Daily State Sentinel, Volume 10, Number 3748, Indianapolis, Marion County, 6 October 1862 — Page 4

JKaBSS TO TUR PEOPLE! UV The .Democracy of Wisconsin ADOPTED IN STATE CONVENTION, AT MILWAUKEE. SEIT. 3J, 1SC2.

We adores you m a time of prat trial and calamity. We ivMrvsa you in m time of xiation.il fuflVrinjj and Krruwin;r. We mMrvs you in a crisi of IVarfnl peril to tho Union, mini to the free institutions established by our f Athen in the percral State. Wc do so with a !o!emn sense of the reponibi!itie. resting upon us in romawa with the w hole American jieople. We iht o with the finale duin of contributing all our aid to the proscrvatiou of the Union, the Constitution and the liberties of the btates. And wc prorxc to do io, according to our lights, frarlc! and openlr, let whatever new power frown ujon the ancient American f birthright of freedom of peech. Oar State Constitution, a5crtin the inKIab!e right of liberty of political discussion, adopts an American maxim as old iu American independence, when it declares that the bleinjr of a tree government can only bn maintained by frequent recurrence to fundamental principles." And whosoever, in whatsoever jioition, &serts that there has come a time in American history, when . freedom of fpcech should be suppressed, when the safeguard of political oppesition shoulil be abandoned, and the voice of all parties, except one, should be silenced; when the Administration of the Government should pass uncensured and unquestioned; when loyalty to the institutions of oar country should pive wav to passive submission to our rulers, has little y in pa thy with the fpirit of the liberty won by the valor of our fathers, or of the free institutions established by their wisdom. In a free country the freedom of the people abides in peace and war, in domestic tranquility and civil discord. The Constitution of the United State?, and -the Constituions of the several States, provide alike for all the exieutries of j-eacc at home and abroad, of foreign war, and of domestic insurrection. The Constitution of the United States, and the laws enacted in pursuance of it, are the supreme law of the land in all conditions of the country. The Constitution is inviolate in all circumstances of the jople and the government. State necessity has no power to suspend the Constitution or abridge the freedom of the people. .State necessity, as an excuse for invading popular liberty, lias been in all history the tyrant's plea. U'hcn jopular liberty succumbs to the cry of State necessity, the land liaa already ceased to be free. , Loyalty, in America, is the franchise of no office or olficer. American loyalty is (iuc to ' tho Constitution alone. Fidelity to the Constitution is loyalty to the Union." 'f here is no Union outside the Constitution. The Constistution is the Union. And whatever nnn, officer, or party, assumes to be true to the Union, ami not to the Constitution as our forefathers nude it, and our fathers enjoyed it, is disloyal to both. Ilüiid Submission to the Administration of the Government, is not devotion to the country or the Constitution. The Administration is not the Government. The Government is established by the Constitution, and rests in its provisions. The Administration is as subject to the Constitution, and as resjjonsible tor its observance, as the people. The Administ ration may err, but the Constitution does not change. And when the Administration violates the Constitution, loyalty to the Administration may become disloyalty to the Union. Devotion to the Constitution is the only American loyalty. In times of peace and prosperity, there is little danger of the loyalty of the jx'onle forsaking the Constitution for the princip.es of a Earty, or the policy of an Administration. ut in days of civil discord and convulsion, there is danger of patriotism being blindfolded, mistaking the objects of its faith, and transferring to the servant of its altar the devotion due only to the altar itself. And in such days it is the duties of all parties to consider well their portion, and to determine how far their loyalty to the Constitution is consistent with their Mipport of the Administration of the Government, Almost as old as the Union, founded in the bro wl principles of the Constitution, identified with all the proqerous history of the United States, the Democratic tarty has no new principles to enunciate, no new loyalty to pledge. It has always been, as it is, the party of the Constitution. In all its career, the Constitution has been its only creed. It has been depressed bv defeat and elated by success, and has at times mistaken the true path of duty. Uut it has never lo-t sight of the Constitution, or wandered far fiom its ways. Its history chronicles a devotion to the Constitution, and a sympathy with the spirit of tlu pvople, as just and steadfast as human devotion and sympathy can attain. If not always right, it has not been often or long wrong. Human history can say no more lor any arty, in any age or country. The Democratic party needs to-day no platform but its history. But in this unprecedented and terrible crisis it lecots us to consider the application of old principles to new conditions. The Democratic party has outlived many antagonists. The Federal party, the National Republican party, the Whig party, hae successively struggled with it, with varied suecess; out nave successively disappeared Irom j history. This was not accidental. The Dem-' ocratie party was as subject to accident as its rivals. It has been frequently defeated. But it has survived all its defeats, while its ancient enemies have not survived occasional success. The reason is apparent. was founded on the true principles of our Gjvernment, and guided by true sympathy with the spirit of American institutions. They rested in .1 narrower comprehension of the genius of the American people, and in mistaken views of j the principles of the Constitution. They died ! the death of error; it lives the life of truth. I The history of the country is the history of the Democratic party. With occasional in-' termission, it has administered the National Government and guided the mark of American history. Under its influence, the true spirit of the Constitution displaced the nar-' row and un-American comprehension of our ; system of Government which originally pre- ! vailed, and gave tone to the Administration j of the elder Adams. Under its influence the ' commercial and economical interests of the ; country were emancipated from the hot house system of tariffs and currency, which Itound ' American energy and skill in the chains of European theory. Under its leadership, the American flag was carried in glory through ; war. and sent in peace floating in security over , all the seas of commerce. Under its leader-, ship the area of the country was almost ! doubled, and new fields of enterprise were populated by prosperous American communities. Under the guidance of no other party ; was any great stride nude in civil or com-: menial prosperity, was a war ever waged : with a foreign enemy, was an acre c f territory i ever added to our vast domain. The Demo- f cratie party led the country from its feeble ' and poor condition at the beginning of the j present century, to the gnat and glorious empire cf freedom, the unftaralleled political j and material rnsperity, in which it met with its last defeat in the Presidential election of; 18C0. ! Such defeats of the great partv of the j country never before carried with them per-! xnanent evil to the nation. The old'om orients I of the Democracy took the Administration of i the Government upon its defeat, and surrendered it again upon its success, the Constitution and the Union remaining unimpaired. The ancient antagonists of the Democracy, whatever their rins of doctrine or action, were

lational parties, resting upon no sectional m!icv, rritrcxMiting no etiorw! constituency.

Vhen in power, they administered the (ov-1 rnuicnt upon the w!icy of a majority of thel rliole country. When in opro?ition they spoke for a minority of the whole country. They were loyal because they were national. The Union was safe, because they wrc loyal. Their success was harmless to the Constitution, because it was tbs defeat of a constitutional party, and not of the spirit of the Constitution itself. Tin defeat of the Democratic Jarty in 1HO has been followed br the revolt of several of the States from the L'nion,and by the present terrible civil war, because it was defeated by a sectional party. We reprobate tlutt revolt, as unnecessary, unjustifiable, unhUy. Devoted to the Constitution, we invoke the venfreanc of God upon all who raise their sacreigious hands against it, whether wearing the soft gloves of jK.ace or the bloody gauntlets of war. But wc alfirm that the revolt and con-cquent ciul war were a long foretold and probable result of the accession to jower of a sectional party, because their success was the defeat of tho fpirit of the Constitution. In fo vast a union of States, of such differing interests, liabits and institutions, the danger of sectional thirties to the peace and permanence to the Union, was early foreseen by the fathers of the Constitution. The Father of his Country, himself, gave voice to these apprehensions in his Farewell Address in 1 1 'JO. He passed a tulogium urton the Union, which no tonpue or ten has rince improved. He urged the unity of the Government which constitutes us one people." He impressed upon the nation, that it was 'a main pillar in tne. edifice of our real independence; , the support of our tranquility at home; of our power abroad, of our safety, of our prosperity, of the very liberty which we so highly prize." In a spirit of prophecy, ho cautioned the people and their "tostcrity against the dangers it might encounter, and with his tarting words invoked them "indignantly to frown upon the first dawning of even' attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now. linked together the various parts. He enlarged upon the mutual dependence of tho various parts of the country, North and South, Rist and West; he warned us against parties founded on 44 geographical discriminations whence designing men may endeavor to ex cite a belief that there Is a real difference of local interests and views." He loretold that "one of the expedients of party is to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts." He forewarned us that "wo could 'not shield ourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings which would spring from these misrepresentations, which tend to render aliens to each other, those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection.' Fearful prophecy, fearfully fulfilled! How the great spirit of the illustrious Washington would have mourned liad he been able to foresee the lull and terrible measure of the danger he foretold, the insane and terrible disregard of his holy advice which has accomplished itThere was no reason why the several States ol the Union should not Live abided together in harmony for all time. Their domestic institutions, their social condition, and their habits of life, differed indeed from the beginning. And, in the language of General Jackson, "this difference was unavoidably increased by the vary ing principles upon which the American colonies were originally planted; principles which had taken deep root in their social relations before the revolution, and therefore, of necessity, influencing their policy since they become free and independent States. The progress of all the States was great, but frequently in different directions. But the Constitution left to the several States the exclusive control of their domestic concerns; and hid the spirit of Constitution prevailed, differences of domestic institutions would never have disturbed the peaceful relations of the States in the Union. The slavery ot the African race formed from the beginning the mast important and dangerous of these differences. The Constitution was a compact of compromises, and in no instance more wisely or generoudv so than in relation to the institution of slavery. And hail the several States ot Union abided in their politics by that necessary and magnanimous spirit of compromise, the Union would now be undisturbed, and ancient harmony and prosper ity would reign where civil war now rages. Fanaticism is tho bane of harmony. It has disturbed many States and overturned many governments. It isone of the most diflicult serial evils to deal with. It is a growth of prosperity, and yet gains strength under persecution. It often appeals to the most generous prejudices of humanity; it orten wears the garb ot religion and morality; it has wonderful powers of proselyti.m: it has great capacities to make wrong look like right, and to deck errors in the robes of truth. It is a terrible ajo-tle of evil. Discord follows its lead, and revolution too often is the end of its career. Unfortunately, among many elements of good and greatness, fanaticism emigrated to this country. From time to time, it has played its tart in marring tha record of civil and religious liberty in American history. It has, from time to time, sent forth various heretical dogmas of jKililics. It has asserted a higher law, above the Constitution itself. It has in recent memorable words, sought to do in the name of God what could not be done in the name of the Constitution. It finally found employment fatal to the peace of the country in political abolition. The North had rid itself ot the incubus of slavery. The North was as resjxjnsible for slavery in the South, as the South itself is. But fanaticism became offended with Southern slavery; and overlookim home evils and home reforms, it devoted itself to the discussion of the evils of African slavery, clamoring against its criminality and urging its abolition. It disregarded the Constitution, and denounced its guarantees of the rights of slavery as a compact of sin and shame. Many of its teachers ojtenly advocated disunion; and many more proclaimed an irrepressible conflict between the domestic systems of the North and the South, arguing that the States of the Union must become a'd free or all slave. These dangerous and revolutionär- "doctrines have always been combatted by the Democratic party. The Democracy Lis no ajology to make for Southern slavery. We regard it as a great social evil. But we regard it as a misfortune, not a crime. The crime is in the presence of the African race uton, the continent. This is a crime of the past, not of the present. And even in the past, it was less the crime of the South, than of those who grew rich in the slave trade, and who now clamor for the - abolition of slavery which they themselves planted. We hold this country to be the possession of the white race, and this Government to be instituted by white men for white men. We commisserate the condition of the slave; but we are unwilling to violate the Constitution in his behalf, or to disturb society by emancipating four millions of an inferior race in a land possessed by a superior race. It is the sin of history that the African race is here; once here in gnat numbers, the proper condition of the African was subjection in some form to the white. Equality was impossible. Nature has made social equality imjossible without fatally sinning against her laws, and without social equality xtlitical equality i inqossible. Nature never placed the races together; when brought together, the servitude of the inferior is the best condition for both races; a necessary evil resulting from the violation of natural law in bringing them together. But fanaticism did not so see it. Fanaticism at the North, unembarrassed by the presence of s!averv, did not see slavery as a necessary evil, but only as an abstract wrong. It could make no allowance for the condition of the South, ami had no toleration for the compro

mises of the Constitution, or Oy safeguards which it extended to the institutions of tho S-uth. For a long time the abolition party was a weak political minority; but it was from the tteginning an energetic and dangerous apostle of unconstitutional doctrines, and of sectional jealousies and distrusts. An long ago as 1837, the warrior statesman, Andrew J.ickon, in his Farewell Address, wanted us against it t He quoted the warnings of Washington, and said: "Thelcs-ons contained in this invaluable legacy of Washington to his countrymen, should lx cherished in the heart of every citizen to the Litt 3 1 generation, and perhap at no period of time could they be more usefully remembered than at the present moment. For when we look upon the scenes which are assing around m. and dwell upon the pages of his parting address, his paternal counels wouhf wem to be not merely the offspring of wisdom and foresight, but the voice ot prophecy, foretelling event", and warning us of the evil to come. The Federal Constitution was then regarded by him as an experiment. The trial has bi-cn made. It succeeded beyond the proudest hopes' of those who framed it. Everv quarter of this widely extended nation has ft It its blessings, and shared in the general prosperity produced by its adoption. But

amid this general prosperity and splendid success, the dangers of which he warned us, arc Incoming every day more evident, and the signs of evil are sufficiently aptarent to awaken the deepest anxiety in the bosom of the jiatriot. We now behold systematic efforts publicly made to tow the seeds of discord between different parts of the United States, and to place party divisions directly ujton geographical distinctions; to excite the South against the AorÄ, and the Sörth against the South, and to force into the controversy the most delicate and excited topics, upon which it is impossible that a large portion of the Union can ever speak without strong emotions. Appeals, too, arc constantly made to sectional interests, and the wssible dissolution of the Union has at length rconie an ordinary and familiar subject of discussion. "Has the warning voice of Washington been forgotten, or have designs already been formed to sever the nation? Mutual suspicions and reproaches may in time create mutual hostility; andartful and designing men will always be found, who arc readv to foment these fatal divisions, and to inflame the natural jealousies of different sections of the country. Delude not yourselves into the belief that a breach once made may be afterwards repaired. If the Union is once severed, the line of separation will grow wider anil wider, and the controversies which are now debated and settled in the halls of legislation, will be tried in the fields of battle, and determined by the sword. The Constitution cannot be maintained, nor the Union preserved, In opposition to public feeling, by the mere exertion of the coercive powers confided to the General Government. The foundations must be laid in the affections of the people; in the security it gives to life, liberty, character and property in ever- quarter of the country; and in the fraternal attachment which the citizens of the several States bear to one another, as members of one political family mutually contributing to promote the happiness of each other. Hence the citizens of every State should studiously avoid everything calculated to wound the sensibility or offend the just pride of the K'opleof other States; and they should frown ujon any proceedings within their own borders likely to disturb the tranquility of their jolitical brethren in other portions of the Union. Each State has the unquestionable right to regulate its own internal concerns, according to its own pleasure. And all efforts on the part of the people ot other States to cast odium on their institutions, and all measures calculated to disturb their rights of property, or to put in jeopardy their jkmcc and internal tranquility, arc in direct opposition to the spirit in which the Union was founded, and must endanger its safety. Motives of philanthropy mav be assigned for this unwarrantable interference, and weak men may persuade themselves for a moment that they are laboring in the cause of humanity-, and asserting the rights of the human race; but every one, upon sober reflection, will see that nothing but mischief can come from these improper assaults upon the feelings and rights of others. Best assured, that the men found busy in this work of discord, are not worthy of your confidence, and deserve your strongest reprobation. So spoke one of the greatest and wisest patriots of American history. Counsels so sacred and warnings so solemn, were disregarded by the Abolitionists; and the Alolition party continued to tea'-h its treasonable doctrine?, and to preach its crusade against the South and its institution. The results so wisely foretold, necessarily followed. The denunciation of the South at the North, was met by denunciation of the North at the South. Hostility in the North to the institutions of the South provoked hostility in the South to the people of the North. The great mass of the people of the South were loyal to the Union ; but a cla-"s of public men in the South had for some time been tainted with disloyalty, and aimed to separate all the Southern States from the Union, whenever an opportunity should arise to carry the people of the South with them. These men zealously contributed to foment the Abolition excitement at the North, and exaggerated its power and importance at the South. Thus faction Kgot faction; and the Abolition party at the North produced the disunion jartv at the South. The spirit of Northern Abolition and of Southern disunion insensibly grew together for years, until the period of the last Presidential election, when a bitter animosity existed between large and powerful factions in the North and in the South. In the meantime, in 1834-C, the Whig party most unhappily abandoned its organizations, and the in-sent Republican party was founded on the basis of the old Abolition party. The best and most enlightened patriots of the Whigs refused all alliance with the new sectional party; but the vast body of the Whigs surrendered their national politics to its narrow and sectional bigotry. The great leaders of the Whu; party w ere gone. The mighty voice of Wc lister, which always six)ke for the whole country, and never utterI ed a sectional dogma, was silent forever. The j great head and heart of Clay, whose states1 manship had served to save the Union from j more than one peril, Jfnd was as broad as the I Union itself, lay low in death. Had these gnat lights of tue hig party survived, we fully Klieve that they would have saved their party from the shame of prostituting itself in the unholy embraces of a sectional and revotionarv organization. But thev were gone; j pigmies sat in the seats of giants; the Whig j party went out of being, and the Republican . party wa ingrafted on the Abolition party, j It 's true that the Republican party avows its abolition tendencies less manfully than the old AKlition party. They assume to inter- ! fere with slavery in the Territories and other j p'aces subject to the jurisdiction of the United ; States only, and not in the States, This thin j disguise of their real policy, is fully exposed j by the uniform tone of their discussion of slavery, by their resistance of the fugitive j slave law, by their avowal of an irrepn ssible j conflict K-twecn the institutions of the North j aud the South, and by the whole tenor of ! their legislation wherever and whenever they ' have been in power. Tiiat a large and reI spectable body of the party have no synquthy I with its altolition proclivities, is perhaps true; j but there is no room for doubt that the aboliI tion element in that party is its largest, most j energetic, and influential element. With the strength and influence of the Republican Jarty, grew the strength and influ

ence of the party of secession. Both were sectional; loth were revolutionary. It would be idle to show the revolutionary character of the seces-ion party. Its revolutionary purposes were avowed. The Republican virty was no less revolutionary, though its revolutionary tendencies were less manifestIt is evident, from what has already Ken een, that Washington and Jackson, fit representatives of the sages and patrioti of the revolutionary and succeeding cra, regarded sectional tarties as revolutionary. Under our svrtem they are essentially- so; for no sco tion.J crty could accomplish any end, except by the severence of the bonds of fraternity and unity between the different parts of tlm country upon which the Union rests. It is not we who say, it is the sages and patriots of the past who Live said, that in American politics every sectional party is essentially disloyal to tho Union. In almost every State of the Union, in which the Republican party Lid the power, they enacted laws impeding the execution of the laws of the United Mates. Such laws were passed by them in this State. A Republican judiciary for this State nullified acts of Congress, assumed to overrule the decisions of the Supreme Count of the United States in caes arising under the Constitution nd laws of the Union, disobeyed its mandates, and sanctioned by judicial decision the forcible rescue of prisoners held under the judicial process of the United States. But not content with this measure of disloyalty, the Republican Legislature of this State passed in 1 859, and lias ever sice refused to rescind, resolutions setting at defiance the authority of the United Suites, and asserting the doctrine of secession as broadly as it has ever been asserted by any Southern State. This is well understood at home; by Democrats and Republicans; but to avoid the suspicion ot exaggeration abroad, we here insert two of these resolutions in full: "lle$o!vtl That the Government formed by the Constitution of the United States was

not made the exclusive right or final judge of the extent ot its jiowers delegated to itself; but that, as in all other cases of compact having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of keDKCSS. ikllttJced, That the principle and construction contended for by the parly which now rules in the councils of the nation, that the General Government is the exclusive jude of the extent of the powers delegated to it, stop nothing short of desjtotism, since the '.scrction of those who administer the Government, and not the Constitution, would be the measure of their towers; that the several States which formed that instrument, being sovereign and independent, have the unquestionable right to judge of its infraction ; and that a positive defiance of those sovereignties, of all unauthorized acts done or attempted to be done under color of that instrument, is the RIGHTFUL UEMKÜY." These resolutions had relation, not to the acts of the executor of the United States or even of Congress, but to a folemn decision of the Supreme Court of the United States upon the Constitution and laws of the United States. This is the doctrine caught from seceding. South Carolina by Republican Wisconsin, and repeated by the Republican party of Wisconsin, in full communion with the Republican arty of the north, to justify secession in ever- disloyal State in tne South. Thus the Republican party, as well as the secession party, was revolutionär-. And these revolutionary parties grew in numbers and influence down to the Presidential electional of 1SG0, when the Democratic party was defeated by the sectional influences of both. The sectional party of the South succeeded in intruding some members into the Democratic Convention ; and when defeated there, by the steadfast loyalty of the true. Democracy, put in nomination a renegade from his party and his country. The sectional party of the North put in nomination a distinguished gentleman, the author ot the doctrine that the several States must ultimately become all slave or all free. The Democratic paaty nominated as their candidate a statesman, now no more, of great experience and ability in public affairs, of great energy and integrity of character and life, the author of the only just and practical solution of the question of slavery in the Territories, whose whole public life was devoted to the maintenance of ihe Constitution as it U, and the Union as it was; and whose zeal for the preservation of the country sacrificed his life in its prime. The history of the Convention which nominated Mr. Douglas, plainly shows that the champions of secession had uo hope to carry the people of the South with them, save by defeating the candidate of the Democrat ie party. The whole tone and temper ot the Republican leaders and press at the North, before and during the session of the Condition, plainly shows that they had no hope of electing their candidate, save by diverting the South from the Democratic candidate to the Secession candidate. Thus the action of the two sectional parties tended to the same result of the Presidential e lection. Had Mr. Douglas been elected, secession could not have prevailed at the South, and the several aims of both sectional parties would have been alike defeated. The result was the defeat of Mr. Douglas, and the election of the Republican candidate. We have 110 personal objection to the distinguished gentleman who now sits in the scat of Washington. His election was perhaps h s mischievous than thai ot any other prominent Republican. The evil of his election belongs to his party, not to himself. The good he has done is in 1 great degree personal to him." Republican as he is, he has not forgotten his old national patriotism. If he has not always, he has often, resisted theaKlition element in his party, and stemmed the tide of its revolutionärcourse. In this he has done the country immeasurable service ; and we horn. that he will continue to stand as a barrier as well as against the most destructive faction of his own party, as against the armed enemy of the Union. The responsibilities of his position are such as might awe any man; and in all his efforts to sustain the Constitution against revolution and innovation, he has our hearty sympathy and support. The election was the signal for the movement of secession. It was no excuse for the guilt of disunion. The insincerity and bad faith of the leaders in the movement is demonstrated by the fact that in both Houses of Congress there was a safe majority against the Republican party. But the truth is, tLit the apostles of secession were traitor at heart, independent of the election ; and that they wanted and used the election only as a lever to precipitate the South from its allegiance. They duped the South into the Klief that the entire people of the North were infected with the leproy of abolition. As it was, we fully Klieve that the majority of the whole Southern people stood loyal to the Union, and that in no seceding State, except South Carolina, was the ordinance of secession fairlv carried Kfore the people. The election of Mr. Lincoln, though effected by a minority of votes, was carried in all the forms of the Constitution, was obligatory uj on all the States and people thereof, was no palliation for tlie unhallowed act of secession, was no ground for the risks, sufferings, horrors, and ruin of the most shameless and detestable civil war known in the history of civilized man. The standard of revolt was raised, and civil war K gan. WLitevcr may have been the relative guilt of the two sectional parties in the causes which prepared the South for revolution, the sole guilt in the war itself rests with the Southern party of &eeejsioa. Congress has declared the war is waged bv . the Government of the United States, not in

the spirit of conquest or subjugation, cor for the purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or institutions of the States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity, cquauty and rights of the several States uniiiqwured; and tliat as soon as these objects are accomplished, the war ought to cease. Thus carried on, the war is not only expedient, but necessary; not only justifiable, but holy. It is a defensive war. " it is a war of .ellqirescrvation. Disunion, once successful, would be a recurring evil; ami instead of leavtng a Northen) Union and a Southern Confederacy, would continue its destmctive career until all of the States would be broken and disscYcrcd, until the whole country would K distracted by jetty sovereignties and waited by petty warfare. We cannot calmly contemplate disunion. We know and love the blessings of .Union, but no human eye can

netrate the dark and tcrnble future which ies bevond the grave of the Constitution. The war for the preservation of the Constitution has all our sympathies, all our hopes, and all our energies. But we have a right to demand, it is our duty to demand, and we do demand, that this war K carried on by the Government for the Constitution alone, and undir the Constitution alone. To that end, amongst others, we retain our political organization, and will use our Kst efforts from time to time and at all times, to regain for the Democratic party, under the forms and sanctions of the Constitution, the control of the legislative and executive departments of the Government ot the United States. In the meantime, the war must lie carried on, and sustained with all the energies of the United States, and the people thereof. No bloo I or tn-asure is too dear a price to re-pnr-chase the Union inherited from our fathers, and to transmit unimpaired to our children. It is not our province to relate the history of the war, or to criticise its movements. Many hundreds of thousands of our loyal brethren have patriotically gone forth to battle for the Union. All have done nobly, all 0 have suffered nobly, many Live died nobly. The angel of death has made bloody vacancies in many a Northern home. Few have escaped without the loss of some nar or dear friend. American liberty has been re-baptized in loyal blood; and hundreds of thousands of loyal men are now in the field, or hastening thither, to conquer or d;e lor the Constitution. We owe it to the memory of the dead, we owe it to the living hosts in the field, we owe it above all to the Constitution, to resjiond with cheerful alacrity to every ! constitution.il call for men, to submit to every constitutional exaction of treasure. We owe all that we have, and all that we are, to the Union; we must pay the whole debt if it be ' necessary. But war is not our whole duty. We owe a political debt to the Constitution, and that too must be paid. We adopt the language of Gen. Jackson, that war alone cannot preserve the Constitution against disunion. War can, ami we hojxi speedily will, subdue the armies of the revolted States. War can, and we hope speedily will, disarm every traitor, possess every place of strength, and uphold the grand old flag on every flag-staff in the United States. But when war shall have accomplished all that war can do, the Union will not be fully restored. The participation of the revolted States in the Government of the Union must of necessity be voluntary. War 0 has no power to compel such voluntary action. The peace and permanency of the restored Union will depend, in a great measure, on the confidence of the people of the recovered States, in the justice of the General Government, and in the faithful observance of their Constitutional rights. War has no power to inspire this confidence. The stability of the Union, then, as in times past, will need the mutual gxl will and affections of the people of the several States. War has no power to contiol the affections. Tne people of the South will return to the Union, when they do return, wounded in their pride, and embittered in their feeling. When they return, they will return as brethren, and merit the treatment of brethren. The law may demand its victims, but those guiltless of the war, and those forgiven bv the law, will againe our political brothers. The restored States will return to the Union with all the rights of other States. To win back the confidence and affection of their people, and to restore the Union in th spirit of the Constitution, the sectional pa: ty at the North must be vigorously combatted, and in due timo overthrown at the ballot-box by the Democratic party, the only national, constitutional party left in the land. If the Democratic party should be disbanded, or should suffer itself to remain inactive, the South would retain its old distrust of the Republican party, and its old aversion to the General Government administered by it. li would then believe that the whole North was indeed given up to abolition, and that the weaker South would receive no justice from the stronger North. But if the South sees the Republican party defeated, and the ancient defenders of its rights against sectional influences once more in power in the Union, or even bold in maintaining its old political warfare against sectional parties and mlljcnces then may the people of the South, misled f rom the allegiance by the detestable intrigues of ambitions demagogues, well hope to find once more in the Union old rights, old blessings, old safety. Disunion is the offspring of sectional at tics, and the complete j restoration of the Union, in all its old peace I and harmony, rests upon the utter rout. North and South, oi all sectional parties. Ihe spirit of the Constitution must go hand in hand with the letter of the Constitution. It is no less essential to the people of the Ioval States to establish the full reign of the spirit of the Constitution; to restore as the supreme law of the land, in peace and war, in prosperity and adversity, in all circumstances of society, the Constitution, the whole Constitution, and nothing but the Constitution. We claim the right, as free and loyal Amerj lean citizens, to discuss the conduct of the j Administration, and to censure it when we j dc(m it worthv of censure. Our fathers won ! and established this right, and wc will not j surrender it. We utterly deny to the ExecI utive of the United States the power assumed by Congress in the Sedition act of 1798, to suppress opposition to the Administration, ot ! restrict the full freedom of political discussion j in the loyal States. This would be to assume I a ovver above the Constitution. The AdI ministration has no more tower to suspend I the Constitution than have the people. The I Administration is the child of the Constitution, ; and the servant of the people. The child must not reject the authority ot the parent, nor the servant usurp the rights of the master. The Constitution and the laws give the Administration ample power to protect itself and enforce its authority in the loyal States; and it would at this day be an evil example pregnant with anarchy and disorder, to disregard the Constitutional rights of the loyal States and their peonle. We cannot bring ourselves ! to the belief that such a reign of terror is im pending over us. We respect the Administration too much for such an apprehension. But if such times are upon us, we must play our parts like men, and not disavow our principles and opinions like cowards. Loyal .to the core to the Constitution and Government of the United States, the Democracy has nothing to fear from the assertion of its principles, and the discussion of its political views. Allowin" much of minor evil to pass uni noticed, in view of the difficult part which the Administration has had to play, there a e some grave acts of the executive and legislative departments of the Government, for which we hold fhe Republican party responsible, and for which we arraign it at the bar of public opinion. We denounce the mischievous and unconstitutional tone of much of the discussion in

Kth Houses of Congress at its late session. We hold the general tenor of these discussions against the rights of lavery in the slaveholding States, and in favor of the exercise by Congress of power not delegated by the Constitution, to K eminently dangerous in sustaining the spirit of secession at the South, and creating a disregard for the Constitution at the North. We denounce the abolitiou of slavery in the District of Columbia, at the cost ol the United States, as unconstitutional, ami peculiarly mischievous at this time in giving force to tlie distrust of the North in all the lave Stltcs. We denounce the sweeping end indioriminatc measures of confiscation and emancipation, as unconstitutional, and as Living a strong tendency to unite the whole South against the Union, as one man. We Klieve that these and kindred things have had a great weight in diminishing the numKrs and influence of the Union party at the South. We deny the power of the Executive to suspend the writ of habeas corpus in the loyal States. We deny that this act, materially changing the laws ot the land, is an Executive aet. We have the authority of the Supreme

Court ot the united States, pronounced by the voice of Chief Justice Marshall as long ago as 1807, and affirmed by every commentator on the Constitution since, that under tho Constitution of the United States, it is a legislative tower. No king lias assumed such a power in England, since the revolution. We deny the rower of the Execntivc to make arrests in the loyal States. The suspension of the writ of halitas corjusC validly done, would hot authorize this. There are Federal Courts in all the loyal States with full power and jurisdiction to punish all crimes against the United States. No, exercise of Executive power has ever Ken more odious than Utters de cachet, by which the Executive could arrest and imprison without judicial writ, accusation, or trial. We hold this manner of arrest in the loyal States, of tersons not in arms against the Government, to K in violation of Sec. 2, Art. 3, of the Constitution of the United States, and of Art. 4, and 6 of the amendments thereto. Ami we consider this practice as unnecessary, and tending to bring the Constitution into disregard. We deny the power of the Executive to trammel the freedom of the press by the suppression of newspajters. The tress is judicialiy responsiblc for abuses; but the freedom of the press, subject to judicial remedies, is essential to the freedom of the people. And we protest against the manifest tartiality with which this new and dangerous tower is exercised. We deny the recent semi-official definitions of the crime of treason. " Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies. giving them aid ami comfort." In commenting on this definition in the Constitution, Judge Storv quotes with approbation the remark of Montesquieu, that if the crime of treason be indeterminate, that alone is sufficient to make any government degenerate into arbitary ower; and he denounces, as the Supreme Court of the United States had rejected, tlie doctrine of constructive treason. It was in apprehension of the dangers of constructive treason, that the definition of this crime was introduced into the bodv of the Constitution itself ; and it is a definition far more in keeping the rights of a free people than such vague phrases as disloyal practices. The Statutes of the United States amply provide for the punishment of treasonable crimes under the Constitution, and we recognize no lower in the Executive, to enlarge them. We deny the tower of the Executive to tran-port persons accused of crime in the loyal States, from the State where the crime is alleged to have been committed, to anjother State or place for trial; to cause the trial of any person in the loyal States for any crime before military tribunals or other Courts, except Kfore a jury in the Constitutional District Courts of the United States; or to sultject such persons to such trial, except upon the indictment of a grand jury. These rights are guaranteed to every terson, under all circumstances, by the Constitution itself. And we fully Klieve that the loyal people of the United States are wo: thy of their fathers, who framed the Constitution, and will be found unwilling to surrender rights so sacred and so essential to their liberties. We believe that the Executive acts of which we complain, were done rather in inadvertency bv subordinate officers, than in the deliberate purjtose of subverting the Constitution, or with the sanction of the President The stietch of tower, however, is too great and too dangerous to the liKrties of the people, to pa's without the protest of the free and loyal Democracy. If done as a part of a full and deliberate policy, they strike at the root of American liberty, and we are drifting from the sife anchorage of the Constitution into an unknown wilderness of cruel waters. Let whatever may come, the Democracy will abide by their time-honered principles, by the Constitution and the Union. "We will neither surrender our rights, nor iorsake them. We will main lain cur constitutional liberty at all hazards, and as a u cessary gtep towards that end, we will maintain the Union in like manner. We are for the Constitution as it is, and the Union as it was." We call ujion our brethren throughout the State to organize the party for the coming election of members of Congress, and of the State Legislature. We call upon them to nominate as candidates tried and true Democrats, on strictly party principles, inviting the support of all persons, but acting in affiliation with no other tarty or faction whatever. Wc call upon them, for the sake of "liKrty and union, now and forever, one and insettarable," to exert all their constitutional right and power to elect conservative men, who will not blasphemously assume to do any official act in the name of God, which cannot K done under the sanction of the Constitution. So doing the Democracy of Wisconsin will Kst serve the cause of the Union, and give the highest proof of their loyalty to the Constitution. We claim the right on their behalf and our own, to censure the political acts of the Administration, when we think that they deserve it, and to do all lawfully within our power to sustain the supremacy of the Constitution in all places North ami South, and over all persons in office, and out of it. And so that end we devote our hearts, minds and estates to aid the Administration in the most vigorous and speedy prosecution of the war waged against ; the Union bv the revolted States. We believe i that in so doing we fulfill the most sacred duty we owe to the Constitution. And to this, we solemnly pledge the faith of our party and ourselves, until the war K ended and the Constitution restored, as the supreme law of the land, in every State of the Union. Tlie Collection of the Rational Tax Important Instruction to tlie "ollecior. The Collectors arj-oii.ted uin!r the recent net of Congress, to collect the Nation d Tax, re makicg their a rra cemer. Is, and will coon com meiice n erHtious. The ComUiisMoner of Revenue at Washington his just issued the following important regulations to the C!leettr at Phil ifelplii.i, which apply equally to Collectors in thi locality: 1. All caeriiaiiics, except those wh- merely d3 rcptirs, must be registered" a manufacturer, and must take out a license a such if the anoual tates amount to $1,HK). 2 But mechanics ani other manufacturers who sell their own mai,ufactures at the place where the? are pnlucel are not required to uke out an additional license trader. This does tot iLclude rectifiers, Lo mu-t pij both license. 3. If manufacturers have an office, depot, Hore room, or agency, at a plice different from the place where the" poods are made, or if they fell the manufactures of others, iu addition to their own, thej mart pay a trader ' as well as a manufacturer's license. Thus, a tobacconist who both makes cigars ai.d keeps for sale goods in his line

which he has purchased, mnst take nt both license. So must druu-t. who alo mke patent articles, or medicine. Ac , fwr whi;h he has a private furtbu'a r receipt. 4. TerKtn keeping bir rooaia or Mloon, for the tale of liquors, niu't take out a liquor deler'a licen. If tly aUo furnish f HI.tley mut, in addition, take out an raiiii houe license; and the rale of ciar. Ac, requires a tobacconist's cr retail dealer' hcete, besides bil!i rd tables require a rtxil license, and bagitrile table are reckoned as billiard. Commission merchant who are alo idilp or commercial brokers are required to take out two licenes. 6. (Jrooero e!lirx flour by the barrel or alt by the sack, or any other article in the original packce, arc reckoned a wholesale delers. 7. Stamp mut l attached to the J-aj-er requiring them at ihe time of their execution, anj mut be obliterated by ihepeison writing Iii initia's upn them. Telegraphic dispatches mut be fttuiped and -Ujced when delivered to be traieniittrd. Hut ndroail and telezrapSi comp nies are nut required to ttatup their ou dispatcher over their on lines. & Arrangement will be made ith the collector cl this di-trict to supply i: 1 inj to parties lefiring to purchase worth or over, at the rate of discount established by the Treasury Department. . 1 Note an I bi'.N of eichanpe drawn for a certain sum. with interet, will b Umped C' cording to the prim !mI Mim. Foreign currency will .e estimated according to the real par of exch.ine; the pound stet lin?, fur instance, at the rate fixed for tercisr, not at tlie nominal rate of 4 4.1,3;. n r rt the mtrkct rates of eicharie, which is now something altorethe real tar. 10 On and after October 1st the following iusfrumrrls must be ft imped: All arrewenU, apprai-ement, rheck. Müht draft, proinniiory notes, inland and foreign biüsof exchange, bills lading to foreijrn port, package. Jtc, per ex press tonih. certificate of tock, or proCt, of deposit ir. harks, of d.imi;f s. and all other certificates, charter pirtic. broker, memorandum, conveyances, mortpajres, lenses, telegraph dispatche. cu-tom house entries and manifest, policies of inur.ince life, m trine, and tare, and renewals of same sae tickets to foreipn ports, powers of ationiev, proxies, probate of wills, protest", warchoue receipt. an! writs or other onpinal process of corarr.encin suit. Also, patent medicines, perfumers, and playing cards. In reference to public house und liquor dealers exclusively, it is defined tint in a tavern or public houe where liquor is sold, Iicene must be taken for cat Ii bunne, the licene for the tivem to lie according in the rental, and the license for liquor in all cae of retail to be twenty dollars. IW retail is understood any cju ttity under three pallon. To jell arove that quantity wholesale, and tlie lifetime I one hundred dollars. Kestnurants which furnish bedd'nj. tun! which keep lujuur. are required to o'ci .in three liren-e firt a tavern license, econdly a license i r tl e liquor btr, of twenty dollar, nnd th'rdly n licene for the eatins bar, comVinp ten dollars, w lieu the re eipts amount to or exceed one thoti.nd dollar per year. Eating houf.es are permitu-d to keep confectionery without an additional lionise. All dealers in 1'quor by retail are required to pay a license of twenty dollar jer tear. The penalty fur retinal or f dliire to take out license is a fine of tl.rce lim the amount of duty or tax imposed by the law ; one half of which goes to tlie informer. These taxes are, of course, in addition to the s Ln 1 f - city lireite now imposed, and the 'Tur.uih.tio:) ( expenses jl rnite rially atleit the futll-r Iploi wlto abound in every part of the city. The pro-ecution of delinquents is made imperative on the Collector, who hold the itinics and residence of all dealer", so thatescuja from the penalty is ncxtv to impossible.

RAILROADS. PERU AND INDIANAPOLIS IS62. IS62. NEW ARRANGEMENT. New Iconic to Ctiicuo via Kokmo 32 JIILF.S 8U0KTEK THAN OTHER KOLTE. OK AND AFTT.li MAY 6, train- will be run a follow: A Ma I T.-.n w.M Irave Iri'tta.upoti at 11.10 A Mop at allM atiiiii anil nukr elo- connection at Kokomo with train on the Ciwinnatt and Chirasro Air Line Kail rotut for lcnport, Valparaiso and CLao, and arrtre at Peru at 3:15 1". 31 in time to make coiiucti.ns with trains, on tic Toledo and VYahtkU Kilry, giu Kat and Vrt. Krturnirir, the same tram will lrve Pm at 6.00 A. JJ., after the arriril of th" trin on the T. &. vv. k. W. from tl.e Kast, and arrive at Indianapolis at St .V) A. M. in time to nntke conn-ctitn for ail pointa Kt, ouib and Vrt. A11 Kx pre train w ill leave Indfanapoti at 10"tf 1. coiiintat Koknmu wiili train for C'Lic?. and arrire at lVru at 5.00 A. II., intinir !ornakroiin"ct1n with train poing KaM and Wt-,t ort the Toledo and Wahab Kail, way. Hetnmiris the ime train will leave Peru at 12:00 muling cloe connection at Kokomo wjtli tb tra:na on the Cincinnati and Chicazn k.i'lwaj frora CtiK-uj:o Valparaiso and lrmiport, atwt arrive at lix1ir.;rfIi at 4:10 1'. M.. in time to conned with the evening traina for Cincinnati, lxuiville and din r points. Special attention riven to the transportation of live tocV, produce and merchandise generallT. DAVID MACT, Getw-r! Airent and Snperintendet.t. Tuto. r. Hat faHir. General Ticket A cent. ajd'C2-dl j indi.näpölis TwT clxnmri M A m w - A m at KAILROAt)! I J ! V I' 1 J m 'Igi II 1 ! u.j S.S-'y.S-f 3 Mmrtrtt Itonte by Thirty :n I lea! SO CHANGE OK CARS TO CISC1SXAT1 ! Three trainMeave Indianapolis Daily, (Sunday excepted.) I .MRSTTRAIS. SCO A.M CINCINNATI UGHTMSa KxpreMarrit-s at Cnciiinali at 10 A and Lexii;?ton, Ky., tA) V. it. Second 'Ira n 10:40 A. M. Cinciniatl Vail, arrire at Cincinnati 3:10 I'. M., tmkin clo connection with Litila Miami Hailro.nl lor lovH"d, Morrow, Coluinbu, Newark. Zane jlle. and VVl. ciinx. Third Train ." P. it, Cincinnati F.xpreee, arriea at Cincinnati 11:10 I M. Far earn aa try any otbr route.. Call for your ticket r'i the Indianapolis ard Cincinnati Railroad. Fiajrpcffe cbecked thronrh. Set.ciAi. Nonca. lie ittre you ret in the rlyht train at Indianapolis.. The nly Cincinnati train, urid oi tb fifth track, beim the farthest track Motb in tbe I'uioa Depot, at Indianapolis. W. II. L. NOPLE, General Ticket Arent. Ww. Powr.Li . Travel. njr A cent mv26 'Cl PIANOS. 8150 BEST PIANOS. 8150 Cl ROYE5TEF.2? HALE bavinj remoTed to their new JT wareroom, No. 478 Broadway, ara prepared to öfter the public a matftcetit new trti full 7-0ctavc Rosewood Piano, cont-ininjr all improTementa known In tbii country or Eurcne, over-trun La, French fraud action, Larp pedal, full iron frame, for $1.10 C ASCI. WARRANTED FOR FIVE TEARS, Kich ruocMing cases, 17.5 TO $200, all warranted made of the t material, and to t tand better thaa any oll for 400 or 100 by the aid tneihoda of manufacture. We invite tb bet ju-i?e to ex ami no and try thee rew Instrumenta, and we atani ready at ail time to tet then with arr otfcen manufactured in tttt country. .ltO Vi:xTi;i:- Jk HAl.tla mj'.6-13m 47? Uroadaj 5. T. HOTELS. French's Hotel, ON THE EURO r KAN FLAN. CTTT or ww roaa. ix.i.c itoo.n m ck T reu day CTTT HALL SQCAKE, COR. 1 RANKFUßT ST., Opposite Qty IlalL MEALS AS THET MAT EE OltnEEED l?f TTIJt spacious. Refectory. There la a Barfcer'e Shop and rora attache! to th Hotel. fy rware of Runners and Hacktaen wboaay mm are u.l. It. t llKXC II, navJO'll-dly Proprietor. SCHOOL ORCAUS. 4 NEW INSTRUMENT-JUST THE THING E01 j Sabbath School. Academlea and Km ail C&arcsea. toyl W1LLAXD A STOWE LL.