Daily State Sentinel, Volume 10, Number 3674, Indianapolis, Marion County, 11 July 1862 — Page 2

DAILY SENT IN KL

rut t ... Jl i.y 1 1 me Union it muii b preserved Domocratic Union Stato Ticket rot. icirrAT or tati, JAMES S. ATIION, Of Marion Coun?. ro aim Ton or t.Tt, JOF.ni RIST I NE. Of Fount tin Count j. ro TftccEft or TTf . MATTHEW L BRETT, Of Divie County, roa at7oit r.stRAt, O-tCAK H 110 HD. Of Deottur O.tntr. rot urtaiMTRtnr.tT r riiLit uiTitCTiojr, SAUCKL L. RUOO, Of Allen Count?. The c:oniltntlon. We ruMih tin morning au Wresa uron 1 e United Sute Constitution, delivered by Hen Gkokgz T. Ccktii. in Dor-ton, on the 4th of Jul. No roan in the country 1 more op We of 2icuiiig th.it t!iroe. He L known as the histo ri m and expounJer of the Contitution, and in thia iJre4 he eloquently and faithfull j diecu.es tm principle and polier upon which it waa founded and the person il right it aecures to the ci.izcti. The Contitutiun at a time like this, when involution threatens to overthrow it, should be the atmJ? ot every man woman and child. The NdJrra.4 o( Mr. CifcTis tiappitj and forcibly eluckUte? anil teU forth its leading feiture which have recuted to the people of the Ut.ited Sutest individual harpine.' and liberty. and national prosperity and greiti.ciw, rucb us no oiher people b tve t tyiyt 1. TME CONSTITUTION. AN () KATION DELITLBiD BT Hon. Gicre T. Oui-tiw, Before the Cdy Council and Citizen of Rnnton, at the Acudimy pf Music, July Ath, It 62. Mr. Mtyor and GeniUmn nf the City Council: Had I felt at liberty to consult my own inclination loiie. 1 hould h ive keil you to excuse me from taking part in the proceeding ol this day. At much eirlier peritnl of lift I enjoyed the distinction of bciuc place! on the I i roll oi , tlne who have successively pokeii to the people of Ii ton, at the bidding of their municipal nuthoriiie. on tlii, cur :i ttional aiinivtrs.ny. At this particular junctuie, I could well have desired to hi Kiretl Irom the performance ot any audi pubic tluty. I Ind piepaied m?clf to bear whtlutiuw upon ii!". in ailence and obscurity do nir the irhiiitely little Unit I may, to a I lev in t pevsoiml puiTirinjr, sustaining the hopes of thne who are tieuM to me, and endeavoring to cherish in my own breast it living faith in the ptrencth Ad perpetuity of our republican forms of gor ' crnment. liut .riritte w Uli es are nothing private t.iftes are nothing -in the presence of great public triaU and dangers. We t-aimot, if we would, e--Cipe the re.-jtiisibilities which such trials und dangers entail ujn us. It' we tiy to the utter -mo; p.irts of the earth, the thought of our coun try U with us there If we put on the robe of the stoic, or wrap ourselves in the hi'oeophy ol the faUlUt, the lieirt beneath will leit tor the land of our birth upphtufe, in spite of the outward man. Thete is no peace, there i no hoj e, tltere I no happiness, in a state of indiflerenic to the welfare and honor of our country. The most sordid of men, whose sole delight consists in laying, day by day, one piece ot gold upon hU already wollen heap, ha. no more assured retd, from auiiciv for Uis country, in times ot real peiil. than he whoe tKle being quivers .eneath the blows which public disasters or disgrace inflict upon a icnned and teiipitive nature. To love our country; to labor lor it prosperity nnd repo.-e; to contend, in civil lite, lor the measuies which we believe eseentinl to its good; to yearu for that long, deep, tranquil flow ol put. lie atTain, which we loudly hope is to reach and bear salcly on its bosom thoi-e in whom we aie to have an earthly hrrealter; these ate the nobler passion. and ti e higher aim which distinguish the civilized from the tnve man. Even if I did nut led such emotions deeply, how could I bring here at Mich a lime as this, the doubts and toU giving ol one learlul lor him-ell? 1 he thicklycrowded memories ot the far off dead, who have fallen iti the bitter contents ol this civil war mlmoniah me of the insigndicancc of such fears. Who hall bring a thought ol the exertions, the sacrifices or the respona.bililie of tubbc discourse into the presence of the calamities of hi. country. 1 am here for a far other purpose. I come to pit d lor the Constitution ol our country. ApplaL.e j I am hire to how you, Irom my own earnest convictions, how dangerous it may be to loreo ull care tor the connection between the political pa.t and the political lutme 1 am here to state to you, as 1 have tead them on the p).e of history, the lundameutal conditions on wh'cli alone, a 1 believe, the people ol these S ate cm be a nation und pit sen e their liberties. I am here to endeavor to rescue the idcii ot un on liom here-ie as destructive as the disorganizing and justly reprobated heicsir ol recession. 1 wish to do what I can to drtit'C lo rational and intelligent ciiitds the retl nature and limits o the national upremicy; audio vimiic.te it from the toiiod ii iiitluence of dot trit e., which ate leading us away trout the political taiih tnd pictepti of a lire" j c pie. D j you say tint there is no t.ct-d of tiiilindiscurin? lUlletl for a muent, 1 f ray you, on what ha already crept into the common uc ol our jHihtical rpteih. W e hear men t ilk about the "old" Ct'iitituliji; if that udn.iiMb.e lt. tnc of povcttitJiriit, which i hot yt t older than I Mime w Ii tili lue unocr it rwav , and w lot Ii Ii s lsiowed on this union a vior utifx atupled in hi-tory, wcie alteidy in it devrepitude.or a if t hi I Ikvimiio iis;eiidetl from its tunctioii by gttieral cii-eiit, to tait at ic. eittul di-taine the aUe.il of aoiue no uuihtrit r, u vet unknown. Wr ber mnw Uik ol the "old" I'nion; a if i there were a choice alioul the terms on wlm h the i Union cm ul-il, or aa if llio-e lenn weie not : to be taken u hiving been tiled, on the dav on I which Washington and his compalriol logned the Constitution of the l'nul States. Appbue You will tiot.i tbat il.i tritt nc ih s n par mit wiibtiiic to bicak aay from the pusiand j a otdigalton, and lo llnow ouiseUea upon a 't Ies templing of thefutuie does not dem mil ' ur a'ber iunt.eiatin. I beg you a Ix to call 1 lore yen soothe. ymptoin of lhee unsettled j ie.. With an extravagante partly habitutl to : and partly ringing Irom the loteuse t-xer- ; f the year width haa just a-ed, we have 'tcl ti e doctrine ol secrssioii and di th many theories about the iiational unity ' vedetal aulhoiiiy, wlocli are not founded j y or In law. Are von not coiimmou that .lias been pcuied fotlh lioni hundievl of j can pulpit, p! itlonus and piee., and on r of C i!gies, a tecie.ol wlniiacall- ! rgumrtit, in iie.'cue ol the iutioii.il su; i cm , , w hit h id b tit the n.iti:ie ot or.r icj ublicaii : " irtnutiousT Wien I lerineol thoe com tier 1 ke pteachns or wider, or our American t v rreipii. ieling lb autlitrily of our (otein I on a doctrine tint ni'ht hive guind h,m ' ion at the hand ol Jaimsol Cinrlps ijiu I nol he p w i.-Mn that he hd lietl in ivit , uch teachings, if not actUtlly leiievtd weie, at all events, exceedingly ue j acl.er Mr liieiala, I r;ui not l.eir of vindicating li e upiiettcy i f tur : veir.'uent by anytliii-g but the just : "i it .. louudeil; and ( will not de 1 ground ol our republican coutiiu i j lor an? purp- on eith, lole op of m luiumiiig it Appliu-e ; f no juat foundation for the title ot : in this country, but concut that .ih re-ide in ctonpict, roiiiract, slip"sioti the "do tt concrJo of pi.bJive me a toltiuu evioit ol pol.ii powers evidenced by a public tran publte chrteT, aial vou have . .tvil contract, to which l ean a rr!v of public law and the obligations jf bet re ti man and unn; on which I ran j the legitimate power of the tJovein- i irom ihe right ef the peo4e; on which 1 i, with perle i ,opriety, acett the authority j law in the ball of criminal juTiarrudence, or. . need te, at the tnottli ol the cannon. Hut ' w lim you ek of any other riht of one col lev- t lion o people or State ta govern another coflection of people or State; when jou go leyoud

a public charter to create a national unity and a d'i'y of 1 tyalty and subm;ion in le;en!etit of thil chirtei; when yon uodnt-ike to loiind G re nmi t on .roe'h'i.ir iot enibnced by a gr.nt I under-ttnd you to employ a language and I lea that ouht never to le utter ed by an American tongue, and which. If carried out in practice, will put an end to the principle on which jour liberties are founded. Applaue For these and mtny other reasons mot appropriate fur our consideration this day let us recur to certain indisputable fact in our history. I shtll make oo apology for insisting on the precedent ol our national history. No nation can safely lay aide the fetching, the obligation or the tact nf its previous exi-dcr.ee. You ciri not m tke a ffi&u'i ratm oi your political condition, atxl write upon it a purely original srsfein. with no traditio, no laws, &o comptcts, no belief-, no limitation, derived from the generations who have gone before you. without ruinously f.ii'lng toimja-ove. Itevolutionary Fnnce tried such a j rK eet njr. aial property, life, leligion, nK.nl, public order and public tranquility went dow n Ino a conlu-ioii iii Letter thm birbirism, out of which scietr couM tc rai-el again only by the strong hand of a despot. We are of a race w hieb ought to hat e learned by the experience of a thoutand years that reforms improvements, progress, mu-t be conducted with fixed reference to thote antecedent facts which have already formed the chief conditions of the n itieaj u existence. Let n attend to some of the well known truths in our history. 1. The Declaration of Independence was not accepted by the people of the Colonics, and their delegates in Congress weie not authorised to enter into a Union without a reservation to the people of etch Colony of its diatinct separate right of internal self government. To represent the ab-tract heutiuient of the Declaration as in-con.-i teilt with any law or institution existing in

any one of the Coloines, is to coutrrdict the re- j cord and hitory of its adoption. What, for ex- j ample, do you make of the following resolution of the people of Maryland in convention, adopted on the 2?th day of June, 1776, and laid before the Continental Congress three day txrfore the Declaration of Independence was signed: "That the deputies of said Colony or any three ormoieot them, be authorized and empoweted to concur with the other United Colonies, or a in tjoiity of them, in declaring the United Colonic free and indej indent States; in tLrmiug suth further compact and confederation between them; in making foreign alliances, und in adopting men other measures as hall be adjudged necessary lor securing the liberties of America; and that said Colony will hold itself bound by the resolutions of the majority ot the United Colonies in the premies; provided, the nU and etclutice rvjht f regulating the internal yoternment and policy of that Colony be rtserrtd to the peile ihtretf." This annunciation of the sense and purpose in which the people of Maryland uccepted the Dec 1 iratiou, is jujt a. much a part of the record as the Declaration itself; and it cltarly controls for them the meaning and application of every ) litical axiom or principle which the Declaration contains,. It was intended to signify to the Country and the wot Id, that the people of Miry land consented to separate themselves from the sovereignty of Great Britain, on the condition, that the right to maintain w ithin their own limits just auch a ay stem of society and government as they might fee tit lo maintain, should belong to .them, notwithstanding anything aid in the Dec laration to which they were asked to give their assent. Several of ihe other colonies made a similar exptes reservation; and all of them, ami all ihe people of Arne i a, understood that eveiy colony accepted the Declaration, in fact, in the. Mime mire. No nun in the whole country, from the 4th of July, 1776, to the adoption ot the Articles of Confederation, ever nip posed that the Revolutionary Cotigtess ncquiied any legal right to interlere with the domestic concern of any one of the colonies which then became States, or any moral authority to lay down rules for determin ing what laws, institution or custom., or what condition of it inhabit ants, t-hould be adopted or continued by the States in their internal government. From that day to this, it has been a received doctrine of American law that the Rev olutionary Congress exercised w ith ihe assent of the whole people, certain jiowen which were . heedful for the common delen.-e; but that these powers in no way touched or involved the pove rein right of each State to regulate its own in teinal condition. 2. When the Articles of Confederation were finally ratified, in I7tl, there was placed in the very front of the instrument the solemn declara tion that "each Stalo 'retains it sovereignty, freedom, and independence, und every piwer, jurisdiction, and right, which i not by this Cooled eratioi, expres-Iy delegated to the United States in Congress assembled;" and the powers given to the United States in Congress i elated exclusively to iho-ealfairs in which the State had a common concetti, and weie Ira med wdh a tiew to the common defense against a foieign enemy, in order to secure, by joint exertion, the iiide;a.'iidence ind sovereignty of each of the Stale. 3. Whrn the Constitution of the United State was finally c-tahlihed, in 17?, the people of each State, acting through authorized agents, executed, by a resolution or other public act, a cession of certain sovcieigu powers, described in the Constitution, to ihe Government w hich that Con vtitutioii provided to teceiv e and exercie them. These powers being once absolutely grunted by public instrument. duly executed in behalf of the people of each State, were thenceforth incapable ol being resumed; for 1 hold there i nothing in the nil ure of M!iiical powers which lender them, when absolutely ceded, any mote capable of being resumed at pleasure by the grantors, than a tight ol proeitv is when once conveyed by an absolute deed. In both cases, those who receive the gi ant hold under a contract; and il that contract,, a i the case with the Colistin tion, provide lor a common arbiter to determine its meaning aittl operation, there is no resulting thht in ihe pirtits, Irom the instrument itself, to determine any question that arise under it. At tht same time, it is never to be forgotten that the poweis and right of separate internal government wVich weie not ceded by the people ot the States, or which they did not, by adopting the Constitution, agree to restrain, lemaiiied in the s;op!e of each State in full aovereignty. It in ght have been enough for their s ilctv to have tested um!i thid aa a litnili trlv understood mid well-define 1 principle ol public law, implied in every such grunt. But the people did not se ti?. to tiut to Implication alone. They insisted upon annexing to the Constitution an auicinlmeiit. which feciale thai "The ower ii.it delegated lo the Ui ied St des hv the Constitution, nor proh.bilid by il to ihe Slates, nie ren ved to the St ties i es pec lively, or lo the jcople " We thus see that, fiom ihe first dawn of ou national existence, through every form which it ha vet assumed a dual character has const intlv attendidotir political cotid.tioii. A nation hi exUred. because there has nil along exitod a mitral authorty having ihe right to ptrcnhc the rulu of action for the whole aoplc, on eer tain subjects, occasions, and relation. In t litsense and in no other, to this extent but no further, we h i e been since 1776, and aienow.a uition. At the beginning, the limit. of this central authority, in resect to whit h we are ft nation, were defined by general popular understanding; but mote recently were they fixed in wiitten terms and puld c chitler. find by ihe Article ol Con federation, nnd ultimately, and w ith a m.re en I .rged cope f nd a m re ettioe it inicldnery, by the C. institution. The latter instrument mule this central authority a goterumrnl piojer, but w ith limited and denned ower. wnich are su preme within their own apptopriate sphere. In like m inner, front the beginning iheie I. a ex'sted another jadilical body; ditWl. so ert-igu within pa ow ii phere, and indepemlei.t to all Ihe poer and objects of government not ceded or restrained under the Feder I C institution. 1 loa laxly i the State: n pohtical rnrpnntion, of which euli inhabitant a unjevt, a he i at the same lino a subject of th it other Iulitic4l corporation known a th Un tcd Su'e. AH thi i lam. liar to you. Bull state it here, because I wish to retuiud ton that the catcl'ul pieert aion of this separate political body, the Slate, thia Mjveieign right ol" sell government as fir a it his been retained by the p!e of eich Slate. has eer been :t cardinal rule of action with the Americin people, and with all their wisest statesmen. Northern and Southern, ol every seined of politics. There li.ivebeengte.it tiirterence. of op:ni n, and gretl controversies, irspectitig the dividing line which separates, or oujtlit to be held to separate, the national from the State powers. But no American statesman hat ever lived, at any fointet period, who would h . e dared to con:'esa purjve to cruh the State imi ereigmies out of existence; and no unn can no et nie such a wish, without amusing a popular jealousy, w hich will not s!utnt-r. eeti in a time of civil war and national commotion. (Applause W hal is the true secret of this un lying pu lr jeaIouy in the subject of Stale rights? What is it. that even now when we are sending

our best blood to be poured out in defence of the j true principle of the n diot al supremacy ciu-es all men'who arc not rnti w ii'i some rero'tition try r jeet. to slir.i.k from meisuies thilappetr to threaten the integrity of State suth-.i itr. and to ray lliatat le-st Ihtt b iter and dreided ctp may pass from us? Il ia the original, inborn and indestructible belief that the preservation of the State sovereignty, within its just auJ legitimate sphere, is eenti-il to the preservation ot repub licsn liberty. Beyond a doubt, it was this belief which led the people from the first to object, as they sometimes did unreisonably object, to the augmentation of the national powers. Perhaps they could not always explain perhis they did rot alwsvs full? understand all the ground of this conviction. It lias been, as it were, an instinct; and for ore, I hope thvt Instinct i a act ire and vigilant this day, as I am sure il was eighty vears ago. For i am jcrsmded that local sell-government to a gre it an extent as t consistent w ith nation-al-tfety, is indispensable to the long-continued ex'ctence of reputflicm government on a large scale. A Republic, in a great nation, demmds those separate institutions, which imply in different portions of the nation some rights and lowers with which no other portion of the nation can interfere. You may give the mere name of a republic to a gre it many mds of national exi-t ence; but utiles there are local privileges, immunities aud rights, that are not subject to the control of the national will, the Government, although resting on a purely democratic basis, will be a despotism toward all the minorities. A great nation, too, that attempts republican gov eminent without such local institutions and r. ghts, must 8' on lose even the republican form. 'I wice within the memory of some who are yet living, luve the people of Fnnce tried the experiment of calling themselves a Republic; and France, be it remembeied, has been, ever since her great Revolution, essentially a democraticcountry. But her republics have never been anything but huge democracies, acting with overwhelming force sometimes through a head called a Ditectory, o met im es through a First Consul,

sometime. through a 1 resident, but euumg speedily in an Kmperur and a Despotism. It is impracticable for a great and powerlul democratic nation, whose power is not broken and checked by local institution of self government, to avoid conferring on its head and reprei-entati e a large part or the whole of its own unlimited force. If that head is not clothed with such pei there will be anarchy. Louis Napoleon. by the pic-eut theory of Freuet law, is the representative ol the whole authority of the Fi euch nation so constituted by universal sidl'iage; and if his power did not in fact coiiesj ond to this theory, order could not be pres-eried in France. '1 ne most keptical pciraju may be convinced of this, who will read the Constitution of the Fiench Empire, remembering that it is the woik of the impcror him-clt. Turning now to our own country, let us supse that the States of this Union, Irom the Atlantic to the Pacific, were obliterated to-day, sind that the people ot" this whole country were a consol. dated democracy, "one and indiv isible." No laws would then be made, no justice ud minist or -ed, no order m linlained, no institutions upheld, save in the name and by the authority of the nation. What sort of a Republic, think you. would that be? If it started w ith the name and sein blance, how long would it preserve the substance of Republican institutions? In order to act at all in the dischJTge of the vast duties devolving upon it, the government of such a Republic, extending over a country so enormous, must moie and moie be made the depository of the irresistible force o I the nation; und the theory that the will of the government cxpre-.-es in all cases, the will of the ruling uvjority, must soon confer upon it that omnipotent power, be neath which minorities and individuals can have no tivhts. This is no mere speculation. Every reflecting man in this country knows that he hasome civil rights, which he does not hold at the will and pleasure of a imjority of the peeple of the Uni ted State. lie knows that he hold the'se right by a tenure which cannot lawfully be touched by all the residue of the nation. This is Republican Liberty, a I understand and value it: and without this principle in some form of active and secure operation, 1 do not believe that any valuable Republican liberty is possible in any great Democratic country on the lace of the earth. Certainly, it is not possible for u. Il seems to one who looks back upon our hi tory, and who keeps before him the settled condition of our liberty, almost imiMix-ible to believe, that in consequence of a direct collision be tween ihe rightful supremacy of the nation, and h wrongful asset tion of State Sovereignty, we arc ex pose 1 to nil the evils of civil war, nnd to the danger of destroying the true principles of our system, in the etl'ortto maiiiuin them. That this danger is ical and practical, will be conceded now, by every man who will contemnlate the projects that spring up on nil sides, looking to the acquisition of power which luve never belonged to the Federal Union by any theory under which il ha tet existed. The nx tin resemblance between tlie-e projects is, that none of them will lit the known basis ot the Constitution; und that us mean, therefore, of curing the disorders ot our country, or of making men obedient to the Constitution. the:r tendency is merely mischievous. At the same time, thev are nunc of them founded on nnv theory of a new Union, or on a new form of national existence, which their an thorn can explain to u or to themselves. One man, for instance, wishes Ihe Go eminent lo as sume the power of emancipating all the slaves of the South, bv some decree, civil or military. But he cannot possibly explain whit the Government ot the L'iboii is to be, w hen il h is done this. Another man wants a sweeping connst-ation of the propet ty of all the people of ihe levoJted States, guilty and innocent alike. But he doe not tell you what kmd of a sovereign the United Scute i to be, alter such a sciz'de shall h e been cuntimmated. A third, in addition to these things, and as if in itnititiou of the Austrian method ol dealing with icbelliou Hungary, wishes to deflate a --weeping foiled ure of all political rights; mi utter extinguishment of the corporate State existence, and a reduction of the people ot the levoltt'd State to a cond lion of military r some titlter vasii!age. But he not only doe not show the Constitution enibles lite Feleral Government to obliterate a State, but he doe not even suggest what the Union i to be, when thi i done, or et en whence the requisite physical force i to be derived. Multitude of Militiciatis tell us ! that slavery I (be root ol all the natioin disas ters, and that we must "Mrike at the root." But none of Ihem tell u how we aie to pis through the-e disaster to a s der condition, or wh at the eondi'ion is to be whtMi we shall h ive "struck at the loot." Applause Now it seen to me, endeavoring h I do to re ics alt merely Vain and useless regrets for what i. p.ied, and to tind some sale principle of ac lion lot ihe pic.-ctit and the future, that there is one thought on which the people ot the Uii'ted States should steadily fix the.r attention. We have seen lint our Nation il Union has hid llnee distinct stgc. The fiisl was He Union formed by send ng delegates to the Revolutionary Congic, und by a general submission to the mei'ines adopted by tint body tor the ! common de'ene. The second was the clo-Ier league of the Con fed er ition, the jaiwe- of wh;ch weiedefnel by a wiitten charter. The third Wits the institution ol a (Soiernment proper, with aivetcgn but e-iUiiiT tie I pi wer, un kv tae I Constitution. Nu I Infer from whit I tco of j stone of theenrreut of public and private opinion, ithit mmy peis n entert tin a v ague expe t.ttion ; that the in ldarv oj eratioi. a now necess irily car i lied on by the Ke-ieial Government will re-u'l in the ere ition of ne civil relation, a new Union 'aula new Constitution of some kind, they know ' iit wti't. He would be a very boM and a very rash nun w ho should undfi lake to j redid what I i.ew Constitution c.m follow a civil war in tgieii i country like this. Bji looking back to the com- ' mence ruent ot our national existence, we see that th?ie never hi been a change in the loim of ihe , Union; thie never his bre-u a new acquisition uf political power by ihecthtnl G eminent which ' Ins tcn gained by foice Such addition ot lor- , egn tenitory as we have obtained by arm or 'tieily have mcie'y itcieascd ihe aiei of the ! Union, but they hive not augtnentel l!ie poiitic I jowers of the Government in the stinlicst degice The inhabitants of tho-e region hive i come into the Union subject to the same pocn to w t.ich we, w ho w etc tu igm il pai ties to the for- : nutioti of the Constitution, hate always been I subject, und to no otliers. The nation il authori ' ty has never gained the slightest increase of it , litical powers by force of arm. In every stage in which its jsiwers have been augmented the increase has beeu gained by the fiee, voluutart consent of the cople of each State, without : coercion of anv kind. ! This consideration certainly a fords no reason j why ihe Government of ihe United Slates should i tioi vindicate Its just authority under ihe Consti- ' tutioti over the winde of it territory by military ; power. The right of ihe Government of this Union Ij eaeitise the power embraced in the , Constitution rets, I lepeat, upou a voluntary, ir

revocable cession of th e power by the people ! of e ich S'Jite; an 1 no impartial publicist in ihe i world wi.l tleov t!i it the right to r ut down all m l 1 Itary or o'her rr.i 'e;i c to the exervie of those ' piwer re-t nj--n ju-t and j-erle-Jl t tie Ap 1 jlt'i.-. This title is founded tn a public graut. I But when you come to the idei of acqnirin

other and further p twers by tne exercise of force, you Come to a veay different question. You then luve to c-nsider whether a people whose civil polity is founded on the title given by consent who have never known or admitted any other rule of action than thu expressed in themtxim that "governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed" can proceed to found any new political powers on military conquest over a rebellion, without changing the w hole character of their institution. For my own part, with the best reSection I h it e been able to give thi momentous subject, I have never been able to e how a m 'jority of ihe American people can proceed to acquire by militiry subju g ition, or by military means, or mixim. any new authority over the people or institutions or any State or class of Suite, without falling hick upon the same kind of title, as thitby which William of Norm in ly and his descend mts acquired atd held the throne of England. That title w as founded on the sword. Perhaps there are some who will say, if this is to be the issue let it come. I cm hive no argument with trose who are pre.v-irei to accept, or who wish for, this issue. All tint I know or exDect in this world, of what m ly be ctlleJ civil happiness, is staked on the preservation of out republican constitutional fre'edom. Applause Ifoth ers ate prepared to yield it; it others are willing to barter it for the doubly hazardous experiment of obtaining control over the destiny of a rue not now subject to our sway, or dependent on our resfoiis biiity; if otl ers are ready to change the loundatitn ot our Uu'on from fiee public charters to new authorities obtained by milirn.'y subjugation I cannot follow them. Applause 1 sinll beir that le-ult, it it comes, with such resignation as may be given to me But you w ill p u ioti me, lellow-citizens, if, with my humble efforts, I yet endeavor to sustain those, be they many or few, who faithfully seek lo carry us lo the end of these gre it perils w ith the w hole system ol our civil liberties unimpa red. Long continued applause and crit s of "GoihJ.". You will still, I trust, give every honest mm the freedom lo struggle to the last for that inestimable principle, on w hich the very authority of your government to demand the obedience of all its citizens was founded by those who c-eated it. Applause The object for which we are urged by some to put nt imminent hazard the foundation principle of our Federal system is, emancipation of the slave of the South. No one can be less dis posed than myself to undervalue the capacity of my country men to do a great many things and to do them succe-sfully. One would suppose, however, that a proposition to elTect a sweeping change in the condition of four millions of the laboring peasantry of a great region of country, and to do it in almo-t told ignorance id' the meth'al in which that particular race can be safely dealt with, so as to produce any good, would be a proposition upon which even our sell conti leine would be likely to pause. One would suppose that such an idea might suggest un inquiry into the limits of human responsibility. Ii is not allowed among sound moralistst that there i any rule which authorize a st-itesnun to undo an original wron; , it t ie imm'i ent l az trd of d -it g Ktiuther wrong, us great t r greater; and theie is n ru e of moral obligation for at ate-ni in that is no: applicb'e o the c mdu -t of a peoj le. Setting aside, then, lor a moment, all idei of constitutional restiaint, let me put it to eich one of you to ask h m-ell how mmy person there are in all the Nmth, on whose judgment you would rely for a reasonably safe determination ns to what ought to be done with slavery, h iving a single view to the welfare of that race? Oi' course 1 do not sjteak of disposing of a few bun drei individuals, but of general measures or movements niTecting four millions of your feilo vcreature.s. It has been my fortune, in the course of lile, to kuow a lew truly great statesmen in this our Northern latitude, and to know many other persons, for whose general opinions on what concerns the welfare of the hum an rice I should have profound respect. But 1 have never seen the man. horn, educated and living away from contact with slavery as it exht in the South, whom I could regard a competent to determine what r ulicil changes ought to be made in the condition of a race, of w hom all that we yet know eviuce their present incapacity to become se'l-susiaii.ii g nnd self dependent. Long continued a; p!au-e and -oine hisses In su'-h a ca.-e, it appears to me a very plain moral proposition, that our Maker h I tint cast upon us the responsibility of becoming his agent in the premise. Applause and hisses But it further ap pears to me that, in this case, he h i surrounded mv moral responsibility with other limitations whicn I cannot transcend. If ihe order of civil society in which I ttm place ! imjio.se-i on tne an obligation to refrain from acting on the afTtirs of otliers; if 1 cannot bretk th it obligation without destroying the principle of a beuetk-ent govern meut and overturning the foundations of property; il rcannotuse means which t am tempted to employ, without langer or unspeikable wrong:; or if the utter ineflicacy of those mean is app;. tent to me and to alt men wh it is my duty to Him who set the tn iial bounds of all my action? It i to use those mein, nnd those only, against which he h is raised no such gigantic ami insujernble moral obstacle. That any valuable militiry allies can be fount! among the negroes of the South; that any description of Government custody orihirgo of them can become more thin a change of misters, and that any thing but weakness lo the national cause results Irom project that look to the acquisition of national power over their condition. are truths on which the public mind appear to be rapidly approaching a settle conviction. Apphiu.-e I atld one word more upon thin topic; and I do it lor the puqaise of saying in the presence of thi community that any project lor aiming the blacks against their master deserves the indignant rebuke ot every Christi in in the land. Cheers ami hiM.'. When tho desi-eudents of those whom Chatham pioteeted against ministerial employment of the Indian scalping knife so toigot ttie civilization of the age and their o n manhood as to sanction a gre itef-nlrocitv, we m iy h mg our head In shame bclorc the nations of the eai th. But there is another apect of this tn dter, which it would bo entirely wrong to overlook. The gteat army which ht r illicl with such ex traord'naty rigor and alacrity to the defuse of the Union aud the preservation of the Constitution winch his endured so much, and h t exhibited such heroic qualities is not a standing iirmy of hired mercenaries. It is an army id volunteers, of citizen soldiers who hive left their home and entered he service of their country, for a special purpose which they distinctly understand. Permit me to sav that vou are bound to remember this-or, rather let me cast aside the language of exhort alio.i, . and assert, in your name, that vou temember it, with pride and ex ul t it ion The purpose lor which these men were nkcd to entr the public service was the pioteclion of the existing Union an I the existing Con stitution liom attempt to overthrow or ch inge them by organized violence; and th it purpose is the ino-t important element in their relation to Ihe Government. No other army in ihe world ever enteted the service of any wer, with an understanding so distinct, so eculiar. so cir ti inscribed in re-pert to the o'jects for which it wn lobe ued; so d.rectly addie-sel to the moral sen-e in I intelligent Judgment nf intel.l.eul men. I csu not d-jubt thatl speak the sentiments of lone men out of every ten in this community, when I iv that lo change tint pi.rpose, and to ne that army for any other enJ th m the deien-e ol the Cooniitutiou as il i, and the i est. ration of the Union ot our forefathers, wou'd boa violation of the j ublic fiitli. AppI iuse. It is now proposed to enlarge that army by a futthercall for volunteer. Let them come forth mak:n. no condition with the Government ipp!au?ej; for the Government his made its own condition, and has made them in accordance with ti e letter and the spirit of the Constitution. 1 he put poes nnd objects of the war, as declared it the l.cginuing. can never be change J. unle-s the peop'e shall be so untrue to themselves as to compel a change; and when they do that, they will be themselves responsible tor the defeat of their own ho; es. Theie i yet another topic, on which, as it seems lo nie, we ought carefully and soberly to redect. I mean the history of opinion concerning the iiatuie of the Union, and the causes which from time to time h iteia-uduced disorgan izel doctrines respecting it. But let me ask you here not lo misunder&iaod me. I seek no occasion lo f islen upon particular ersons one or another measure of responsibility for whit has occurred; and, therefoie, in pursuance of a rule ahich I h ire imposed on myself in the preparation of thi discourse, ihe na ue or designation of no living man in the North or the South, will pas my Ii; this day. Applau-e Whoever is well acquainted with the olitical

history of this country since the adortion of ihe ! FeieralContitution.mu?! know that theie hive J been dev el aped at v tri.ius times cert tin trange j Ti aioiis concerning the nature of the Federal ! Union, the fiund itio'i of it authority and the;

character of te obligation which we owe to it. In general the re-'ple of the United States have been content to re-t t:pcn that theory re-pectini their Governmetit, which has always prtraiied in inofficial administration in whatever hands that administration hs been lodged; this theory being that the central Government holds certain direc t and sovereign but pecisl powers over the whole people, ceded to it by the voluutary grant of the jeop'eof eich Sute. But a sense of injury in certain localities, springing from wrong supposed to have been committed or meditated by the ruling m tjority. or by those who at the time exer ctsel the power rf the majority, has not untre queidly led men here as el-ew here to indulge in specul ition mid acts quite inconsistent with the only bisis on which he Government can be aid to have any real authority whatever. To enumerate all these occasion or to recite the internperate conduct that has attended them in tetiod of great excitement, is unnecessary. But there i one ot them which m iy serve as a simple illustration of all that I desire to s ty on this special topic. It is commonly said and with muh logical truth that the doctrines of nullification leid, by natural steps, to the doctrine of secession; and the lite Mr. Calhoun, who is justly considered as the patron, if not the author, of the fotmer, is also populail v reg ird-d as th falber of the latter. But it i important for us, in more aspects than one, to know that Mr. Calhoun did- not contentpi ite or desiie a dissolution of the Union. He adopted a doctrine respecting it which does in ded lead, when consistently followed out. to w hat is called the coiistiiutiou.il jight of seces sion; but he did not see this connection or intend the consequenc. There is reason to believe lint if Ins couh.ienti.il correspon ence during ihe times of nullification shall ever see the light, it will be found that he was a sincere lover of the Union, atid was wholly unconscious that he was sowing in the minds of those who weie to come after him seeds tint were to heir a fatal fiuit. It was in his power at one ime to have arrested the cateer of the nulldiers in South Carolina, for to them his word was law ; and if he hail so done, he would probably have been placed by hi numerous, powerful and attache! frien is out of ih it State, in nomination at least lor the highest ofiice in the country. But what was it that led thafjubtle, acute, and generally toxical intellect, to embrace a theory respecting the Constitution, which was ctiiely at variance wit It the facts that nt tended its establish meut? The process was verv simple, with a mind of a highly metaphysical and abstract tum. Mr. Calhoun had persuaded himself, contrary to un earlier opinion, that a protective t.u ill' was an unconstitutional exercise of power by the Geneial Government, oppressive to S mth Carolina; und he cast about lor a remedy. He saw no lejiel against this fancied w rong, likely lo come from a ni ijoiity of Congress, nnd jhe people of the Union; and reasoning front the premises that the Constitution is a compact between sovereign States, an infraction of vthich the pit ties can ie dress for themselves when all other remedy fails, he reached the astounding conclusion that the oper ition of an act of Congress may be aneted in any State, by a State ordinance, when that Sfate deems such an act an unconstitutional ex en-ise of power. But he always m liutaiued that til's was a remedy within the Union, and not un act of revolution, or violence, or seees-ion. This memorable example ot ihe mot 'ein which opinion respecting the nature of our Union is affected, is full of insurrection at the present time. But, let iit one misunderstand or misrepresent the le-son that I draw Irom it; and, that no one may have an excuse for so doing, let me be as trunk and explicit ns my teinsi.iry ltd atiou to tins audience demands. I do not say that the course and result of the l ite Presidential ele.tioii luriiishcs the least jasiitic-itioti or excuse for wh it the South has done. 1 have never believed that any circumstances of a constitutional elec tion, could of tliern-c'.vos a fiord a justice ition to any State, or any number of Stale?, in with drawing irom the Union. Neither do I say, or believe, that any condition of opinion respecting v right to withdraw, can afford the slighest aj ol ogy for that conduct on the part of individuals, in or out of the Government, in respect to which there must always lemam in every sound muid a gi eat residuum of moral condemnation. Neither do I doubt at all the existence or a long cherished purpose on the part of some Southern political men, to seize the first pretext tor breaking up the Union of these States. Applause. But, my fellow citizens, it doe not appear to tne ami thcieis practical imjK.irt.ime in the inquiry, in reference to a future restoration of the Union mat weought soberly to consider, vvbetl. er any mere conspiracy of politicians could have found a tcdlin people, if causes had not long been in operation, which have promoted the grow th of doctrines und feelings about the nature ami benefits of the Union fatal to its piesent dominion over their mind and hearts. What has b-eii going on here in the North luring the last twenty or twenty-five years? Wc have had a faction, or feet, or party etil it what you will constantly increasing, constantly becoming more and mote an element in our politics, which In m ule, not covert mid seciet, but open ami uudisgui-ed war upon the Constitution, it authority, its law, and the ministers of its law, because its founders, for wise mid necessary purposes, threw the shield of its protection over the institutions of the South. If theie is a disorganizing doctrine, or one diametrically ho-tile to the supiemacy of the Constitution, which that faction Ins not held, inculcated stud endeavored to introduce into public action, I know not where in the whole armory of disunion tn look for it. Applause They never coed whether the Con stitution was a compact betw.ceti independent State, or an instrument ot sovereign jiovetiiuient resting on the voluntary grant and stipulation of the people ol e.c!i Stale. Destroy it, ihey said; destroy il! for, be il one thing or another, it con tain that on which the heivcns cry out and against which m ui ought to itbcl. And so they went on doing their utmost to undeimiue all ie sped for it obligation, und to render of no kind of importance the foundations on which it authority tests. The more that public men in the Noiih, from weikiicss, or ambition, or for the sake of puty success, as-imilited their opinions to the opinions of thi fiction, the in re it be came ceitain that the ttne ascendancy and supre niaey of ihe Constitution could never be regaine I without some enormous exertion of jnipular eneigy, following some newly enlightened condition of the popular understanding. Whn the country was brought to the sharp and sudden ue cessity of vindicating the nature and au'.honty ol the Union, thete was throughout the Noiih a general popular ignorance ot it real ch iracter, and a wide spread Infidelity to some of lis Important obligation. What In been going on in ihe S uth during the same period? O i thi point I bet e i much to i be leirned by thoe who seek the truth. If yo" j will inve-tigate the facts, you w ill find that no such opinion as it right of sece-sioti hid any gen j cral acceptance in the S uth. No general sup- j (ort was given in the South to the conduc t of S iLth Carolin t in the milter of nullification, j Very lew southern tatemeu or politicians of eminence, not belonging to that St ite, followed Mr. Cilhou.i and Mr. lliyne; and when ihe gi eat deb de on the iiatuie of the Constitution w as cloed, the general mind of the South was satistied w ith the te-oilt. How is it now ? I he simple truth is, that se- ! ces'ion undei stool by Southern pl bciti, as a ' right lest.Iiing from the iiatuie of the Union- in ! a growth id the list twenty liieears; and it hat become the KV.tlent political faith with the most ! active of tlte edtMM'ed men of tl.e S -nth who h iv e come into publx life during this penod. It j i my belief, founded on what I have H id OCC1i Moti to know, that the gteit Ualy of Southern opinion ifspcctiug the Constitution, its nature, j it obligation and its historical bi, ha underj oiie a complete re volution since the yetr lJ5 ! What Mr. CaPi uti never contemplated a a rem ! c ly against up;oed unconstitutional legislation, has become la miliar to men's mind a a leoely against that which was str.kirg deeper than legisl ition; which m'ght Lever take the form of ! Cotigics-ional action, but was constantly tskit.g every form of popular "agitation; which might never become the tangible and responsible doc trine of administration, but was vet all the more foinil lable and irritating becau-e it It? couchtd in an irresponsible pojulir sentiment, fomented by appcl which were design el to detiite constitutional lie and obligat em of their binding moral force. Applause Are we to! 1 that the thing do not und in anv re! ition of cause and effect? Are we so i in I pie, so uninstiucted iu what influences the grevt movements of the human mind, that e can not see how intellect nnd passion and interest may te affected by what passe before our eyes? Must I wait until the winde fabric of fiee cun-litu'ional government ia pulled down about my bead, and I am buried beneath it ruins, before I cry out in it defense? Mut I ptpone all judgment ie-

spect:ng the caue of its diintegrtinn until it

h i gore down in the ahe of civ d wr. and hi I tory ha? writreu the e; it i h ov er ihe noblest com . mo.iwealth t' t the wotld 1 a sten? I ler-hvt thre i a lo-i pievalenl disosilirt to suucialcr out selves as pasie insli uineols into the h if I tf fate loo much of abandonment tj the current of mere events too great a practical deniilof our own capacity t" stve our country by a mtuly assertion of the moral Uwson which its preservation depetid. Can it be that we are I ing our faith in that Ruler who h.is made the safety of nations to de;end on something more thin physical and mitertil strength, win, bis given us moral power over our own condition anl hi surrounded ut with countless moral weapons for it defense? Applause Iiis ra irvedous through whvt a cour-e of instruction, through what dicipl r.e of suffering and calamity, the people of this country htvehad to piss, in order fully to comprehend the truth th it the n itute of thex government depend upon sound tteluct'on from a t-eries of historical facts: and that it mu-t, therefore, be de.'endel bv con sitent popular action. It is now omeahal more than thirty years s:nce Dmiel Webster, (app ) combining in Inm-elf more Capacities for such a task than had ever been git en to any otherAmer ican statesman, demonstrated that our n tti.nal Government cm have no secure operation whit ever, unless the nbviou-lv true and simple de luction Irom the facts of its origin is accepted as thebisis of its authoritr. You know what he tiught. You know that he prot ed if et er mortal intellect proved a moral reposition that iu the exercise of its constitutional power the national Government is supreme, because ev ery in h ibitant of every State his covenanted with every other inhabitant of ev?ry other Suite tint it shall re so; that even when the national Lagis lature i supposed to have oversteped its cnsti tutional limits, no State interposition, no Stale legislation, can afford law fu! remedy or relief; and that all adver-e State action, whether cilled by the name of Nullification, or bv any other name, is unlawful resistance. We aie glad enough now to re-t ujnin his great name; we march proudly under his imposing banner to en counter the host of "constitutional seiession." But how was it with us. even before he w as laid in that uuptetenditig tomb, which rises iu the scire th it beloved so well, and overltx.ks the sounding sea, by the music d' whose billows he went to his earthly rest? Did we follow in his footstejs? D d we tequite his unequ died civ il service-? Dal we cheri-h the great dociiine that hf taught us, as the palladium of a government which must perish it that doctrine loses its pieeminence in the national mind? How long or how well ditl we preset ie ihe itvollection of his teachings, when our local intetests and feelings weie arrayed again-t ti e action ot the Feder d Power? I will not ojen that leord. I would to heaven that it were blotted out forever. But 1 cannot stand here this day and be guilty of any thing so ti ii fa it h I u I to my country, ns to adm t th it under a government whose authority cm live only when sustained by popular levetence lor its sanctions and xipular belief iu its foundations, opinion in the S uth has not been affected by whit has transpired in the North. Apfdau-e 1 h tve endc-i vol ed to state, with tairnes- and ptecision, the principle on which the A met ican Union was founded, ami to show tint iis preservation depends upon keeping'the National anil the State overeigt t es eich within the pro; er limits of its appropriate spheie, I am aware that the opinion has been formed to a treat extent in foreign countries and in the South, and by some among us, that this principle is no longer practicable; that the Union of tree and slave S atcs in the same nation has become an exploded experi ment; and that our inteie-ts aie so incompatible that a reconstructit n, on the old basis at least, ought not to be attempted. We should probably all concede that this view of the subject is cor rrcf.ifwe beoeved that the incompatibility is necessary, iuheient, and inevitable. But there ii not enough to just'fy the breaking up of su h a Union, if the suppose 1 incompatibility is but the result of causes which we can reach, or if it arises from nu unfai h.ul compliance with the terms of our association. We can make such mi association no longer practicable if we choose to do so. We cau pi event it Irom becoming im practicable if vvt are so resolve 1. 1 1 the free States, as one section, and the slave Slates, ns another, will nut resjajct their mutual obligations, then there is mi end of the usefulness of all effort. If we, of the Norfh, will not religiously nnd honestly respect the con.-ti tutitxial right of eveiy State to mail tain just such domestic institutions ns it pleases to h tve, and protect that right from every steeiesof direct ami indiiect interference, then there is an absolute incompatibility. If they of the South will not as honestly nrd religiously maintain the ri-ht of the Federal Union to regulate those sub jeet and interests which are committed to it by the Constitution, then there is, in like m inner, an incompatibility of precisely thesime nature. If ihe partie, in iclcicute to ihe common dom tin, will admit of no compromise or concession, but each insists on applying to them its ow n poli y ns a national policy, then the incompatibility is a complete from that cause as it is from the others. The d.tliculty is not in the principle of the association, lor nothing can becletrer than tint principle; and when it has been honorably adheied to. no Government in the world his winked more successfully. But the dilliciilty has arisen tioni disturbing causes that hive disloc ited the machine; and wlcit we have now to ascertain is, w hether the PtorLt on both side will treat those causes n temporary, und teiiiovc them, or will accept them as inevitable and incurable, and ihus make the scpaCAiou final and conclusive In the gloomy conception of the old Grecian tragedy, no loom was left by the iets for ihe inoial energies of man, ihele was no force in human innocence or virtue. Higher than Jupitet. higher than the heavens, in infinite distance, in infinite ind diet ence tollie fortune ol" men or go 1, sate the my'feiit.tis mid eternal power of destiny. Bcfoic time was, its decrees weie m ole; and when the univer-e begun, that awful chancery; was closet I. No sweet interceding saints could enter there, tr uilated Irom the e n th to plead tor mankind. No migel from hive and mercy came from human idtode. to bring tidings of their state. No mediator, once a sufferer in the flesh, stood theie to atone for hum in sin The wail of a nation in it 'g iiy, or the try that went up liom a breaking humni hcarl, might pierce into the endless realm of space, nrgh: call on the element? for sv mpathy, but no an-wer ami no relief could come. He who was pteord.iiucd to suffer, through whatever agency, suffer ed and sank, with no consolation but the" thought th it all the deities, celestial and internal, were alike subject to the same piwer. Ate we, too.diiven by some telentle force, tint a ti nihil ite our own fi ec w ill and dethrones Him who i supietne? Ate we cast help'es. and diiltiiig, like lcive that tall uimui the rushing stream? Must we give way to blank depait? No, no, no! Theie are duties to be done lobe done by us; for wlntetcr maybe the result of this mighty array i f army against nrmy what ever imy be the effect of victoriei that have or shall be won whatver are to be our futuie relation with the people of the South, the ti ne is coming when we and they, late to face, and in the eyeotan all seeing (bat, mut detei mine how we w.ll live side by side a the children of one elein il Ptreiit. Aprlni-e For that approaching d iy, and for the sake ot a restoration of that which arm alone can not conquer, lei me imphue you to m ike some nt and adequate pteparatiou of instrument and agcuU an l tne in and influence. Trus, to ihe hum miz n' rife -a of a new and bette. intercourse. Tru-l t the I . w of iiituie which luve xuel through litis vat continent the mighty stream that bind u in tne indis-olublc l e of commerce. Tru-t in that tlnrity the follower and the handmaid of Commerce which dollies the naked and feed ihe hungiy and forgive the erring Trust in the force of kindrel bioaJ, which leap to reconciliation w en the storms of passion are sunk to ie-1 Trust iu that divine law ot hue, which hat more power over the human soul than all the terrors ol the dungeon or the g bbet. Tru-t in the itiÜJtnce over your own heirts and the hearts of others, of that religion w hich was sent a the messenger of peace on earth, gixnl ;il to men. Tru-t iu the w ise, beneficent, impartial and neutral spirit of your Father, wbj gave tranquility, prospeiity and bappine.-s to the whole ltiai Trust iu God. and you m iy yei eeyour national emblem, l ot as the emblem of victory, but as the sign of a reunites! American people. Coating iu ihe breath of a mercilul heaven, and more radiant with the glory ot it restored coitelUtion, than with all the triumphs it Ins won, or can ever win, over a foieigu foe. Long continued applau-e WANTED. CAVALRY HOUSES. "fin TAJTfcD lüMEWATtLT, for which tLc unVF vF drrdiietl will .y tie Utt.hr i price, lit will tr iwui. fr tUr bckt ten u.- at ibe oll dl). . JvUus. ii, on VYr-l l'rl str-r', or at lUa UU1 cf II. Ilit ll. uu Marjl.titl -trrrt, InJ.-iujsuli,. July. HI. Jtl-dJtJ J. II. LCNSls.

DIED.

.trlJ,S-fn Tr.ir-1T. ih- l a iM , Mr. tfc-rV. T. r-1 -tj vrr I 3 ti'a-l. buKral w'i tiVe j tLi .' "1 b- la rr-Hl. rr of Mr. J . ' loin j, t. C Hot TtrX. Ss-rvss ty t. r. TäutJa'.la i 'elttmt, tin.t ortrrrl f-t lfr tk r.ri.i m 0ttktmtri-1. Vi-7 rAfyad ti rrfvt.tr r-Jf ' MEDICAL. PREVENTION IS BETTER THAN CURE. f p.) t.AniF5 OKDKLlC.vTF HEALTH PKtMPAltSr.D 1 orontiaMai. ir to tb. ry waotn an l-n-rra-s -f f jruKj i f 'm Any rion tJ-rt.ijl , tli 1 1 Irr ! 4 wmil.i orr.-r a -iK'rtpth'n which I prfTttvr-baM r4 fr, nl which h Iff prr-srT'.S! In varirM. -rtrf the oil iV'orltl.'orthrpi-tcenturj. Althens h tri rtcl lrrTch--p n.i slmpV, jrt it tn put up in hlf ldi.luti:!e4ndfediTerjr eitrntvr!j at the etbTUKEt ricc fi t bottle. Ihe an lrUnl jrrj.r f.r-M-b Ihr rrcipsfor 1 1, l-y the porion o! wOjK-fc rrrry I tycnurolj berrrllwiib a perfrct -affkttartl. at r.y Jrui tt.rr for Ihr I riff :nc um of 75crnt prr yrr. ti:r jtijsic,i. or -true c'st willtf ilyou it ;-rfetl htrtvl. , th'ttisanl f lrtimnr.iat- f n tr prcurr ft Iti tTe .-y. Srut to any part ot tbr worM on receipt wtf i.pv Mre. .ttf. It. J.C. UKVKkAfX. I, it. R ,Xo.J.t53,Ne- HTn,Ctncticut . tlyiJ-JAw'Cl WANTED. I7I1VE I'AKTNKIiS WITH 00 KACII. OR LF.SS M'M1 hrr w ith f VHic.sh, t iuet id be roi.f rveti'n cf a new Invention, of ifrneml and rreat ntilitj, w Uerely a U-tn f.Ttuiie c-n t-e made lb oj-cti.-o ( tUi. rachine wi.l procf tbat Hbere n.sdiine eartUI Imr siMe." AdJresa N. W. U, Mvrri 11 ne. NOTICE. Iw.ll Iw Fri-1T. th 25 h tntati, 1 to tl.e t Iid1er. the enlarging and r.i-injt an tUlitxbaI S'ry mi Scivsd House No T, to enfr lwnb'j. t particular a plan- and j--ci!.rat.or aivd irrui of pijnit bt, tiKjUire f Trn-tee up-stair m t'ourt lln Ju'v 3. 1'öJ. JA MKS It ILNXt, Trustee. COMMISSION MERCHANTS. Jt JJi Ut XlXOtUUIlU t GENERAL COMMISSION AN P FORWARDING MERCHANT, Lnrr V ire-Proof Huiltf iii, o. 124 nt i:th t., wkst ?irr, Itrturrii ."lulii Mrrrl and Ihr Illvrr LOUISVILLE. KV. CPT, C'i-i(ri'TPrtit are resjecifullr soT'cMed, and Im reetiiTtc alc? wiib prompt return guaranteed. JanlS PIANO-FORTES. Al.LWIIO WISH TO GKT EUHiANT 7 no-rwotxl pianos. pinsTriurtArie and to- l-h, jfjJT I f are invited to examine the I'tanon 4 t'lia. at Mr. SufT rtv'a Musj; Hots I the .t.uaa liuiUju. R.H.m open frt.m 7 A. ii. till Dli I. M. JrS-dly J. W ILLIAM MTTKKX. EXPRESS. EXPRESSCOMPANY. f. fCJt 1 SKI l I CIK I TI KS. NO. 12 EAST WASHINGTON ST HE ET. fllHE AD VMS FXTRKSS COMrAXT t-ea; I. attainS form (heir uumt-n-u patron aud fiieud thai Uejr are now running Three Daily I2xprrsc TO AM rfM CrMCINlTA.TI, Over the Intlitinapolia and Cincinnati Ititilroitd. Onr Fa-trm Fre'abt and M.wiey will mrrirt twrlr Vjur. In advattce of the nnie heretoforellavin)- opeut-d ni..1ic in Mr.nnns. Tenn., we r prepart d t forward I n igbt and Money to tbat point. Je26 dJw JOHN II. OHK, Agect. DRY COODS. Lynch 8l Keane, 33 WLSr WASHINGTON STKEfcT, OTHER LAUGE INVOICES OF SUMMER DItW GOODS, l.ndie' tlrrti finodw. f r rj'ff In the I.lur. nntl .tr Drwlfrn. rACK and Silk MantilU, new rtyle Saquea, FbawJ. i and Clo.k, iy tited Calle., Tara.oU and Sun I'm-l-rella-, lltmp Ski ts, Hosiery Ac; !ri-b Linen, l.innrniderie. White (it-oils. Limn and Cambrle Ilarxlkerrbief. KIoarLed and Ur-'w n SUee'lu, Glove., Notiun. (M lilC'O IV.t American traiitl, Irom o a yard tip, IIKST :i7.7JS7 J.l'T.V, Only ,c a yard; II) I KS" CKO.t HKVfi C KOT II, C-4 wide, ot ly Clc a yard; Ms' spun: BBOK. ery K'msI, 3 pair 2-V. TRY RALLOU S FRENCH YOKE SHIRTS, oi ly lo I. Lad at I.jt.th 1 Keane'. THT HKST FKF.NCII COUtKTS AND W Al.sT.t. CHOTH, CASSiKERMK'D PANTS STUFF Ffrnirn. and tiovwear; S rif O-hhIi, llt, Cj, and l-ljfs er TV'L'ii to If found In a lry tl.m Mot. Mot-k erspiele; b' Uifhi at rereiit a"r'l..i. in NVw Y"tk; will ooi l u i r rent. h. l..w r.-ntrr pr.tr f..r r.U HOOP SKIRTSFiHOOP SKIRTS! Htrinr nude a-rantment wpb two of tr Urrst xj kirt Maiuf.r-rrir in il. I r.r,..r...i ofTvr ib'-in. wb..lealr and re .il, . m .-fk pr.'-r.. f.. fl Mit, I .B.t.lliA fl k f . - L . . n I I . ... .1 .. . Only one prtic. lt-innuUT of iL tt llif-u Skill. 1.11' Jl. - PIANOS. Piano -Fort es. ANOTIint INVOICK OF CHICKtnING & SON'S t' .ISTEIHVAY i SOU'S lIAIS'OW. v.WW-,0 e it, U.Mi Jut rrceltd at 5. 4 UaUa Hou-r. wll LAWIl k ItTCWFM. N. B. llano tuned to ordrr and ht IHK ILA It Jl w.al. DRY GOODS.

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