War has no power to compel such voluntary action. The peace and permanency of the restored Union will depend, in a great measure, on the confidence of the people of tho recovered States, in the justice of the (ieneral Government, and in the faithful observance of their Constitutional rights. War has no power to inspire this confidence. The stability of the Union, then, as in times past, will need the mutual good will and affections of the people of the several States. War has no power to control the affections. Tne people of the South will return to the Union, when they do return, wounded in their pride, and embittered in their feeling. When they return, they will return a3 brethren, and merit the treatment of brethren. The law may demand its victims, but those guiltless of the war, and those forgiven by the law, will again be our political brothers. The restored States will return to the Union with all the rights of other States. To win back the confidence and affection of their people, and to restore the Union in the. spirit of the Constitution, the sectional party at the North must be vigorously combatted, and in lue time overthrown at the ballot-box by the Democratic party, the only national, constitutional arty left in the land. If the Democratic party should be disbanded, or should sutler itself to remain inactive, the South would retain its old distrust of the Republican party, and its old aversion to the (ieneral Government administered by it It would then believe that the whole North was indeed given up to abolition, and that the weaker South would receive no ju11tice from the stronger North. But if the .South sees the Republican party defeated, and the ancient defenders of its rights against sectional influences once more in lowcrin the Union, or even bold in maintaining its old political warfare against sectional parties and influences then may the people of the ISouth, misled from the allegiance bv the detestable intrigues of ambitious demagogues well hope to find once more in the Union old rights, old i blessings, old safety. Disunion is the off-J spring of sectional parties, and the complete j restoration of the Union, in all its old peace ! ami harmony, rests upon the utter rout. North I and feouth, oi all sectional parties. I he spirit of the Constitution musL go hand in hand with the letter of the Constitution. It is no less essential to the people of the i loval States to establish the full reign of the spirit ot the Constitution ; to restore as the supreme law of the land, in peace and war, in prosperity and adversity, in all circumstances of society, the Constitution, the whole Constitution, and nothing but the Constitution. We claim the right, as free and loyal American citizens, to discuss the condutt of the Administration, and to censure it when we deem it worthy of censure. Our fathers won and established this rifdit. and we will not surrender it. We utterly deny to the Execi utive of the United States the power assumed j j by Congress in the sedition act of 1738, to j j suppress opposition to the Administration, or t ' restrict the full freedom of political discussion j in the loval States. This would le to assume I a power above the Constitution. The Ad- i j ministration has no more jower to susjK-nd j the Constitution than have the people. I he nor the servant uurp the rights of the master. i it would at this day be an evil example preg nant with anarchy and disorder, to disreiranl the Constitutional rights of the loyal States and their people. We cannot bring ourselves to the belief that such a reign of terror is im- . Administration has had to plav, there are some rrave acts of thf; executive and legisla tive departments of the Government, for which we hold the Republican party responsible, and for which we arraign it at the bar oi public opinion. We denounce the mischievous and unconstitutional tone of much of the discussion in

both Houses of CongTcss at its late session. We hold the general tenor of these discussions against the rights of slavery in the slaveholding States, and in fator of the exercise by Congress of owers not delegated by tho Constitution, to be eminently dangerous in sustaining the spirit of secession at the South, and creating a disregard for the Constitution at the North. We denounce the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, at the cost of' the United States, as unconstitutional, and peculiarly miclaevous at this time in giving force to the distrust of the North in all the slave States. Wc denounce the sweeping trad indiscriminate measures of confiscation and emancipation, as unconstitutional, and as having a strong tendency to unite the whole South against the Uuion, as one man. We believe that these and kindred things have liad a great weight in diminislfing the numbers and intluence of the Union arty at the South. Wc deny the power of the Executive to suspend the writ of halea$ corpus in the loval States. We deny tliat this act, materially chandng the lawsot the land, is an Executive

act. Wc have the authority of the Supreme Court of the United States, pronounced by the voice of Chief Justice Marshall as lonr ago as 1807, and affirmed by every commentator on the Constitution since, that under the Constitution of the United States, it is a legislative power. No king has assumed such a power in England, since the revolution. We deny the power of the Execntive to make arrests in the loyal States. The suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, validly done, would not authorize this. There are Federal Courts in all the loyal States with full power and jurisdiction to punish all crimes against the United States. - No, exercise of Executive power has ever been more odious than letters de cachet, by which the Executive could arrest and imprison without judicial writ, accusation, or trial. We hold this manner of arrest in the loyal States, of persons not in arms against the (lovernment, to be in violation of Sec. 2, Art. 3, of the Constitution of the United States, and of Art. 4, & and 6 of the amendments thereto. And we consider this practice as unnecessary, and tending to bring the Constitution into disregard. We deny the tower of the Executive to trammel the freedom of the press by the suppression of newspajters. The press is judicially responsible for abuses; but the freedom of the press, subject to judicial remedies, is essential to the freedom of the jeople. And wc protest against the manifest partiality with which this new and dangerous ower is exercised. Wc deny the recent semi-official definitions of the crime of treason. ' Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to th'ir enemies, giving them aid and comfort," In commenting on this definition in the Constitution, Judge Story quotes with approbation the remark of Montesquieu, that if the crime of treason be indeterminate, that alone is sufficient to make any government degenerate into arbitary poWer; and he denounces, as the Supreme Court of the United States had rejected, the doctrine of constructive treason. It was in apprehension of the dangers of constructive treason, that the definition of this crime was introduced into the bodv of the Constitution itself ; and it is a definition far more in keeping the rights of a free people than such vague phrases as disloyal practices. The Statutes of the United States amply provide for the punihntent of treasonable crimes under the Constitution, and wc recognize no power in the Executive to enlarge them. We deny the tower of the Executive to transport persons accused of crime in the loyal States, from the State where the crime is alleged to have been committed to an other State or place for trial; to cause tLe trial of any person in the loyal States for any crime before military tribunals or other Courts, except before a jury in the Constitutional District Courts of the United States; or to subject such persons to such trial, except upon the indictment of a grand jury. These rights are guaranteed to every person, under all circumstances, by the Constitution itself. And we fully believe that the loyal cople of the United States are worthy of their fathers, who framed the Constitution, and will be found unwilling to surrender rights so sacred and so essential to their liberties. We believe lhat the Executive acts of which we complain, were done rather in inadvertency bv subordinate officers, than in the deliberate purpose of subverting the Constitution, or with the sanction of tue President. The stretch of jtower, however, is too great and too dangerous to the liberties of the people, to pass without the protest of the free and loyal Democracy. If done as a part of a full and deliberate jolicy, they strike at the root of American liberty, and we are d rifling from the safe etnehorage of the Constitution into an unknown wilderness of cruel waters. Let whatever may come, the Democracy will abide' by their time-honered principles, by the Constitution and the Union. "Wc will neither surrender our right, nor Jorsake them. We will maintain our constitutional liberty at all hazards, and as a necessary step towards that end, we will maintain the Union in like manner. We are for the Constitution as it is, and the Union as it was." We call upon our brethren throughout the State to organize the party for the coming election of members of Congress, and of the State legislature. We call upon them to nominate as candidates tried and true Democrats, on strictly party principles, inviting the support of all persons, but acting in affiliation with no other party or faction whatever We call ujon them, for the sake of "liberty and union, now and forever, one and insejiarable," to exert all their constitutional right and power to elect conservative men, who will not blasphemously assume to do any official act in the name oi God, which cannot "be done under the sanction of the Constitution. So doing the Democracy of Wisconsin will best serve the cause of the Union, and give the highest proof of their lovalty to the Constitution. We claim the right on their behalf and our own, to censure the political acts of the Administration, when we think that they deserve it, and to do all lawfully within our power to sustain the supremacy of the Constitution in all places North and South, and over all persons in office, and out of it. And so that end we devote our hearts, minds and estates to aid the Administration in the most vigorous and f pet dy pnweution of the war waged against the Union by the revolted States. We believe that in so doing we fulfill the most sacred duty we owe to the Constitution. And to this, we solemnly pledge the faith of our party and ourselves, until the war be ended and the Constitution restored, as the supreme law of the land, in every State off the Union. a lit m III. I. null wa iur law m mm m Important Instruction to the Irctor. The Collectors appointed enrier tle recent act i of Conpres, to collect the ratiorui Tax, are making their arrangement, and will aoon com metice orer ttions. The Comaiioner of Revenue at Washington ha just issued the following important regulations to the Collector at Philadelphia, which applj equallj to Collertors in thi locality: 1. All njch:.ni-, except tho? wbo merely Jo repiim, tnut he rei"iereJ a mriuCicturer,anJ must take cut u license a such if the annual sales amount to $1,I';0U. '2 Hut mechanic and other raanufactureri who sell their own manufactures at the place where the? are trodoceii are not required to uke out an additional licence a trader. Th';i doe not include rectifier, ho must pay both licerife. 3. If msnnfacturar hare an efiice, depot, store room, or agencj, at a place öiöerent from the place where the good are made, or if they ell the manufactures of othern, iu addition to their i own, they must pay a trader' as well a a manufacturer's license. Thus, a tobacconist who both makes cirar ai d keeps for Mle goods in his line

which he his purchwJ, est tkt out both li ferre. So tnot dm-rt. "ho lo mtke mu ent rticte, or rne-l cines, Ac , for hkb h baa a prirtte forrnuli r rere-pt. 4. Per.n keeping tu r rooms or n!n, for the s&le of liquor. mat Uke oat iic,ior deler'i heeu. If tier t f urr.ish f d. tlej nut, in addition, take out an entire h-.u licen; nd the le of cigr. &c, rf juire a tobtccoci-u'i or reuil dealer's licen-r, besides bi'.:Urd Ublw reijuir pMul Lcen, a.i Urteile Uble r reckoned as billiards. 5. Corn mission nurchanu who are alo ship or eorcmercu! broker are require! to Uke oat two license . . G. Cromer? selling flour bj the barrel or m!i by the sack, or any other article in the original pn-kace, ere reckoned a wholesale detler. 7. Sumps mat be Attached the paf"r rqu rinc: them at the time of their eterution, ari rout be obliterated hr the person writing his icit;aN U7n theru. Te'e-raphir di-ptcbe! rnut be damped and effaced when delivered to be, transmitted. Hut m 'IroJ and telecmph comrnies are riot require! to Ma up their own di patches over their ou lir.es. 0 ArraDiemen'.t will be made with th collector ot this ilis-trict to urplv tarop to pnrtie defirin to purcha $.0 worth or nver, at the rate of discount c?ub'.ihed by the Treasury Department. 9. Notes and bills of exchange drawn for a certain sura, with interest, will be f Lamped ac cording u the principal rum. Foreign currency will be estimated according to the rcI par of e. ch.mjre; the pound Meiling, for instance, at the rate fixed for sovereigns, not at the nominal rtte of 4 4.1 54. nor at the mrket rate of exchauge, which is now something above the real rar. 10 On and after October 1st the following iaPt rum en ts must be fUtn ;: All apreetnenU, appraisements, check. irht drafts, protnraissonr notes, inland and foreign bills of exchange, billa lading to foreign ports, pickapes, Lc, per ex press, bonds, certificate of Hock, or profit, rf deposit in banks, of d.ima;e. and all other certificate, charter purtie, broke r, memorandum, conveyances, mortgages, leases, telegraph dispatches. custom-houe en trie ih1 ratnifewta. policies of inurance Iif, marine, and fire, and renewal of .ime .zt ticket to foreign pons. poer of tiurnT, per & , protMte of wills, protest, warehouse receipt and writs or other original proce of commencing an it. Alo, patent medicines, perfumers, and playing cards. In reference to puMie house and liquor dealer exclusively, it is I fined tti4t 1:1 a tavern or public house cre li.pior is sol 1, licence must be taken lor e.tch bu.:tea, the license fr the tivcrn to be according to the rental, and the license for liquor in all cases of retail to be twenty dollar. Hy retail ia uitderrtooU any quantity under three gallons. To fell above that quantity is wholesale, und the licen-e is one hundred dol'ars. Hetaurui.tj which furnUh leddiug, and which keep liquors, are required to obtain three licenses tiri a tateru licence, secondly license for tl e liquor Imt, o taeutr dollars, and thirdly a lieer.e for the c iting bar. costing ten dollars, when the re eipl.s amount to or exceed one thound doll.tr per year. Eating houses are permitted to keep confectionery without an additional license. All deilers in liquor by retail are required to pay a license of twenty dollar per jear. The penalty for ret u-.l or l iilure to take out license is a fine of three times the amount of duty or tax imposed by the law; one h.ilf of which i;oea to the informer. Thec tixes are, of course, ia addition to the ."st.ite n city Iireiie row im;, cd, and the a unni I iiion t expense will mite rially affect the fiiitiler de.tlerf h abound in every put of the city. The prosecution of delinquents 1. made imperative on the Cotter tom. who hold the tmnie- and residence of all deilers, so lhate.capp from the rcn ilty is next to impospible.

RAILROADS. PERU AND INDIANAPOLIS 1862. MFIEir "5 1862. HEW ARRANGEMENT. .lew Itoute to Cliicngo vim Kkam. .12 MILTS SHORTER THAN OTHER ROUTE. O!? AXI AFTER MAY 8. 1S52, tra!n wI ba run a follow: A Mail Train will Iravc Indianmpoli at 11:10 A stop at all nation and make cl connection at Kokotno witb train on the Cincinnati and Chicago Air Line ka'.Irad fr Loran-p", Valparaiso ar1 CLtcago, an4 arrtra at IVru at 3.15 T. M., In time to make connection wtta trains on the Toledo aü 1 Vbt Radwaj, going Kat and West. Returntrr, the aame train will leare Peru at .00 A. M.. art-r the arrial of the train on the T. t W. Ii. W. from the East, am arrive at Indianaix.a at 9:.0 A. M. in time to make connections for all ioint Eat, South and We-t. An Eprestraln will leave tn'tianarwl; at I0u15 I. M., connect at Kokomo trith train for Cbico. and arrrea at l'rru at 5.00 A. M., Intime to make contirrtinn withtraina coirifj East and VtM rn the Toledo and Wl.a.h RailWBT. Hfnminr the aame train P.l leave fem at M.t tnaViiijr close cfMrrtin at KoVotno ma tie traiaa on tLe ;incint aU ant Cbiraan Iiailway front Chiraara Valparaiso and Loeanprt, and arrive at Indianapolis at 4:10 I M., In time to connect with the evening traina for Cincinnati, Iyvul'rille and other point. Special attrution d"en to the transportation of lira stock, proluce and merchandise cencrallr. DAVID MACT, fienera! Afent aitd Superintendent. Thko. P. Hauchet. Uem-ral Ticket Agent. apl'Sl-dlj INDIÄNAPOUS ANDCIXfIXNATI HAILROADl ;-a--'. 3 Kliarleat ftotite tjr Xlalrty .Tille I 50 CHANGE. UK CAR5 TO CIXCI55AT1! Three trtinMeave Indianapolis DailT.i8un.iar. excepted.) Ili:?TTRAIN.6 20 a.M CIClXXATlLJGirTMa 1 Eirrsarrhfa at Cincinnati at 10 A M.t and Lex inirton, Kr.. ?JM P.M. iseeond Train 10-40 A. M. -Cincinnati Xail. arrive-, at Cincinnati 3:40 P. M., making cloe connection with Litüt Miami Kailro-id for Ie)atd, Morrow, Columhu, w. ark. Zan-ville. isd Whwlmi;. Tliird Train 35 P. M, Cincinnati Expr', arriea at Cir.cir.nati 11:10 P. M. Fare .atne a j any other ronte. Call f"T your Ucket tb Indianapolis and Cincinnati Railroaü. Bu;r;fr checked thronrh. PeaciA.1. SoTtra. he ware yon ret In the riartt train at Indianapolis. The n!r Cinc.nnatl train, standa on tb fifth track, heir. the farthest track south in the Union Depot, at Indianapolis. W. Ii. I- 3SOP.I.K, General Tcket A rent. W. Powau, Travi Jir e a irrnt nr24 '63 PIANOS. $150 BEST PIANOS. 8150 GROVESTEES A H ALE ham removed to their ntw wareroom. No. 478 Broadway, ara preparrd to offer tbe public a magxiCcent new acala full 7-0ctave Eosewood Piano, ntsininic all improvements known in thi country or Europe, orer-strunji baa, French grand action, harp pedal, f jII Iron fram. for $150 CASH. WARRANTED FOR FIVE TEARS, hieb. mouMir.f cae, 1 75 TU S200, all warranted mate of tbe bet material, and U Und better than air sold f-r x by u aid methods of manufacture. W Invite tbe bt Jidre t txair.in and try tfce new n-trwnen:a, and we stand ready at all time to test them itb anT ofbera tnanufartared ia lata country. C.I1U T.X I.F. 4c 11 ALK, myve-dStn 47 Broadway 5. T. HOTELS. French's Hotol, 05 THE FÜE0FEJL5 PXJL5. crrr r ssw voaa. ix;rc utMinfi 00 cots Ptu day, CITT 11 ALL SQUARICOlLliUXKrOkTÄT Opposite City UalL TKALS AS THET MAT IVK OKMKXED IX TUK ifX pacien Kefectory. There is a Barter Sbop and Latn-ro m VtacLed to the Hotel. täf Beware or Kontier and "aetata wba aay wa aruTi. ix. ru i:mh, nov30'Cl-dly rroiWtur. SCHOOL OnCAUS. A SKW l.NmCME5T-JrST THE TIII50 FOX Sabbata School, AcaJetnlea and Small Cbarcbea. hji wiujlkd k rrowiLL.